Ref: CCBrown's Malay Annals

Malaysian Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society 


The Malay Annals 

Author(s): C.C. Brown

 

Source: Journal of the Malayan Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society , Vol. 25, No. 2/3 (159), Sejarah Melayu or 'Malay Annals’ (October 1952), pp. 5-276 

CONTENTS 

Volume 25, parts 2 & 3, dated October, 1952, first published February, 1953 (No. 159) 

The Malay Annals 

translated from Raffles MS 18, by 

C. C. Brown. 


Preface 

. . . page 6 

Introduction 

. . . 7 

English Translation

 . . . 12 

Commentary

 . . . 205 

Abbreviations & References used in the Commentary

 . . . 262 

Appendix A

 . . . 263 

Appendix B (not published, see footnote, p. 263) 

Maps

 . . . 264 

Index

 . . . 266 

The Malayan Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society dates from 1923. It is the direct successor, by change of title, of the Straits Branch, R.A.S., which was founded in 1878. Its objects are the increase and diffusion of knowledge concerning the territories of the Federation of Malaya, Singapore, Sarawak, North Borneo and Brunei. Membership is open to anyone interested in the Society’s activities. The annual subscription is at present $10 a year, and there is no entrance fee. Members receive free one copy of all journals published for the period for which their membership is valid. In addition they may buy* single copies of back numbers at reduced rates. The latter include Sir Richard Winsted's edition of the Malay text of Raffles MS 18, his History of Malaya, L. A. Mills’s History of British Malaya (1824-67), and histories of the majority of the individual states, in addition to other general works. Indexes to all the publications of the old Straits Branch of the Society (1878-1922) and to the first twenty volumes of the present series (1923-47) are available to members at $2 and $3.50 each. 

Preface 


This book has taken toll of the kindness of many whose ungrudging assistance I gratefully acknowledge here, viz. Professors Brough and Tritton, Dr. C. Hooykaas and Mr. D. Cowan of this School: Messrs. J. E. Kempe and J. V. Mills,, formerly of the Malayan Civil Service: Haji Zainal Abidin, formerly Lecturer in Malay at this School and Inche’ Muhammad Yunus Maris, a pupil of mine here: last, and patently not least, Sir Richard Winstedt, who has read through the commentary and the introduction, corrected errors and suggested improvements and genially endured during the past two years almost innumerable demands from me on his time and patience. It is he of course who should have written this book: my own production can only say to him quod spiio et placeo, si placeo, tuum est. C. C. BROWN, School of Oriental and African Studies , University of London 

Introduction 


For this translation I have used the text 1 (Raffles M.S. 18, Library of Royal Asiatic Society, London) edited by Sir Richard Winstedt ( JMBRAS , 16, pt 3, 1938). Ne sutor supra crepidam: and what might be called the external side of the Sĕjarah Mĕlayu has been exhaustively dealt with by Sir Richard Winstedt, whether in regard to the date, authorship and texts (see pp. 27-41 of this text), the subject matter (see his The Malays, pp. 150-1 and his Malay Literature, pp. 106-109) or the history of the period concerned (see ch. III of his History of Malaya). Dr. W. Linehan too has contributed ( JMBRAS , 20 pt 2, 1947) an important study on the Introduction. It would have been an impertinence for me to venture into this historians' field. 


But for the student of the Malay language there is need of 

an English translation, with textual notes, or what is generally 

agreed to be the finest literary work in Malay. For, superbly 

though it is written, this the earliest and unique text is by no 

means free from obscurities, sometimes but not always caused 

by the vagaries of its copyist: and the MS, though a model of 

Malay calligraphy, is often not legible with certainty (Sir Richard 

Winstedt's romanization has a few errors here and there but as 

a whole is wonderfully accurate). The reader is accordingly 

confronted with a fair number of difficulties which I have done 

my best to solve (not always, I fear, with success) after comparing 

the romanization throughout with the MS and with the Shella- 

bear text 2 . My translation follows the original closely, for the 

benefit of the student. It is not easy to find a suitable English 

style for the translation, for though in many descriptive passages 

there is an archaic flavour which modern English cannot reproduce, 

the conversations recorded are often so modern in phrasing that 

they can only be rendered in modern, colloquial English. 1 have 

concerned myself almost entirely with what the text actually 

says, leaving the historical side to the experts. For such few 

of my notes as have a historical bearing I am indebted to 

Sir Richard Winstedt or other scholars: I would cite Appendix B 

particularly as such a note. 


An outline of the contents of Raffles MS. 18 is given in pp. 18-26 of Winstedt's text, and in the translation I have given a synopsis of each chapter. Here I give some impressions or the work as a whole. 


The work is generally known as the Sĕjarah Mĕlayu, but this description is not found either in this or the Shellabear text: and 'Malay Annals' is a popular mistranslation. For Sĕjarah means 'genealogical tree' and the royal command to the author 


1. Hereinafter referred to as 'this text’. Page references in this Introduction, and in the Commentary beginning on page 205 below, are to this text, as edited by Sir Richard Winstedt. 2. Malay' Literature Series, 9: 1909 (Pt. I), 1930 (Pt. II). 

p.8 


was (p. 42, 1.20) 'to write a story (setting out) the descent of 

Malay Rajas with their customary ceremonial'. And 'he wrote 

this story as he received it from his grandfather and his father, 

assembling in it the tales told by men of bygone days, for the 

greater pleasure of his lord the king (p. 42, 1.33). The work 

is in fact a collection of stories about rulers and their courts, not 

only about Malay Rajas (including the rulers of states in Sumatra) 

but also about rulers in S. India, China, Indo-China, Siam and 

Java. There are no less than twenty-eight Sultans mentioned in 

the Sejarah Melayu, to say nothing of Rajas and Maharajas who 

were not Sultans: and little attempt is made to connect one story 

historically with another, each chapter merely beginning "Here 

now is a story of.” 


As the author was writing 'for the greater pleasure' of a 

Sultan of Malacca, it is to be expected that his central theme 

would be, as it is, the Greatness of Malacca, its rulers and chiefs, 

and the Superiority of the 'men of Malacca' over all others. The 

stages in the advance of Malacca to prosperity and importance are 

successively recorded (pp. 88, 125, 159 and 181), the final des¬ 

cription being that d'Albuquerque 'seeing how great was Malacca 

was inflamed with desire to possess it' (p. 182, 1.10, see note on 

ingin melihat ). This rise to greatness postulated excellence in 

rulers, chiefs and people. The author pays tribute to the 'justice' 

of Sultan Muhammad (p. 88, 1.17), to the 'noble character, 

justice and humaneness' of Sultan Muzaffar (p. 92, 1.37) and to 

the 'justice, humaneness and good looks (!■)' of Sultan Mansur 

(p. 100, 1.35). He is however no chartered eulogist of royalty. 

Sultan Ala'u'd-din is merely credited with great physical strength 

(p. 137, 1.44) which he uses to good effect in police measures 

(p. 140, 1.13) and all that the writer has explicitly to say in 

praise of Sultan Mahmud to whom some 65 pages of the Se/arah 

Melavu are devoted, is that he was exceptionally well-built (p. 

150, 1.40)! 


It is of the chiefs, especially the Bendaharas, that the author 

has most to say. Beginning with Bendahara Tun Perpateh Per- 

muka Berjajar who when he was giving an audience would only 

rise from his seat for an heir-apparent to the throne (p. 62, 1.7) 

we come presently to Bendahara Sriwa Raja whose devotion to the 

throne was such that he took poison because he thought he had 

incurred the royal displeasure (p. 93): then to Bendahara Paduka 

Raja who was 'accounted as one of the three outstanding men of 

his time' (p. 96, 1.30): and then to Bendahara Sri Maharaja, 'the 

grandest of all the Bendaharas' (p. 1160, 1.45), whose fame abroad 

was such that 'the masters of ships from the regions above the 

wind prayed for a safe voyage to Malacca and Bendahara Sri 

Maharaja' (p. 160, 1.4); and whose greatness as a leader was rated 

so highly by the Portuguese commander that he reported to 

d'Albuquerque that 'Malacca would never be taken in the lifetime 

of Bendahara Sri Maharaja' (p. 182, 1.35). He was a great dandy 

p.9 

{p. 160, 1.29) and enormously wealthy, thanks to 'invariable suc¬ 

cess in his business enterprises' (p. 184, 1.5). But he never 

'shewed' his beautiful daughter to Sultan Mahmud (p. 183), 1.36) 

and this distrust of his royal master cost him his life (p. 18o, 1.40). 


Loyalty to Malay rulers was traditional. After describing in 

detail (p. 57) a pact between rulers and ruled that was copied 

from Indian practice the writer gives example after example of 

Malaya subjects' faithfulness to this pact of loyalty: such are, 

among others, Bendahara Paduka Raja after the murder of his son 

(p. 125); Tun Bayajit, an injured husband (p. 154); and 

Bendahara Sri Maharaja (p. 187). 


It is in the Oriental tradition that the author admires espe¬ 

cially the cunning ( cherdek ) of the people of Malaya. Time 

-after time the 'men of Malacca' are too clever for the foreigner. 

In the stories about China (pp. 116-123) the Malacca envoys 

succeed by a trick in doing what no Chinese could do, viz. see 

the face of the Lord of Iieaven (p. 118, 1.6). In Java, when 

Sultan Mansur goes to Majapahit as suitor for the hand of the 

Batara's daughter (p. 104), so effectively do the 'men of Malacca' 

turn the tables on the Batara who had persistently tried to make 

them look foolish that he has to admit their superiority (p. 109, 

1.3). Every encounter between Siam and Malacca is a triumph 

for the quick wits of the Malays. Bendahara Paduka Raja's ruse 

scares the invading Siamese into retreat (p. 97); and when, later, 

Malay envoys sent to Siam to propose a truce are roped in by the 

Siamese for an attack on a neighbouring state and are inhospitably 

put in the 'toughest' sector, Tun Telanai invents an excellent 

reason for their transfer to another part of the line (p. 99). In 

India Hang Nadim is too clever for the Kalinga designers of 

fabrics (pp. 165-7): and in Pahang the unlucky Sultan 'Abdu'l- 

Jamal is so deeply humiliated by successive triumphs of Malacca 

ingenuity at his expense that he abdicates in chagrin (pp. 168- 

176). Even the foreign missionaries of Islam look foolish when 

they encounter Malays: in Pasai, Tun Makhdum Mua has to be 

put right in his theology by his own pupil (p. 128): the egregious 

Makhdum Sadar Jahan is badly scored off by the Sri Rama in his 

cups (p. 177) and by his pupil Tun Mai Ulat Bulb (p. 178), 

and we find him shewing more discretion than valour in the 

battle for Malacca (p. 191). 


The artistry which the writer shews in his gentle digs at the 

foreigner (g unting makan di-hu/ong) characterizes the whole work. 

He has his dull moments. The literary conventions of his time 

demanded that every army or fleet should be 'in numbers past 

counting' (even when the population of Malacca is stated to be 

90,000, p. 180, 1.31 or possibly 190,000 as on p. 187, 1.39, the 

city sends out a fleet against Legur described as tiada terbilang Jagi 

banyak-nya); every girl must be of peerless beauty (there is a 

glorious exception in the case of Tun Trang who is merely 

described as 'quite a pretty girl', p. 183, 1.44); and no little space 

p.10 

is devoted to the genealogies of persons whose historical importance 

is infinitesimal. But on the other side of the account are to be 

set passages which for sheer narrative power will stand compa¬ 

rison with any literature that I know. Such are the exquisite 

story of Wan Empok and Wan Malini (pp. 54-56); the vivid 

tale of the taking of Tun Teja (pp. 169-173); the description 

of the coming of the Portuguese to Malacca ('the white Bengalis' 

as the Malacca people called them) pp. 181-2; and the dramatic 

recital of the events leading up to the execution of Bendahara Sri 

Maharaja (pp. 182-7). Malays are more often gay than grave, 

but there is true pathos in the death of Sultan Maliku'l-Mansur 

and the unforgettable cry of his faithful minister from his grave 

Ka-mana pula baginda pergi? Baik-lah kita di-sini (p. 79); in the 

picture of the captive Maharaja Sura and his favourite elephant 

(p. 121); in the description of the eve of the fall of Malacca (p. 

191); and even in moody Sultan Mahmud's parting from his 

favourite daughter (p. 209) . 


It is perhaps in pure characterization that the writer excels — 

in his little sketches of personality such as the Sri Bija 'diraja's 

combination of sport with duty (p. 119), the fopperies of Tun 

'Abdul (p. 122), the ways of the Sriwa Raja (pp. 152-6), Hang 

Hussain Chengang’s defiance of wedding etiquette (p. 157), the 

passion of the womenfolk for Raja Zainal-'Abidin (p. 158), the 

letter to Pasai (p. 178), the 'portrait of a busy man' (p. 181, 

1.10), Bendahara Sri Maharaja's game with the children of his 

household (p. 184), Tun Bayazid's tribute to his father's 'sense of 

colour' (p. 189), the faithful Sang Sura (pp. 189-90) and Sultan 

Husain of Haru's impressions of his visit to Sultan Mahmud 

in exile (p. 210). 


These vignettes owe not a little of their brilliance to the 

language in which the author is writing. Of Malay it has been 

said 3 "As a tongue which is capable of expressing, with admirable 

terseness, the most minute shades of difference between every 

physical action, and between many states of feeling. .. .Malay 

has probably few rivals." The truth of this dictum is attested 

on almost every page of the Sejarah Melayu. For lucidity com¬ 

bined with extreme economy of language such passages as those 

describing an army on the march (p. 51, 11. 23-36), the shaving 

of a child's head with an adze (p. 63, 11. 17-24), the murder 

of Tun Besar (pp. 124-5), the eccentricities of the Sriwa Raja 

(p. 153, 11. 1-13) and the dandyism of Bendahara Sri Maharaja 

(p. 160, 11. 29-39) would be hard to beat. 


To particular idioms and graces of this model of Malay 

writing I have tried apis Matinae more modoque to do justice in 

the commentary. I conclude this introduction with a general 

impression. 


In the Sejarah Melayu there is not yet that uniformity in the 

use of the pronouns of the first and second persons which became 


3. Clifford & Swettenham, Malay Dictionary, 1894. 

p.11 

a literary convention in the next century. A Raja generally speaks 

of himself as kite, but often, even when speaking to major chiefs, 

he uses the familial aku (e.g. p. 149, p. 149), 132) and there are 

instances (e.g. p. 2i4, 1.4) in which he uses two different pro¬ 

nouns for “I” in the same sentence! What he will use for “you” 

is unpredictable: possibly the title of the person addressed or 

some such term as tuan-tuan sakalian, but equally possibly the 

familiar kamu. Subjects speaking to Rajas generally use patek 

from p. 57 onwards (see p. 57, 1.12): among themselves it may 

be hamba , beta or sahaya without any perceptible distinction, and 

one cannot even guess what equivalent of the second person will 

be employed. 


There is the same looseness in the use of pronouns in the 

Malay of the East Coast to-day (see my Kelantan 4 Malay, pp. 

5-6 an,d my Trengganu 5 Malay, p. 2): and this is one of several 

strong resemblances that I find between thq Malay of the Se/arah 

Melayu and that of Kelantan and Trengganu. The spelling in 

thq MS is so far from consistent (see, e.g., note on mengempong 

on p. 48, 1.38) that it would be rash to dogmatize from the 

forms of a few words. It is however noteworthy that here and 

there in the MS words do appear in a form more re¬ 

cognizable on the East than on the. West coast of Malaya 

to-day. Such are ngebala (p. 77> 1.2: see note), menjeput (p. 

79, 1.11), tetapan (p. 85, 1.24), tepayan and makok (p. 130, 

1.43), pedekar (p. 160, 1.10): see also note on pedikir on p. 105, 

1.27), kubau (p. 119, 1.35: see note), hu/ang (p. 126, 1.30: see 

note) and gamang (p. 113, 1.41: see note). It is true that most 

of them appear elsewhere in the text in normal Riau-Johor form, 

but the spellings noted above may well represent lapses by the 

writer or copyist into writing as he spoke. There are other 

pointers in the same direction. The words beiburu atau on p. 

50, 1.39 appear in the MS as y\j ‘y.j. which might stand for 

beibuat ratau, the latter word being well known on the East Coast 

as meaning 'ground' for any sport. On p. 108, 1.41 we find biar- 

nya bermain, which if written biar nya bermain would be good 

Kelantan or Trengganu Malay of the present day (see my Kelantan 

Malay, p. 6). The di-mana tuan hamba tahu? so common in the 

Se/arah Melayu is the mu tahu demana ('how do you know?') of 

current Kelantan Malay: and the conversation between Benda- 

hara Sri Maharaja and the children on p. 184, 11. 6.30 has 

(in this text, though not in Shellabear) the emboh now only 

heard on the East Coast. One swallow does not make a sum¬ 

mer: but I feel that there is some ground for thinking that 

were the writer, or at any rate the copyist, to return to earth, 

it is on the East Coast of the Malay Peninsula that he would 

find his patrius sermo. 


4. Papers on Malay Subjects (Second Series), Singapore, 1927. 5. JMBRAS, 13, Pt 3, 1935. 

The "Malay Annals"

Chapter 1 

p.12

A preface in praise of Allah, the Prophet and his Companions. How the history came to he written. The story of Raja Iskandar. He defeats Raja Kida Hindi and marries his daughter, by whom he has a son, Raja Aristun Shah. When Raja Kida Hindi dies, he is succeeded by Raja Aristun Shah. A list of his successors down to Raja Suran Padshah. ( Shellabear, chapter I) 

[42]*

In the name of God the Merciful, the Compassionate. 

Praise be to God, the Lord of all worlds; and prayers and peace 

be to the Apostle of God (may God bless him and give him 

peace) and to all his Companions likewise. After this praise to* 

God and a prayer to the Apostle of God (may God bless him 

and give him peace) — Now in the year 1021, in a dul al-awal 

year on the 12th of the month Rabi'u'l-awal, on Sunday, at the 

time of the forenoon prayer, in the reign of Sultan Ala'u'd-din 

Ri'ayat Shah, shadow of God upon earth, while he had a settle- 

ment at Pasir Raja — at that time there came the Sri Nara- 

wangsa, whose name was Tun Bambang, son of the Sri Agar Raja 

of Petani, with a command from the Ruler in the Lower Reaches 

fa'innahu sharf al-makani w’al-zamani (of a truth is he the glory 

of his place and time) waziru majalisi ahli'l-imani (ornament of 

the †^1 gatherings of the faithful) wa nawwara madajat al-ta'at wa'l- 

ihsan (and he sheddeth lustre on the steps of loyalty and virtue) 

zayyada fadlah hu wa'l-imtinan (may God Almighty ever increase 

his excellence and charity) wa abhada ‘adlahu fi sa’iri 'l-buldan 

(and establish him for all time with justice over all countries). 

And the behest of his Highness was thus:— "It is my wish that 

the Treasury †!^1a shall make a chronicle setting forth the genealogy †^2 

of the Malay Rajas and the ceremonial or their courts, for the 

information of my descendants who come after me, that they 

may be conversent with the history and derive profit therefrom. 

When fakir alladi murakkabun 'ala jahlin f'al-taksir (that is to 

say, your humble servant who is duly conscious of his weakness 

and the limitations of his knowledge) alladi murakkab ‘ala jahi- 

liah (that is to say, mounted as he is on the steed of his ignor- 

ance)—when he heard the word of his Highness, he took the 

command upon his head and his limbs were bowed beneath the 

weight of it. Then did he bestir himself to diligence, at the 

same time praying for help from God, the Creator of the 

Universe, and from His Prophet, the chiefest of mankind. And 

he wrote this chronicle as he received it from his father and his 

forebears, assembling in it all the stories of the men of bygone 

days, for the greater pleasure of his lord the King. And he gave 


* Marginal numbers in square brackets refer to the page number in the Malay text edited by Sir Richard Winstedt (JMBRAS, 16, pt. 3. 1938). 

p.13


[42 - 43] 

to it the name of Sulalatu's-Salatina, that is to say, the genealogy 

of kings. Let not him who reads it concern himself with it to the 

exclusion of all else: for thus saith the Prophet (may God bless 

him and give him peace) tafakkaru fi ala’i 'Llahi wa la tafakkaru 

fi dzati 'Llahi that is to say, concern thyself with the Majesty of 

God and trouble not thy mind over the Essence of God. Now 

this is how the story begins according to the account †^3 we have 

received:— 


When Raja Iskandar, the Two-Horned, son of Raja Darab, 

a Roman of the country of Macedonia, set out to visit the East, 

he came to the frontier of India. Now there was a certain 

Raja, by name Raja Kida Hindi, whose kingdom was so vast 

that he held sway over half of all India. When he heard of 

the coming of Raja Iskandar he bade his chief minister assemble 

his forces and the princes who were his vassals. And when 

they were gathered together Raja Kida Hindi went out to repel †^4 

Raja Iskandar. And the two armies met and battle was joined, 

as is related in the Hikayat Iskandar. And Raja Kida Hindi was 

defeated by Raja - Iskandar and was captured alive, whereupon 

Raja Iskandar ordered him to accept the True Faith. And he 

did †^5 so and became a Muhammadan, embracing the religion 

of Abraham, the Chosen Friend of God (on him be peace). 

Raja Iskandar then presented him with robes †^6 of honour, 

raiment such as he wore himself †^7 and bade him return to his 

own country. 


Now Raja Kida Hindi had a daughter, Shahru'l Bariyah by 

name, whose beauty was such that she had no peer at that time: 

brilliant as the light of the sun was the light of her countenance, 

and she was endowed moreover with great wisdom and under¬ 

standing. Calling his chief minister to a place where they would 

be alone, Raja Kida Hindi said to him, “l would have you know 

that I have called you to ask for your advice. This daughter 

of mine who hath no peer among the princesses of this time- 

it is my purpose to offer her to Raja Iskandar. What think 

you' And the chief minister answered, †^8 “What your 

Highness proposes is entirely right and proper." Raja Kida 

Hindi then said to his chief minister, “So be it, please God. 

To-morrow you go to Nabi Khidlir and tell him of the matter." 

So the minister went to Nabi Khidlir, and when he had gone, 

Raja Kida Hindi gave orders for the name of Raja Iskandar to 

be inscribed on the die of his coins and on his pennons. And 

when the minister came to Nabi Khidlir he gave him greeting, 

and the greeting was returned by Nabi Khidlir, who bade him 

be seated. Then said the chief miniser to Nabi Khidlir, “I 

would have you know, sir, that the Raja whom I serve entertains 


The notes are printed together on pages 205 et seq., at the end of the text.. 

p.14 

[43 - 45] 

for Raja Iskandar such affection as no words of mine can describe. 

And he has a daughter of whom it may be said that from East 

to West no princess can rival her. In beauty, intelligence and 

disposition she has no equal: †^9 and it is his desire to offer her 

to be the consort of Raja Iskandar.” History then relates that 

Nabi Khidlir went forthwith to Raja Iskandar and related the 

matter to him. Raja Iskandar signified his assent; whereafter he 

went forth to the nail of audience, †^10 where he gave audience 

to princes, divines and theologians, chiefs, warriors and men of 

valour, gathered around the throne, whilst behind the king were 

his chosen retainers and trusted henchmen. Raja Kida Hindi 

too was present before the king, seated on a jewelled chair of 

gold. After all had been seated awhile, Nabi Khidlir (on him 

be peace) rose to his feet, and after invoking the name of God 

Almighty and asking for the blessing of the Prophet Abraham, 

the Chosen Friend of God, and all the prophets of ancient times, 

he read the marriage formula for Raja Iskandar, making a sign 

to Raja Kida Hindi where the words related to him. Thus 

said Nabi Khidlir, “Be it known to you, Raja Kida Hindi, that 

it is to our Raja here present that Almightly God has delivered 

the lordship over the whole earth from East to West, from North 

to South. Now it has come to his knowledge †^11 that you have 

a daughter of surpassing beauty, and he would fain ask that you, 

Raja Kida Hindi, should regard him favourably and accept him 

as your son-in-law, so that your descendants may be connected 

with the descendants of Raja Iskandar without a break until the 

Day of Judgment. What say you? Do you assent or not?” 

History then relates that when Raja Kida Hindi heard the words 

of Nabi Khidlir, he rose from his chair and stood upon the 

ground: whereupon he did obeisance to Raja Iskandar and said, 

“Be it known to your Highness and to all here present, by the 

Prophet of God, that I am in very truth the slave of Raja Iskandar, 

as are all my children †^12 : we are not even as the followers here 

that serve his needs. Verily it is Nabi Khidlir who is guardian 

for myself and for my daughter. Princess Shahru’l-Bariyah.” 

When Nabi Khidlir heard these words of Raja Hindi, he turned 

towards Raja Iskandar and said, “Verily have (?) ^13 I given 

Princess Shahru’l-Bariyah in marriage to Raja Iskandar, the 

dowry] †^13a that shall be paid by him to be three hundred thousand 

dinar. Do you consent?” And when Raja Iskandar signified his 

consent, the daughter of Raja Kida Hindi was duly wedded by 

Nabi Khidlir to Raja Iskandar following the ordinance of the 

Prophet Abraham (the Chosen Friend of God) in the presence 

of all those aforesaid. Then rose princes, chiefs, ministers, †^14 

warchiefs †^14a , theologians, divines and jurists, and strewed gold, 

silver, gems and precious stones of every kind at the feet of 

Raja Iskandar, until gold and precious stones stood before him 

in heaps like so many anthills. All this treasure was distributed 

as alms to the poor and needy. 

p.15 

[45 - 46] 

When night fell, Raja Kida Hindi brought his daughter to 

Raja Iskandar with all that she possessed, together with manifold 

precious stones that were heirlooms from her forebears, all of 

which Raja Kida Hindi made over to her for her use †^15 . And 

that night Raja Iskandar ascended the bridal dais: and he was 

astonished at the beauty of Princess Shahru’l-Bariyah which 

surpassed all description. On the following day Raja Iskandar 

gave Princess Shahru’l-Bariyah robes of honour complete with 

royal insignia and bestowed upon her jewellery past all counting, 

whilst to the princes he gave robes of honour with ornaments 

of rich distinction, all of them of gold studded with every sort 

of gem, the content of three treasure chests. And to Raja 

Kida Hindi he gave robes of honour †^16 (together with) a hundred 

golden caskets filled with precious stones and rich gems, and a 

hundred picked horses with trappings of gold studded with every 

sort of gem, so that all beholders were astonished to look upon 

them. 


Raja Iskandar then stayed there for ten days, and on the 

eleventh day he departed with traditional ceremony taking with 

him the princess, daughter of Raja Kida Hindi. He then set 

forth for the East, as is related in the famous history. After a 

time he returned from his visit to the East and stopped on his 

way in India, where Raja Kida Hindi went out to meet him, 

bearing presents of precious stones and rare jewels. Raja Hindi 

then told Raja Iskandar how sorely he had missed him and of 

his devotion to him which no words could describe. He told 

him too how sorely he had missed his daughter, Princess Shahru’l- 

Bariyah, and asked that Raja Iskandar would restore her to him. 

Raja Iskandar then graciously gave Princess Shahru’l-Bariyah back 

to her father, at the same time bestowing upon her a hundred 

silken robes of honour together with gold, silver and precious 

stones, and magnificent gems without number. Raja Kida Hindi 

then did obeisance to Raja Iskandar, who presented him with a 

hundred silken robes of honour that he had himself worn. 

Thereupon the signal-drum was beaten and the trumpet blown, 

betokening Raja lskandar’s departure. And Raja Iskandar took 

his departure, with traditional ceremony, on his mission to 

bring under his suzerainty all Rajas who had not yet acknow- 

ledged it, as history relates. God knoweth the truth. To Him 

do we return. 


Now, according to the account we have received, Princess 

Shahru’l-Bariyah, daughter of Raja Kida Hindi, was with child 

by Raja Iskandar, but neither did Raja Iskandar know of this nor 

was the Princess herself aware of her pregnancy. But when a 

month had passed after her return to her father, she realised 

that she was with child by Raja Iskandar as she did not men- 

struate. And she informed her father, saying, “I would have 

p.16 

[45 - 47] 

you know, father, that I have had no menses now for two 

months.". When Raja Kida Hindi heard the words of his 

daughter, he was delighted that she was with child by Raja 

Iskandar and he lavished due care upon her. And when the 

time was accomplished, Princess Shahru'l-Bariyah brought forth 

a son. And Raja Kida Hindi gave to his grandson the name 

Raja Aristun Shah (Son of a Great King) and great was his 

affection for the child. In due course Aristun Shah grew up to 

be an exceedingly handsome youth, the image †^17 of his father, 

Raja Iskandar Dzu'l-Karnain, and was betrothed by Raja Kida 

Hindi to the daughter of the Raja of Turkistan. By her Raja 


Aristun Shah had a son whom he called Raja Aftas. 


Forty-five years after the return of Raja Iskandar to Mace- 

donia, Raja Kida Hindi returned to God's mercy, and was 

succeded as ruler of India by his grandson, Raja Aristun, who 

reigned three hundred and fifty-five years before he left this 

perishable world to go to the world that abideth. He was succeed- 

ed by his son Raja Aftas, who ruled over India for one hundred 

and twenty years and on his death was succeeded by Raja 

Askainat, who reigned for three years. On the death of Raja 

Askainat the throne passed to Raja Kasdas, who reigned for twelve 

years and was succeeded on his death by his younger brother 

Raja Amtabus who reigned for thirteen years. When he died, 

Raja Heruwaskainan came to the throne and reigned for thirty 

years. On his death Raja Arahadaskainat came to the throne 

and reigned for nine years, to be succeeded on his death by 

Raja Gudarz Kuhan, son of Raja Amtabus, who reigned for 

seventy years. On his death Raja Nikabus Ashkabus came to 

the throne, and he ruled for forty years. After that Raja 

Ardashir-i Papagan, son of Raja Gudarz Kuhan, came to the 

throne. He married a daughter of Raja Nushirwan ‘Adil, Raja 

of East and West, and by her he had a son named Derma 

Nus. After he had attained the age of a hundred Raja Ardashir-i 

Papagan died and was succeeded by his son Deria (sic) Nus 

who reigned for ninety years and was succeeded by Raja Kestah. 

He reigned for four months and was succeeded on his death 

by Raja Ramji, who reigned for twenty-two years and nine 

months. When he died, Raja Shah Tersi became king. He 

was the son of Raja Derma Nus and reigned for twenty-eight 

years, to be succeeded on his death by Raja Teja who reigned 

for thirty years. On his death Raja Ajakar came to the throne 

and reigned for ten years. When he died Raja Hurmizd, son 

of Raja Shahi Narsi (Tersi?), became king and reigned for one 

hundred and twenty-six years. After that Raja Yazdigird came 

to the throne and reigned for sixty-two years and four months, 

to be succeeded on his death by Raja Kupi Kudar, who reigned 

for sixty-three years. The next king was Raja Narsi Biradarash, 

son of Raja Zimrut, grandson of Raja Shah Narsi (Tersi?), great- 

p.17 

[47 - 48] 

grandson of Raja Deria (Derma) Nus, great-great-grandson of 

Raja Ardashir-i Papagan, who was the son of Raja Gudarz Kuhan, 

grandson of Raja Amtabus, great grandson of Raja Sabur, great- 

great-grandson of Raja Aftus, the son of Raja Aristun Shah 

who was the son of Raja Iskandar Dzu’l-Karnain. 


Narsi Baradar-ash married a daughter of Raja Amdan Nagara, 

by whom he had two sons Kudar Shah Jahan and Raja Suran 

Padshah, both of them exceedingly handsome. 


God knoweth the truth: to Him do we return. 

Chapter II 


The story of Raja Shulan of Nagapatam. He conquers all countries until he comes to Gangga Nagara, where Raja Linggi Shah Johan resists him but finally is slain. Raja Shulan marries Raja Linggi Shah Johan’s daughter, Onang Kiu, then returns to India and founds Bija Nagara. By Onang Kiu he has a daughter, Chendana Wasis, whom he marries to Raja Suran Padshah, grandson of Raja Iskandar. On his death Raja Shulan is succeeded by Raja Chulan, who presently decides to invade China and gets as far as Temasek (Singapura). The ruse of the Chinese to discourage this venture. Raja Chulan's descent into the sea and his marriage with the daughter of Raja Aftabu’l-Ardl. His return to Kalinga and marriage with the daughter of Raja Kudar, ruler of Hindustan. He dies and is succeeded by his con, Adirama Raja Mudaliar, whose descendants still rule Bija Nagara. (Shellabear, chapter I) 

Here now †^18 is the story of a certain city in the realm of Kalinga: its name was Nagapatam and the ruler of this city, whose name was Raja Shulan †^19 , was according to some accounts a descendant of Raja Nushirwan ‘Adil, son of Raja Kobad Shahriar, Raja of the East and the West. Whether that is so or not is known only to Almighty God. However that may be, this Raja Shulan was a mighty Raja, to whom all the Rajas of Sind and India and all the Rajas of the regions below the wind were subject. 


Once upon a time Raja Shulan commanded that his countless armies be assembled, and the Rajas from every part of the country gathered with their men in numbers past counting together with their arms and fighting gear. When the whole host was complete. Raja Shulan set forth, his purpose being to reduce all cities of East and West to subjection to him: and with him went the whole countless host. So great was this army on the march that forests became treeless plains, hills were laid low and rocks sent rolling over and over. Every city in Raja Shulan's path fell to him, until he came to a city called Gangga Shah Nagara, the Raja of which was called Raja Linggi Shah. Now this city stood on a hill: and though from the 

p.18 

[48 - 49] 

front it appeared to stand at a great height, it was quite low at the back. Its fort still stands to this day, at Dinding on the other side of the Perak river. When Raja Linggi Shah Johan heard of the approach of Raja Shulan, he gave orders for his forces to be assembled, the gates of the fort to be shut, the moat to be filled with water and the fortifications to be manned. Raja Shulan's army advance to surround †^20 the fort of Raja Linggi Shah Johan, but so stout was the defence that his men could make no headway. When he saw this, Raja Shulan mounted an elephant that was in season and moved in to the attack: and though the men of the garrison rained spears and arrows upon him, he heeded them not and forced his way up to the gate of the fort of Gangga Nagara. He struck the gate of the rort with his mace and it crashed to the ground, whereupon he and his war-chiefs entered the fort. When Raja Linggi Shah Johan saw Raja Shulan approaching, he stood up and seizing his bow shot an arrow, which struck Raja Shulan's elephant above the base of the trunk. The elephant fell sprawling, but Raja Shulan leapt from his back and drawing his sword slashed at Raja Linggi Shah Johan, severing his neck with the blow, so that his head toppled to the earth and he was killed. 


When the men of Gangga Nagara saw that their Raja was dead, they broke and fled. After the fall of Gangga Nagara Raja Shuan went forward again until in due course he reached the frontier of Lenggui. In ancient times Lenggui was a great city with its blackstone †^21 fort which still exists. The original name of the place was Glang Gui, which means 'treasure chest of jewels'; but through our inability to pronounce the name properly it has been corrupted into 'Lenggui'. The Raja's name was Raja Chulin: he was a mighty king and all princes of lands below the wind were subject to him. 


When Raja Chulin heard of the approach of Raja Shulan, he gave orders for his forces to be assembled and for the princes who were his vassals to be summoned. When all had foregathered, Raja Chulin set out to repel Raia Shulan. His army was as a sea at full tide, the elephants and horses were like islands in the sea, the banners and pennons were like a forest, the weapons were serried row upon row and the hair-pendants on the javelins looked like a field of lalang* in blossom. When they had advanced some ten miles, the army of Raja Shulan was encountered and battle was joined. The din was unimaginable. Those who †^21a had elephants pitted them against those of their adversaries, those who had horses made them bite the foe's horses, those who had bows plucked the strings of their bows, those who had lances thrust with their lances, those who had spears thrust with their spears and those who had swords 


* Long-grass (Imperata cylindrica) 

p.19 

[49—50] 

hacked with their swords. Weapons fell thick and fast 

like heavy rain. Even had it thundered in the heavens 

the sound would not have been heard for the battle cries of the 

warriors and only the clash of weapon upon weapon would have 

been heard. So thick was the dust of conflict that the light of 

day was darkened as by an eclipse of the sun, and such was the 

confusion that friend could not be told from foe. Attackers were 

themselves attacked, here and there men even stabbed their own 

friends. The dead lay thick on either side, men, elephants and 

horses. The earth was a sea of blood. And when the cloud 

of dust lifted, there they were still fighting desperately, neither 

side yielding an inch. Raja Chulin then brought in his elephant 

to the attack and charged the countless host of Raja Shulan, 

leaving a trail of heaped corpses wherever he charged. Such 

was the carnage in their ranks that the men of Kalinga gave ground. 

When he saw this, Raja Shulan rushed †^22 into the Fray, hurling 

a challenge (?) at Raja Chulin. He was mounted on an elephant 

of prodigious size that was moreover in season and stood eight 

cubits at the shoulder. But the elephant of Raja Chulin was 

no coward, and the two elephants met and fought, with a crash 

like that of a thunderbolt splitting a hill, while the clash of 

tusk on tusk sounded like peal on peal of thunder. Neither 

elephant would own defeat. And Raja Chulin stood up on his 

elephant poising his spear which he then hurled at Raja Shulan: 

and it passed clean through the howdah, projecting a finger span 

on the far side of it. Whereupon Raja Shulan shot an arrow 

and transfixed Raja Chulin through the chest so that he fell 

from his elephant and died. And when the men of Raja Chulin 

saw that he had been killed, they all of them broke and fled, 

hotly pursued by the men of Kalinga who slew any that fell 

into their hands. The men of Kalinga then entered the fort 

of Klenggiu (?Glang Gui) and sacked it, gaining more bootyf 23 

than man could count. Now Raja Chulin had a very beautiful 

daughter called Onang Kiu. She was offered to Raja Shulan, who 

took her as consort. He then returned crowned with victory, and 

when he reached Kalinga he built himself a very great city. Its 

fort was of black stone with walls seven fathoms thick and 

nine fathoms high, and so skilled were the masons that not an 

interstice was to be seen, it was as though the masonry had been 

poured into place. The gate was of hammered gold, with studs 

of gold bejewelled. As for the extent of the fort, there were 

seven mountains! 24 within its compass; and in the midst of 

the city was a lake, so large that it looked like a sea and if an 

elephant stood on the far shore it could not be seen from the 

near shore. Into this lake the king released fish of every sort, 

and in the middle of it stood an island of great height, over 

which vapour constantly hovered as though the summit was 

wrapped in dewy mist. And on this islancl he planted trees! 25 

of all kinds, and every sort of flower and fruit-tree that exists 

p.20 

[50—51] 

in this world was to be found there. It was to this island that 

the king resorted for pleasure. And by the side of this island 

he made a great forest into which he released wild beasts of 

every kind; and when he wished go hunting! 26 or to noose 

elepnants, it was to this forest that he went. When the city 

was completed, Raja Shulan gave it the name of Bija-nagara. 

The city exists to this day in the country of Kalinga. Such is 

the history of Raja Shulan that were I to relate the whole of it 

the book would be as thick as the Story of Hamzah †^27 . 


In the course of time Raja Shulan had a child by Princess 

Onang Kiu, a daughter whose beauty was such that she had no 

equal in those times. The king gave to her the name of Princess 

Chendani Wasis. And when she was full grown, her hand in 

marriage was sought by Raja Narsi biradar-ash for his son Raja 

Suran Padshah. Raja Shulan consented and Princess Chendani 

Wasis was married to Raja Suran Padshah. After Raja Suran 

Padshah had been married for some time with Princess Chendani 

Wasis he had three children by her; Raja Jiran, who became 

ruler of Chendragiri Nagara; Raja Chulan, who was adopted 

by his grandparent Sutan Raja; and Raja Pandayan, who became 

ruler of Negapatam. In the course of time Raja Shulan died and 

was succeeded on the throne by his grandson, Raja Chulan. 

He reigned in the stead of his grandfather at Bajaya Nagara, 

and his kingdom was even greater than his grandfather's, for the 

whole of India and Sind was subject to him and every prince 

of East and West was his vassal. It was only China that refused 

to acknowledge his suzerainty. He took steps therefore to invade 

China and gave orders that all his forces be assembled. They 

came together from every part of the country, in numbers past 

counting, and with them came vassal princes, to the number of 

twelve hundred, leading their armies. When all were assembled, 

Raja Chulan set forth to conquer the realm of China: and so 

vast was his army on the march that boundless tracts of forest 

became treeless plains, the earth rocked as though convulsed by 

an earthquake, mountains were moved and their summits came 

toppling down: even the highest hills were brought low and 

mighty rivers ran dry and became land. Six months passed and 

the tail of the column had not yet appeared; the gleam of the 

weapons was so brilliant that dark nights became as bright as 

though there were a full moon shining in fine weather; and 

thunder in the heavens could not have been heard for the din 

and uproar of the advancing host. 


After a time they came to Temasek. And news reached 

China that "Raja Chulan is going to invade our country, with 

an army that no man can number, and is already at Temasek." 

This report caused consternation to the Raja of China, and he 

addressed his ministers and officers, saying, "What think you 

is our best plan for averting this calamity? For if this Raja 

p.21 

[51—52] 

of Kalinga reaches China, assuredly this country of ours will be 

destroyed/' And the chief minister replied, “We will deliberate 

upon the matter, Lord of the Earth/' And the Raja of China 

bade them deliberate. Thereupon the chief minister ordered 

a ship to be made ready and he had it filled with worn-down, 

rusty needles. He then collected a number of kesmak* and 

bedaraf and other fruit trees that had fruited and had them 

planted on board the ship. He chose out also a number of men 

so old that their teeth had all fallen out and they also were 

put on board the ship, which he then ordered to sail to Temasek. 

When the ship reached Temasek, word was brought to Raja 

Chulan that a ship had arrived from China. And Raja Chulan 

ordered men of his to go and inquire of the Chinese how far 

it was from Temasek to China. And they went and asked the 

men in the ship, who replied, “When we left China we were 

all of us mere boys barely turned twelve years old, and these 

fruit trees you see here were planted by us from seed. Now 

we are old men, our teeth have all fallen out and the trees we: 

planted are bearing fruit: and it is only now that we have arrived 

here." And they took several needles and shewed them to the 

Kalinga men, saying, “These pieces of steel were as thick as a 

man's forearm when we left China. See how they are worn 

down to nothing now! That will give you an idea of how lcm^ 

we have been upon our journey, more years than we can reckon.' 

When the Kalinga men heard this, they hastened back to inform 

Raja Chulan and they related to him what they been told. And 

when Raja Chulan heard their words, he said," If it is as the 

Chinese say, China must be a very long way away. When should 

we ever get there? We had better go home." And the war- 

chiefs replied, “What your royal Highness says is very true." 


Now Raja Chulan reflected, “The dry land and all that 

dwells thereon are known to me, but the sea and all that dwells 

therein — what might they be like? Were it not better then 

that I should descend into the sea so that I may know how 

things are therein?" When he had thus decided, Raja Chulan 

ordered his craftsmen and artificers to be summoned, and they 

were commanded to make a glass case that could be closed and 

opened from within. Thereupon the craftmen and artificers 

made a glass case as the king desired and to it they secured a chain 

of gold. They then brought it to Raja Chulan, who was well 

pleased with the workmanship and bestowed bounty beyond 

measure upon the learned men and artificers. He then entered 

the case, from within which he could see all that was outside, 

and locked the door from within. The case was then lowered 

into the sea and sank. And Raja Chulan had the joy †^23 of 

seeing from within the case all the manifold works of God 


* Harpullia confusa. † Zizyphus jujuba. 

p.22 


[52—54] 

Almighty. Presently †^29 by His will the case sank down to the 

country called Dika, whereupon Raja Chulan stepped forth from 

the case and set out to see everything of note †^30 . Presently he 

came upon a vast, strongly built city into which he made his 

way. There he beheld a race of men, the Barsam, so numerous 

that no man, but only Almighty God, could know how many 

they were. But of those people only half were Muslims, the 

rest were unbelievers. And all the inhabitants of the city were 

filled with astonishment when they beheld Raja Chulan and 

they marvelled to see how he was adorned. And they took him 

to their Raja, whose name was Raja Aftabu'l-Ardl. And when 

Raja AftabuTArdl beheld Raja Chulan he asked of his servitors, 

“Who is this man?” And they replied, “He is newly come, 

vour Highness, but whence he comes is not known to us.” 

kaja Aftabu'l-Ardl then asked Raja Chulan, “Who are you and 

whence are you come hither?” And Raja Chulan answered, “I 

am come from the world. I am the Raja of all mankind, and my 

name is Raja Chulan.” And Raja Aftabu'l-Ardl was amazed at 

the words of Raja Chulan and said, “Is there another world 

than this of ours here?” And Raja Chulan answered, “In 

truth this universe is manifold, and manifold are the kinds that 

dwell in it.” And when Raja Aftabu'l-Ardl heard the words of 

Raja Chulan he was astounded and exclaimed, “How perfect 

is God, the King Omnipotent!” He then took Raja Chulan 

and seated him upon the throne of sovereignty. 


Now Raja Aftabu'l-Ardl had a daughter: the princes's name 

was Mathabu'l-Bahri, and she was very beautiful. He gave her 

in marriage to Raja Chulan: and after they had been married 

for three years, Raja Chulan had three sons. But when he 

looked upon his three sons, the heart of Raja Chulan was heavy 

within him and he said, “How will it all end—these three sons 

of mine living here below the earth? Yet how am I to take them 

hence?” So he went to Raja Aftabu'l-Ardl and said to him, 

“When these sons of mine come to manhood, I pray you send 

them to the earth so that the kingdom of Raja Iskandar Dzu'l- 

Karnain may not pass away but may continue for all time.” 

And Raja Aftabu'l-Ardl agreed. Raja Chulan then sought per¬ 

mission of Raja Aftabu'l-Ardl to depart and leave the sea to return 

to the earth, and the king and his consort wept together bitterly. 

Then Raja Aftabu'l-Ardl gave orders to bring a winged stallion, 

called the Horse of the River, which he gave to Raja Chulan. 

And Raja Chulan mounted the steed, which bore him up from 

out of the sea into the sky. And as the steed travelled over the 

sea, the subjects of Raja Chulan saw that he who was mounted 

on the steed was indeed Raja Chulan. His minister therefore 

got a handsome †^31 mare and took her to the shore of Bentiri, 

and when the stallion, Horse of the River, beheld the mare, he 

came ashore and drew near to her. Raja Chulan then dismount- 

p.23 

[54] 

ed and the stallion went back into the sea. Then said Raja 

Chulan to his learned men and artificers, “Make for me a token 

to commemorate my visit to the depths of the sea, and it is my 

desire that it be a token which shall endure to the Day of 

Judgment. And let there be recorded upon it the whole history of 

what I have done so that it may be known and understood by 

all that come after me/' When they heard the command of 

Raja Chulan, the artificers split a rock in two and they made a 

record in writing in the Hindustani language. When this was 

done, Raja Chulan ordered a quantity of precious things—gold, 

silver, jewels gems and rare stones of every kind—to be put into 

(the rock chamber?), saying, “There shall come a day when a 

prince of my line shall possess this treasure, and it is that prince 

who shall make all lands below the wind subject to him." 

Thereafter Raja Chulan set forth on his return to Kalinga and 

when he had reached Bija Nagara he married the daughter of 

Raja Kudar Shah Jahan, son of Raja Narsi biradar-ash, the Raja 

of Hindustan. By her he had a son, to whom he gave the name 

of Adiraja Rama Mudaliar. Raja Chulan then died and was 

succeeded at Bija Nagara by his son Ariraja Rama Mudaliar. To 

this day it is the descendants of this Adiraja Rama Mudaliar 

who rule Biji Nagara. 


God knoweth the truth. To Him do we return. 

Chapter III 


The story of Wan Empok and Wan Malini and the miracles that happened to the rice they had grown on a clearing on Bukit Si-Guntang Mahameru in Palembang. To this hilltop come Bichitram, Paladutani and Nilatanam, princely descendants of Alexander; and they tell Wan Empok and Wan Malini the story of Alexander’s marriage with the daughter of Raja Kida Hindi and Raja Chulan’s descent into the sea. The ruler of Palembang takes the three young princes to Palembang, whither come rajas of all countries to do homage to them. The eldest of the princes becomes ruler of Minangkabau with the title of Sang Sapurba; the second becomes ruler of Tanjong Pura with the title of Sang Maniaka and the youngest stays at Palembang with Demang Lebar Daun, the ruler, who abdicates in his favour and makes him ruler with the title of Sang Utama. The birth of Bath from foam out of the mouth of a white cow belonging to Wan Empok and Wan Malini. Bath reads a chiri or coronation formula giving Sang Utama the new title of Sri Tri Buana. Sri Tri Buana’s thirty-nine brides. He goes to Temasek and founds a city there to which he gives the name of Singapura. After a reign of forty-eight years Sri Tri Buana dies and is buried on Singapore Hill. Succeeded by his son with the title of Paduka Sri Pikrama Wira. Appointments of Bendahara, Perdana Mentri and Temenggong. The growth and fame of the new city of Singapura. (Shellabear, chapter II, III and IV, but the story differs appreciably from that of this text: see R. O. W’s summary on pp. 2 and 3). 

p.24 

[54—55] 

Here now is the story of a city called Palembang in the land of Andelas.  It was ruled by Demang Lebar Daun, a descendant of Raja Shulan, and its river was the Muara Tatang.  In the upper reaches of the Muara Tatang was a river called the Mĕlayu, and on that river was a hill called Si-Guntang Mahameru. 

In that region lived two widows, Wan Ĕmpok and Wan Malini, and the two of them had planted padi on Bukit Si-Guntang.  Much ground had they planted and their padi had thriven beyond words.  When the padi was ripe over the whole field †^32 , it happened that one night Wan Ĕmpok and Wan Malini beheld from their house a glow as of fire on Bukit Si-Guntang.  And they said, "Can that be the light of fire †^33 that glows †^34 yonder?  It frightens †^35 me."  Then said Wan Malini, "Whisht! It may be the gleam of the gem on some great dragon's head!"  So Wan Ĕmpok and Wan Malini kept quiet in their fear and presently they fell asleep. 

When day dawned, Wan Ĕmpok and Wan Malini arose from their sleep and bathed their faces, and Wan Ĕmpok said to Wan Malini, "Come, let us go and see what it was that glowed like fire last night".  Wan Malini agreed, and the two of them climbed up Bukit Si-Guntang, 

where they saw that their padi had golden grain, leaves of silver and stems of gold alloy.  And when they saw what had happened to their padi, they said, "This is what we saw last night!"  And as they walked along the hill they saw that the crest had turned into gold. According to one tradition it has a colour as of gold to this day. 

And on this land that had been turned into gold Wan Ĕmpok and Wan Malini beheld three youths of great beauty.  All three of them were adorned like kings and wore crowns studded with precious stones, and they rode upon white elephants †^36.  Wan Ĕmpok and Wan Malini were lost in wonder and utterly amazed at the sight of these youths who were so 

handsome, bore themselves with such grace and were so brilliantly adorned.  And they thought in their hearts, "Was it perchance because of these three youths that our padi has grain of gold, leaves of silver and stems of gold alloy and that this hilltop has been turned into gold?"  And they asked the three youths, "Whence come you, sirs? Are you sons of genies or sons of fairies? For we †^37 have long been here without seeing anyone. Until you appeared to-day no human being has visited this place." 


And the three youths made answer, "Not from the breed of genies or fairies are we.  We are descended from Raja Iskandar Dzul-Karnain: of the lineage of Raja Nushirwan, Lord of the East and the West, are we.  Our line springs from Raja Sulaiman (upon him be peace) : one of us is called Bichitram, one Paludatani and one Nilatanam."  Then said Wan Ĕmpok and Wan Malini, "If you are of the stock of Raja Iskandar, what brings you here?"  And the three youths then told Wan Ĕmpok and Wan Malini the story of the marriage of Raja Iskandar with 

p.25

[55—56] 

Raja Kida Hindi's daughter and of the descent of Raja Chulan into the sea.  And Wan Ĕmpok and Wan Malini said, “What have you to prove the truth of what you say?"  And the three 

youths answered, “These crowns that we wear are the sign: they shew that we are of the stock of Raja Iskandar Dzu'l-Karnain.  If you doubt our word, the proof is that because we alighted on this spot your padi has grain of gold, leaves of silver and stems of gold alloy and this hilltop has been turned into gold."  And Wan Empok and Wan Malini believed the words of the three young princes, and they were filled with joy and took the three young princes to their house.  And the padi was reaped, and Wan Empok and Wan Malini became rich because of their meeting with the princes. 


According to the account we have received the city of Palembang which has been mentioned was the same as the Palembang of to-day.  Formerly it was a very great city, the like of which was not to be found in the whole country of Andelas.  Now when the Raja of Palembang, whose name was Dĕmang Lebar Daun, had heard the story of how Wan Ĕmpok and Wan Malini had met with princes who had come down from heaven, he went to the house of Wan Ĕmpok and Wan Malini to see the princes, whom he then took back with him to the city. 

And it was noised over the whole country that descendants of Raja Iskandar Dzu'l Karnain were now in Palembang, having come down from †^38 Bukit Si-Guntang Mahameru.  Thereupon every ruler from every part of the country came to pay his respects to them.  The eldest of the princes was taken †^39 by the people of Andelas to their country and was made Raja at Menangkabau r with the title of Sang Sapurba.  Thereafter came the people of Tanjong Pura †^39a and took the second of the three princes to Tanjong Pura where they made him Raja with the title of Sang Maniaka, whilst the youngest of the three princes remained at Palembang with Dĕmang Lebar Daun, who made him Raja of Palembang with the title of Sang Utama.  Dĕmang Lebar Daun thereupon abdicated and became chief minister. 


Now Wan Ĕmpok and Wan Malini had a cow, silvery white in colour.  And one day by the will of God this cow spewed †^40 foam from its mouth.  From this foam came forth a human being called Bath, who stood up and said, “Hail †^41 to his Highness, the Sri Maharaja, ruler of the whole Suvarna-bhumi, whose diadem is adorned with the happiness of strength and victory...  adornment of the three worlds... law-gone for protection... throne... sunrise of valour jewel... with gods and demons... to the time of the dissolution of the Universe, the coronal wreath of the righteous king, the king, the supreme lord."  And Bath gave to the Raja the title of Sri Tri Buana. [It is from the descendants of Bath that the readers of the chiri *†^42 in ancient 

p.26 

[56—57] 

times traced their origin.]  And Sri Tri Buana became famous as a ruler; and all mankind, male and female, came from every part of the country to pay their homage to him, all of them bringing offerings for his acceptance. On all who came to present themselves before him Sri Tri Buana bestowed robes of honour, giving to all the men the title of Awang and to all the women the title of Dara.  This was the origin of the institution of (?) The Corps of Noble Youths †^42a and The Company of Maids of Honour.

When Sri Tri Buana was established on the throne, he wished for a consort; and wherever †^43 there was to be found a beautiful daughter of a prince he took her to wife †^44.  But any such princess, when she slept with the king, was found by him the following morning to be stricken with chloasma as the result of being possessed †^45 by him, whereupon he abandoned her.  To no less than thirty-nine princesses had this happened.

Now it came to the king's ears that Dĕmang Lebar Daun had a daughter †^46, Wan Sendari by name, whose beauty was such that she had no equal in those days. Sri Tri Buana asked (?) †^47 Demang Lebar Daun for her hand in marriage; but Dĕmang Lebar Daun replied, “If your Highness avails himself of your humble servant's daughter, she will assuredly be stricken with chloasma.  But if your Highness desires your humble servant's daughter, then must your Majesty make a covenant with your humble servant, whereupon your humble servant will offer her for your Majesty's acceptance."  [It was Dĕmang Lebar Daun who was the author of the expressions “your Majesty" and “your humble servant"]  And Sri Tri Buana asked, “What is this undertaking that you would have of me?"  Dĕmang Lebar Daun answered, “Your Highness, the descendants of your humble servant shall be the subjects of your Majesty's throne, but they must be well treated by your descendants.  If they offend, they shall not, however grave be their offence, be disgraced or reviled with evil words: if their offence is grave, let them be put to death, if that is in accordance with Muhammadan law. 


And the king replied, “I agree to give the undertaking for which you ask: but I in my turn require an undertaking from you, sir."  And when Dĕmang Lebar Daun asked what the undertaking was, the king answered, “that your descendants shall never for rest of time be disloyal to my descendants, even if my descendants oppress them and behave evilly."  And Dĕmang Lebar Daun said, “Very well, your Highness.  But if your descendants depart from the terms of the pact, then so will mine."  And Sri Tri Buana replied, “Very well, I agree I agree to that covenant": whereupon both of them took a solemn oath to the effect that whoever departed from the terms of the pact, let 


* Formula (in a non-Malayan tongue) pronounced at the installation of a Sultan or the investiture of a Chief (Winstedt). 

p.27 

[57—58] 

his house be overturned by Almighty God so that its roof be 

laid on the ground and its pillars be inverted. And that is why 

it has been granted by Almighty God to Malay rulers that they 

shall never put their subjects to shame, and that those subjects 

however gravely they offend shall never be boundf 48 or hanged 

or disgraced with evil words. If any ruler puts a single one of 

his subjects to shamef 49 , that shall be a sign that his kingdom 

will be destroyed by Almighty God. Similarly it has been granted 

by Almighty God to Malay subjects that they shall never be 

disloyal or treacherous to their rulers, even if their rulers behave 

evilly or inflict injustice upon them. 


When the covenant had been made and strict promises 

mutually given, Princess Wan Sendari was offered by Demang 

Lebar Daun to Sri Tri Buana, and Sri Tri Buana was wedded to 

the princess, daughter of Demang Lebar Daun. And when night 

had fallen, the king slept with the princess: and when day 

dawned he saw that she was not stricken with chloasma. And 

the king was overjoyed and ordered Demang Lebar Daun to be 

informed. And Demang Lebar Daun came forthwith, and he 

too was overjovedf 50 to see that his daughter was unscathed and 

that no harm had befallen her. 


Demang Lebar Daun then made preparations for the 

ceremonial lustration] 51 of Sri Tri Buana, and he ordered a 

seven-tiered bathing pavijlion to be built with five spires. The 

construction was of the finest quality and it was Bath's workman¬ 

ship. When it was finished; Demang Lebar Daun initiated the 

festivities that were to be celebrated day and night for forty days 

and forty nights, with feasting, drinking and entertainment of 

every kind, in which participated princes, ministers] 52 , cour¬ 

tiers, heralds, war-chiefs and all the people, to the accompani¬ 

ment of music that rolled like thunder. Many were the buffaloes, 

oxen and sheep that were slaughtered: the rice-refuse from the 

cooking-pots was piled mountain-high and the boiling water was 

like a sea in which the heads of slaughtered buffaloes and oxen 

were so many islands. 


When the forty days and forty nights were accomplished, 

the ceremonial water was borne in procession to the accompani¬ 

ment of everv sort of music, and the vessels containing the water 

were all of them of gold studded with jewels. The Sri Tri 

Buana with his bride, Princess Wan Sendari, were borne in 

procession seven times round the pavilion, and they were then 

lustrated on the central platform, the ceremony being performed 

by Bath. When the lustration was accomplished, Sri Tri Buana 

took off his towel wrap and donned his apparel, his sarong being 

of darapata] 52 * 1 darmani, while Wan Sendari also donned a 

sarong of burudaimani: and both were invested with the complete 

insignia of sovereignty, whereupon they took their seats in the 

p.28 

[58—59] 

appointed place on the golden dais. The ceremonial rice was 

then borne # in procession to the dais, and the king and his bride 

partook thereof. And when they had eaten, the royal head- 

ornaments were biought in procession and placed by Bath on 

the king's head and his bride's. Thereupon Sri Tri Buana pro¬ 

ceeded to give robes of honour to his chiefs: after which Sri Tri 

Buana wentf 53 into the palace and all who had been present at 

the ceremony returned to their homes. 


After Sri Tri Buana had been living for some time at 

Palembang he planned! 54 to visit the coast and he sent for 

Demang Lebar Daun, who came forthwith. And Sri Tri Buana 

said to him, “I am thinking of going to the coast to find a 

suitable site for a city. What say you?" And Demang Lebar 

Daun replied, ''As your Highness pleases. If your Majesty goes, 

I will accompany you, for I must not be parted from your High¬ 

ness." Then said Sri Tri Buana, “Please then have ships made 

ready." And Demang Lebar Daun, did obeisance and left the 

palace to call men to prepare the craft. When this was done, 

Demang Lebar Daun arranged for his younger brother to remain 

at Palembang in his absence, saying, “I am leaving you here in 

charge of the city as I am going with his Majesty, accompanying 

him whenever he may go." And his brother replied, “Very well: 

no wish of yours will I disobey." 


Sri Tri Buana then set forth, he in the royal (golden) 

yachtf 55 for the menfolk and the queen in the silver yacht, while 

Demang Lebar Daun, the ministers and the war-chiefs had each 

their own craft. So vast was the fleet that there seemed to be 

no counting it; the masts of the ships were like a forest of trees, 

their pennons and streamers were like driving clouds and the 

state umbrellas of tne Rajas like cirrus. So many were the craft 

that accompanied Sri Tri Buana that the sea seemed to be noth¬ 

ing but ships. 


After leaving Kuala Palembang they crossed over the Selat 

Sepat, and from theie they sailed on to Selat Sambar. Mean¬ 

while the news had come to Ben tan f 56 after they had sailed from 

Palembang, that “a Raja from Bukit Si-Guntang, who is descended 

from Raja Iskandar Dzu'l-Karnain, is on his way here and is now 

at Selat Sambar." 


Now Bentan was ruled by a woman, called Wan Sri Benian, 

though according to one tradition her name was Queen Sakidar 

Shah. She was a great Raja, and at that time it was she who 

visited Sham. It was Queen Sakidar Shah who first institute the 

drumf 57 of sovereignty, which practice was followed by other 

Rajas. When she heard the news of the coming of Sri Tri Buana, 

she commanded her ministers, Indra Bopal and Aria Bopal to 


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29 



[59 — 60] bring him to Ben tan. [At that time the fleet of Ben tan was four 

hundred sail]*. And Wan Sri Benian said to India Bopal, “If 

this Raja is old, say to him Tour younger sister sends her obei- 

sance’t 57a , but if he is young, say Tour mother sends her 

greetings/ 


So Indera Bopal and Aria Bopal set outf 58 , and the ships of 

the party sent to bring Sri Tri Buana to Bentan were strung out 

in one unbroken line from Tanjong Rungas to Selat Sambar. 

And when they came up with Sri Tri Buana, Indra Bopal and 

Aria Bopal perceived that he was very young, and they said to 

him, “Your mother sends greetings and invites your Highness 

to Bentan.” So Sri Tri Buana proceeded to Bentan and went 

into the palacef 59 to Wan Sri Benian as she was called. Now 

the purpose of Wan Sri Benian had been to marry Sri Tri Buana, 

but when she saw how young he was she adopted him instead 

as her son and shewed such affection for him that she had him 

installed at Bentan as her successor, to the beat of the drum of 

sovereignty. After he had been there for a time, Sri Tri Buana 

one day sought permission to make an expedition to Tanjong 

Bemianf 60 for sport, and the queen replied, “Why got 61 so far 

afield for your sport, my son? In Bentan are there not deer and 

mouse-deer withf 61a enclosures into which to drive them? Are 

there not barking-deer and porcupines with cages in which to 

capture them? Are there not fish in our pools and every 

sort of fruit and flower in our gardens? Why is it that you 

want to go so far afield for your sport?” And Sri Tri Buana 

answered, “If I am not permitted to go, then I shall die, whether 

I sit down or stand up or whatever I do.” Whereupon Wan Sri 

Benian said, “Rather than you should die, go, my son.” 


And the queen ordered Indra Bopal and Aria Bopal to have 

craft made ready. And when that was done, Sri Tri Buana set 

out with his consort. And the whole fleet—royal yachts, ships 

for sleeping, ships for the menfolk, wherries that were paddled, 

kitchen boats, dug-outs for fishing with the casting-net and float¬ 

ing bath-houses—(put out to sea), with a countless host of escort¬ 

ing vessels. 


And when they were come to Tanjong Bemian, the king 

went ashore for a picnic on the sand, and his consort accompanied 

by the wives of the chiefs went ashore also to picnic on the sand 

and enjoy herself collecting shellfish. And she sat under a screw- 

pine, with the wives of the chiefs in attendance upon her, happily 

watched her handmaids amusing themselves, each one in her own 

way, some gathering shellfish, some digging up barai*, some pick¬ 

ing mangrove flowers and making nosegays, some picking 


* Passages enclosed in square brackets are in the text but are parentheses, 

breaking the thread of the narrative. 


1952] Royal Asiatic Society. 



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30 



The Malay Annals 


[ 60 — 61 ] teruntumi to wear in their hair, some picking bananas and cook¬ 

ing them, some picking butun§ leaves, some picking sponges and 

playing with them, some getting sea-worms and making salad with 

them, some getting sea-weed for jelly and salad—all of them dis¬ 

porting themselves to their heart's content, each in her own 

fashion. 


Now Sri Tri Buana and all the men went hunting! 62 and 

great was the quantity of game that fell to them. And it happened 

that a deer passed in front of Sri Tri Buana and though he speared 

it in the back, the deer escaped. Sri Tri Buana followed it up 

and again speared it, this time through the ribs: and the deer 


could not escape and fell dead. And Sri Tri Buana came to a 


very large, high rock! He climbed on to the top of 

this rock and looking across the water he saw that 


the land on the other side had sand so white that 


it looked like a sheet of (?)f 63 cloth. And he asked Indra 

Bopal, "What is that stretch of sand that we see yonder? What 

land is that?" And Indra Bopal answered, "That, your High¬ 

ness, is the land called Temasek." And Sri Tri Buana said, "Let 

us go thither." And Indra Bopal replied, "I will do whatever 

your Highness commands." So Sri Tri Buana embarked and 

started on the crossing! 64 . And when they were come out into 

the open sea, a storm arose and the ship began to fill with water. 

Bale as they might they could not clear her and the boatswain 

gave order to lighten the ship. But though much was thrown 

overboard, they still could not bale the ship dry. She was by 

now close to Telok Blanga, and the boatswain said to Sri Tri 

Buana, "It seems to me, your Highness, that it is because of the 

crown of kingship that the ship is foundering. All else has been 

thrown overboard, and if we do not likewise with this crown 

we shall be helpless with the ship." And Sri Tri Buana replied, 

‘'Overboard with it then!" And the crown was thrown overboard. 

Thereupon the storm abated, and the ship regained her buoyancy 

and was rowed to land. And when they reached the shore, the 

ship was brought close in and Sri Tri Buana went ashore with 

all the ship s company and they amused themselves with collect¬ 

ing shell-fish. The king then went inland for sport on the open 

ground at Kuala Temasek. 


And they all beheld a strange animal. It seemed to move 

with great speed; it had a red body and a black head; its breast 

was white; it was strong and active in build, and in size was 

"rather bigger than a he-goat. When it saw the party, it moved 

away and then disappeared. And Sri Tri Buana inquired of all 

those who were with him, "What beast is that?"But no one 


* A shell, unid. 

t Lumnitzera spp.? 


X Barringtonia spp. 


Journal Malayan Branch [Vol. XXV. Pt. II & III 



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31 



translated by C., C. Brown 


[ 61 — 62 ] knew. Then said Demang Lebar Daun, "Your Highness, I have 

heard it said that in ancient times it was a lion that had that 

appearance. I think that what we saw must have been a lion.” 

And Sri Tri Buana said to Indra Bopal, "Go back to Bentan 

and tell the queen that now we shall not be returning, but that 

if she wishes to shew her affection for us, will she furnish us 

with men, elephants and horses, as we propose to establish a city 

here at Temasek.” And Indra Bopal set forth to return to 

Bentan : and when he arrived there, he presented himself before 

Wan Sri Benian to whom he related what Sri Tri Buana had 

said. "Very well,” said Wan Sri Benian,” we will never oppose 

any wish of our son.” And she sent men, elephants and horses 

without number. Sri Tri Buana then established a city at 

Temasek, giving it the name of Singapura. And after he had 

dwelt for some time at Singapura he had two children, both sons, 

by Princess Wan Sendari, daughter of Demang Lebar Daun. And 

Wan Sri Benianf 04 * died, leaving two grand-daughters: they were 

married to the two sons of Sri Tri Buana. 


And when Sri Tri Buana had ruled for forty-eight years then 

in the processf 65 of time he died, as did Demang Lebar Daun, 

and they were buried on the hill of Singapura. Sri Tri Buana 

was succeeded by his elder son, whose title as ruler was Paduka Sri 

Pikrama Wira, and Tun Perpateh Permuka Berjajar became Benda- 

hara: it was he who gave audience in the hall of audience instead 

of Paduka Sri Pikrama whenever the king himself did not appear. 

If it was Tun Perpateh Permuka Berjajar who sat in the hall of 

audience, he would rise to greet a prince who was heir to the 

throne but for no other prince would he risef 06 : and if he himself 

went into the royal presence, over the place where he was to sit 

a carpet would be spread, and when he went home after the 

king had retired, he would be escorted by the chiefs, major and 

minor. Now there was a son of Demang Lebar Daun whom 

Paduka Sri Paduka Wira madef 67 chief minister with the title of 

Perpatah Permuka Sekalar. He had the same rank (in the hall 

of audience) as the Bendahara. (? Below the Bendahara sat the 

Penghulu Bendahari) with the title of Tun Jana Buga Dendang. 

In front of (? below) the Penghulu Bendahari sat the Temeng- 

gong with the title of Tun Jana Putra....?, while below the 

Temenggong sat the principal war-chief with the title of Tun Tem- 

purong Gemeratokan. After them came the ministers,! 08 minor 

chiefs, knightsf 09 and courtiers, heralds and war-chiefs, in accord¬ 

ance withf 70 the custom dating from ancient times. And Paduka 

Sri Pikrama Wira had a son, who was known as Raja Muda. And 

Singapura became a great city, to which foriegners resorted in 

great numbers so that the fame of the city and its greatness 

spread throughout the world. 


God knoweth the truth. To Him do we return. 

Chapter IV 


The great Kingdom of Majapahit and its ruler, the Batara. His quarrel with Singapore: the episode of the wood-shaving and Sri Pikrama Wira's riposte. The unsuccessful attack of Majapahit on Singapore. ( Shellabear , Chapter V) 

[ 62 — 63 ] Here now is the story of the Batara of Majapahit, who traced his descent from heaven. He had married the daughter of the Raja of Tanjong Pura †^71 , who was a Raja from Bukit Si-Guntang and by her he had two sons, the elder of whom he installed (to succeed him) as ruler at Majapahit. The Raja of Majapahit was descended from Princess Semaningrat, and he was known as the Batara of Majapahit. So great was his kingdom that every prince in the land of Java was subject to him, as were half of the princes of Nusantara. 


When the Batara of Majapahit heard that Singapura was a great city but that its ruler did not acknowledge the Batara 

as overlord, he was very angry. And he sent envoys to Singapura taking with them as the customary present a wood-shaving seven fathoms long, which had been cut without a break in it: it was as thin as paper and rolled up in the form of a girl's ear-stud. The envoys set sail for Singapura, which they reached in due course. On their arrival Paduka Sri Pikrama Wira ordered that they be duly welcomed. The envoys then presented themselves before the king and laid before him the letter and the customary present accompanying it. Paduka Sri Pikrama Wira read the letter, which ran as follows:—"Behold, younger brother, the skill of Javanese artificers. Are there in Singapura artificers as skilled as this?" And the king ordered the present to be opened, whereupon he beheld a wood-shaving rolled up like an ear-stud. And he smiled, for he realised what was in the mind of the Batara of Majapahit, and he said, "It is in disparagement of our manliness that the Batara of Majapahit sends us a girl's ear-stud!" But the envoys replied, "No, your Highness, that was not the intention of your Highness's elder brother. What he says is, "Is there at your Highness's feet a man who can use an adze like that?" 


When Paduka Sri Pikrama Wira heard the words of the envoys, he answered, "Even greater †^72 than that is the skill of craftsmen we have!" And he ordered a carpenter named Sang Bentan to be sent for: and when he came, the king ordered a boy to be fetched, and he bade the carpenter shave the hair off the boy's head with his adze, in front of the envoys. And the carpenter proceeded to shave the boy's head: and though the boy cried and kept moving his head this way and that, the carpenter went on with his work and in the twinkling of an eye the hair was gone as though it had been taken off with a 

p.35 

[63 - 64] 

razor. The envoys were astounded, and Sri Pikrama Wira said 

to them, 'There's skill for you! A man who can shave a boy's 

head with his adze would laugh †^72a at the task of making a wood-shaving like that! Take this adze to Majapahit and crave our brothers acceptance of it!" And the Javanese envoys sought leave to return to their country, and they took with them as a customary present the adze which the carpenter had used for shaving the boy's head: and their ship set sail from Singapura. 


And when in due course they reached Java, the envoys landed and presented themselves before the Batara of Majapahit, to 

whom they gave the letter and the present from the Raja of 

Singapura, at the same time relating how the carpenter had 

shaved the boy's head with his adze and what Sri Pikrama Wira had said. And the Batara was very angry when he heard the envoy's story and said, “What the Raja of Singapura means is that if we go there, our heads will be shaved as was the boy's!" And he ordered his war-chiefs to have a fleet made ready for an attack on Singapura, one hundred ships of the line togetlier with small craft beyond †^72b number. And the Batara appointed one of his leading war-chief to command the fleet: and he sailed for Singapura, where he arrived in due course. And the Javanese troops landed and fought the men of Singapura; and a great †^73 battle ensued. Loud rang weapon on weapon; terrifying was the roar of the warriors shouting; the din was unimaginable. On †^74 either side many were killed and the ground flowed with blood. By the evening the Javanese had retreated and gone back on board their 

side many were killed and the ground flowed with blood. By the evening the Javanese had retreated and gone back on board their ships. So long is the story of the battle between Singapura and Java that were I to tell it in detail, listeners would nave more than their fill. That is why I shorten it, for diffuseness makes no appeal to the intelligent. But Singapura fell not and the Javanese returned to Majapahit. 

Chapter V 


The Ruler of Bija Nagara has a beautiful daughter, Talai Pachudi, and Paduka Sri Pikrama Wira sends his minister to ask for her hand for his son, Raja Muda. Raja Muda succeeds his father and is styled Sri Rana Wikrama. The story of Badang, Sri Rana Wikrama’s strong man. (The earlier part of this chapter will be found in Shellabear, chapter IV : but most of it , viz. the story of Badang, is in Chapter VI of Shellabear). 

Here now is the story of Adirama Raja Mudaliar, a son of 

Raja Chulan. He was Raja at Bija Nagara and had a son named 

Jambuga Raja Mudaliar. When Adirama Raja Mudaliar had died, 

his son, Jambuga Raja Mudaliar, came to the throne. And he 

had a daughter, Princess Talai Puchudi by name, of remarkable 

beauty. The fame of her beauty was spread from country to 

country, but although any number of princes sought her hand 

p.34 

[64 - 65]

in marriage, Raja Jambuga Rama Mudaliar rejected their suit, 

saying, "They are not of lineage †^75 such as mine." 


And news came to Singapura of the beauty of the princess, 

daughter of the Raja of Kalinga: and Paduka Sri Pikrama Wira 

appointed †^75a Maha Indra Bopal to go as envoy to Kalinga to ask 

for the hand of Princess Talai Puchudi for his son, Raja Muda. 

So Maha Indra Bopal set sail for Kalinga, and many craft accom¬ 

panied his ship. And when he reached Bija Nagara, Raja Muda¬ 

liar ordered the letter and the gift which came with it to be 

brought with ceremony from the ship: and they were then borne 

in procession with every mark of distinction. 


When the letter †^76 had been read and interpreted, Raja 

Jambuga Rama Mudaliar was well pleased, and he said to Maha 

Indra Bopal, "I am in full accord with my brother's proposal. 

But I would not trouble him to send his son hither; I will send 

my daughter to Singapura." Maha Indra Bopal then sought 

leave to return and Raja Jambuga Rama Mudaliar gave him a 

letter and a present to the Raja of Singapura, whereupon Maha 

Indra Bopal set sail and in due course arrived at Singapura. And 

Sri Pikrama Wira ordered that the letter be borne in procession 

with the honours accorded to great Rajas. And when it reached 

the hall of audience, it was received by the herald and presented 

to Sri Pikrama Wira, who ordered that it be read. And when 

it had been interpreted to the king, he was well pleased; and 

when he received from Maha Indra Bopal the message he brought 

from Raja Jambuga Rama Mudaliar, his pleasure was even greater. 

And when the next sailing season came round, Raja Jambuga 

Rama Mudaliar ordered ships to be made ready. And when they 

were ready, the king ordered one of his war-chiefs to escort 

Princess Talai Puchudi, his daughter, and she embarked in a 

ship accompanied by five hundred maids of honour. The war- 

chief then set sail with the princess, accompanied by a large 

number of decked ships, to say nothing of shallops and batels. 


When they reached Singapura, Paduka Sri Pikrama Wira 

came out as far as Tanjong Bums to meet †^77 them, (? received †^78 

them with) every mark of honour and distinction (and escorted 

them to Singapura). On their arrival, Paduka Sri Pikrama Wira 

initiated the day and night festivities for the wedding of his son 

with the princess, daughter of the Raja of Kalinga. The festivities 

lasted for three months. Raja Pikrama Wira then celebrated the 

wedding of Princess Talai Puchudi (with his son). After the 

wedding the Kalinga war-chief sought leave to return to his 

country, and when Paduka Sri Pikrama Wira had given him a 

letter and a present for the Raja of Kalinga, the envoy! 79 returned 

to Kalinga. 

p.35

[ 65 — 66 ] 

After a while, when Paduka Sri Pikrama Wira had com¬ 

pleted fifteen years on the throne, then in the process of time he 

died †^80 and was succeeded on the throne by his son, Raja Muda, 

with the title of Sri Rana Wikerma as ruler. He had two children 

by Princess Talai Puchudi, daughter of the Raja of Kalinga; 

one son, named Dam Raja, and one daughter. 



Now Tun Perpateh Muka Berjajar had died and was suc¬ 

ceeded as Bendahara by his son with the title of Tun Perpateh 

Tulus. And Tun Perpateh Tulus had two children, a son and 

a daughter whose name was Demi Putri. She was married 

by Sri Rana Wikerma to his son, while the son of Tun Perpateh 

Tulus was married by the king to his daughter. 



Now King Sri Rana Wikerma had a war-chief, called 

Badang, who was possessed of very great strength. Badang 

originally came from Sayong on the mainland. He was the 

slave of a Sayong man, for whom he worked day in, day out 

felling forest. Once upon a time Badang set a fish-trap in the 

Besisek river; and when he †^81 raised (?) the trap, he found it 

was empty, with not a fish in it, though there were fish scales 

and fish bones in the trap. This happened day after day. The 

fish scales he would throw away into the river: hence the river 

was called Sisek (? Besisek). And Badang reflected, "What can 

it be that eats the fish in this trap? I had better watch secretly 

to find out what it is that eats the fish.” So one day Badang 

concealed himself among the reeds †^82 and watched, and he saw 

a demon come and eat the fish in the trap; a demon with eyes 

as red as flame, with creel-like matted hair and a beard down to 

his waist. Badang seized his cleaver and mustering up his courage 

he set upon the demon and caught him by the beard, saying, 

"It's you who are always eating my fish! This time you shall die 

by my hand!” When the demon heard the words of Badang, 

he was utterly confused †^83 and terrified and vainly sought to 

escape from Badang's grasp. "Kill me †^84 not”, he cried, "and 

I will give you whatever you desire, be it riches, be it strength 

and endurance, be it invisibility—you shall have it if you spare my 

life.” And Badang reflected, "If I ask for riches, it is my master 

who will get them. If I ask for invisibility, assuredly I shall be 

killed. That being so, I had better ask for power and strength 

in order that I may have strength for my master's work.” So 

he answered, "Give me power and strength so that any tree 

however big I can uproot and break; so that trees which are so 

thick that a man's arms can barely compass them, or are even 

twice as thick as that, I may be able to uproot with one hand!” 

And the demon answered, "Very well, if you desire strength, I 

will give it to you, but you must first eat my vomit.” "Very 

well”, said Badang, "vomit then, that I may eat your vomit.” 

And the demon vomited, copiously. Badang ate the vomit, every 

p.36 

[ 66 — 67 ] 

bit of it, but all the time he held †^85 the demon's beard and would 

not let it go. After he had eaten the demon's vomit, Badang 

made trial of his strength and he uprooted one big tree after 

another, breaking them all. Then he let go the demon's beard 

and made his way to the land he was clearing for his master, 

where he uprooted and broke one big tree after another, and 

trees so thick that a man's arms could barely compass them, or 

even twice as thick as that, he plucked from the ground with 

but one †^86 hand, so that they were completely torn up roots and 

all, while smaller trees he twitched up with but one hand and 

sent flying. Thus it was that in the twinkling of an eye a great 

forest became nothing but a treeless plain, of immeasurable 

extent. 


And when his master saw what had been done, he said, 

"Who felled †^87 this land of ours that it has been cleared with 

such speed?" And Badang answered, "Your servant felled it." 

And his master asked, "In what manner did you fell it that 

the work has been done with such speed and land cleared as far 

as the eye can see?" And Badang told the whole story to his 

master, who thereupon freed him. 


When Sri Rana Wikerma came to hear of this, he sent for 

Badang and made †^88 him one of his war-chiefs: and it was Badang 

who was ordered to pass a chain across the river to serve as a 

boom and restrict the passage of ships in and out of Singapura. 

And for the Raja's table, Badang was sent to fetch kuras* from 

Kuala Sayong for salad. He went by himself, his boat was 

eight fathoms long and for his punt-pole he used a whole kempas ± 

trunk. When he reached Kuala Sayong, he climbed the kuras 

tree but the bough which was supporting his weight broke and he 

fell to the ground, crashing his head on a rock. And the rock was 

split, though Badang's head was not: and that rock is at Kuala 

Sayong to this day, as are Badang's punt-pole and boat. 


Badang returned from Kuala Sayong the same day and he 

filled his boat with bananas and keladi §, all of which he had eaten 

by the time he had gone down the river as far as Johor. Once 

upon a time Sri Rama (? Rana) Wikerma had a boat twelve 

fathoms long built for him in front of the palace. When the 

boat was finished and was to be launched, it was found that two 

or three hundred men between them could not launch it. So 

Badang was ordered to launch it, and he by himself launched 

it so vigorously that it shot across to the other side of the river. 


* Dryobalanops Oblongifolia. ± Coompassia malaeensis. § Colocasia antiquorum. 

p.37 

[67 - 68] 

Later †^89 the news reached Kalinga that the Raja of Singapura 


had a war-chief possessed of prodigious strength. Now the Raja 

of Kalinga had among his champions an enormously powerful 

man, and the Raja of Kalinga commanded that this man should 

go to Singapura with seven ships. And the Raja said to him, 

'‘Go you to Singapura and pit yourself in a trial of strength 

against the war-chief of Singapura. If he defeats you, you will 

pay to him as the stakes †^90 of the match the contents of these 

seven ships. But if you defeat him, you will demand the value 

of the goods in the seven ships.” And the champion answered, 

"Very well, your Highness”, and he then set sail for Singapura 

with the seven ships. When he reached Singapura, word was 

brought to Sri Rana Wikerma that a champion was come from 

Kalinga for a trial of strength with Badang, the stakes of the 

match to be, if he was beaten, the contents of the seven ships 

(he had with him). King Sri Rana Wikerma thereupon appeared 

from the palace and gave an audience, at which the Kalinga 

champion presented himself. The Raja bade him contend with 

Badang, but in every encounter between them the Kalinga cham¬ 

pion was worsted by Badang. Now in front of the hall of 

audience there was a huge rock, and the Kalinga champion said 

to Badang, "Let us try our strength in lifting that rock. Which¬ 

ever of us fails to lift it is the loser.” "Very well”, answered 

Badang, "you try first.” Thereupon the Kalinga champion tried 

to lift the rock but failed. He then put forth every effort 

and raised it as far as his knees, then he let it down again with 

a crash, saying, "Now it's your turn, sir.” "Very well”, said 

Badang and he lifted the rock, swung it into the air and hurled 

it to the far bank of Kuala Singapura. That is the rock which 

is there to this day on the extremity of Tanjong Singapura. The 

Kalinga champion then handed over to Badang all seven ships 

with their contents and departed for his own country grieving 

under the disgrace of the defeat that Badang had inflicted upon 

him. 


The news then reached Perlak that the Raja of Singapura 

had a war-chief of enormous strength, Badang by name, whose 

equal did not exist at that time. Now according to the account 

we have received the Raja of Perlak also had a champion, named 

Benderang, who was famed for his great strength. At the time 

that news was brought about Badang it happened that Benderang 

was in the presence of the Raja of Perlak: and he said to the 

Raja of Perlak, "Your Highness, it is hardly likely that this Badang 

is stronger than I. If your Highness will so command, let me 

go to Singapura for a contest with him!” And the Raja of 

Perlak agreed; and turning to his chief minister he said, "I desire 

you go to Singapura as I am sending †^91 Benderang there.” "Very 

well, your Highness,” answered Tun Perpateh Pandak; and after 

doing obeisance he left the palace and summoned men for the 

p.38 

[68 - 69] 

work of making ready a ship. When the ship was ready [it was 

Tun Perpateh Pandak who was commanded by the Raja of Perlak 

to go to Singapura with Benderang], the letter was borne in pro¬ 

cession to the ship and Tun Perpateh Pandak sailed for Singapura, 

which he reached in the course of a few days. On his arrival there 

word was brought to the Raja of Singapura, "Your Highness, Tun 

Perpateh Pandak, chief minister of the Raja of Perlak, is come 

bringing one Benderang, who is one of the Raja of Perlak's cham¬ 

pions and has been sent hither for a trial of strength with Badang.' r 

When King Sri Rana Wikerma heard this he appeared and gave 

an audience at which princes, ministers, courtiers, heralds and 

pages †^92 were all in attendance. And Sri Rana Wikerma com¬ 

manded Maha Indra Bopal to fetch †^93 the letter with due cere¬ 

mony from the ship, taking elephants †^94 for the purpose. And 

the letter was borne in procession into the palace domain. It 

was then read, and its wording †^95 gave great pleasure. Tun Per¬ 

pateh Pandak then did obeisance, and the king ordered that he 

should sit on the same level as Tun Jana Buga Den dang, while 

Benderang was given a place on the same level as Badang. Then 

the king asked Tun Perpateh Pandak, "On what business has 

our brother sent you hither, sir?" And Tun Perpateh Pandak 

answered, "I have been commanded by your Highness' younger 

brother to bring hither Benderang for a trial of strength with †^96  

Badang. If Benderang loses, the contents of a warehouse are 


E resented to your Highness by your Highness' younger brother. 


E Badang loses, your Highness would pay a similar forfeit." 

"Very well," said Sri Rana Wikerma, "to-morrow we will pit 

them against each other." After a short conversation the king 

left the audience hall and went into the palace, whereupon all 

who had presented themselves before him returned, each to his 

house. 


King Sri Rana Wikerma then sent for Badang: and when he 

appeared, the king said to him, "To-morrow I am matching you 

against Benderang". And Badang replied, "Your Highness, this 

Benderang is an outstanding champion of these times, a man of 

such exceptional strength that he is famed far and wide. If l 

am beaten, will not your Highness be put to shame? I humbly 

suggest that if your Majesty wishes to match me against him, he 

should be summoned to-night and given food, so that I may 

see how he acquits †^97 himself. If I can contend with him, I 

will do so. If I cannot, then I hope your Highness will forbid 

the match and prohibit my contending with him." The king 

agreed and that night he sent for Tun Perpateh Pandak, Bende¬ 

rang and their companions. When they were came, they were* 

entertained; meat and drink were set before them and they made* 

merry. Now Benderang sat side by side with Badang, and Badang 

squeezed close up to him; whereupon Benderang laid his thigh 

over that of Badang and pressed it down with all his might.. 

p.39 

[69—70] 

Badang however raised his thigh and forced up Benderang’s. Then 

Badang laid his thigh over that of Benderang; and try as he 

might Benderang could not raise his thigh. What happened †^98 

thus between Badang and Benderang was seen by no one else: 

they alone knew. After a night’s †^99 feasting the envoys were drunk 

and the whole party took their leave and returned to the ship. 


When they had gone, King Sri Rana Wikerma asked Badang, 

“Do you feel yourself a match for Benderang?” And Badang 

answered, “Yes, your Highness, with your royal sanctity to help 

me I shall be a match for him. To-morrow let your Highness 

pit me against him.” And the king replied, “Very well then”, 

and he then retired, whereupon all those present returned, each 

to his house. And when Tun Perpateh Pandak reached his ship, 

Benderang said to him, “If you can so contrive it, sir, let me not 

be pitted against Badang, in case he should prove to be more 

than a match for me, for I find him to be possessed of prodigious 

strength.” And Tun Perpateh Pandak answered, “Very well, I 

can contrive that without difficulty.” Day then dawned. 


Early in the morning King Sri Rana Wikerma appeared from 

the palace and gave an audience, and when Tun Perpateh Pandak 

presented himself, the king said to him, “Now we will pit Bende- 

rang against Badang.” But Tun Perpateh Pandak answered, “It 

would be better not, your Highness: the defeat of either might 

mean pitting †^100 your Highness against your Highness’ younger 

brother!” And King Sri Rana Wikerma smiled and said, “Very 

well, Tun Perpateh Pandak, I won’t oppose your wishes!” 


Tun Perpateh Pandak then sought leave to return to Perlak, 

and King Sri Rana Wikerma gave him a letter and a present to 

take to the Raja of Perlak, whereupon he sailed home to Perlak. 

According to one tradition it was Benderang who made the 

boom †^101 across the river which still exists at Singapura. And 

when Tun Perpateh Pandak reached Perlak, the letter he brought 

was by the Raja of Perlak (’s orders?) †^102 borne in procession by 

elephant †^103 , the elephant being brought alongside the hall of 

audience. And the king (? gave orders to) read the letter and 

was well pleased with its wording. And he asked Tun Perpateh 

Pandak why it was that the match between Benderang and Badang 

had not taken place. Tun Perpateh Pandak then described what 

happened between Badang and Benderang when they were drink¬ 

ing, and the Raja of Perlak received the story in silence. And 

after a while Badang died and was buried at Buru. When the 

news of his death reached Kalinga, the Raja of Kalinga sent a 

stone for the grave, and that is the stone which is there to this 

day. And after King Sri Rana Wikerma had reigned for thirteen 

years he died and was succeeded on the throne by his son Dam 

Raja, with the title of Paduka Sri Maharaja. Now the consort of 

p.40 

[70] 

King Dam was with child: and when the time was accomplished, 

she brought forth a son. At his birth the midwife pressed too 

heavily on his head, with the result that it became lower in the 

middle than on either side: and the king gave the child the 

name Raja Iskandar the Two-horned. 


God knoweth the truth. To Him do we return.

Chapter VI 


The story of the Rajas of Pasai. Mĕrah Silu is driven out by his brother and goes to the country to which he gives the name of Semudra, the Semudra of which the Prophet foretold the conversion to Islam. The voyage of the missionaries from Mecca to Semudra in Nakhoda Isma’il’s ship and the successive conversions of Fansuri, Lamiri, Haru and Perlak on their way. They reach Semudra where Mĕrah Silu is converted to Islam and made Raja of Semudra with the title of Sultan Maliku’l-Saleh. The marriage of Sultan Maliku’l-Saleh with, the daughter of the Raja of Perlak. He has two sons, Sultan Maliku’tl-Tahir and Sultan Maliku’l-Mansur. He founds Pasai as a settlement for Sultan Maliku’tl-Tahir and after dividing his men, elephants and regalia equally between his two sons makes Sultan Maliku’l-Mansur ruler of Semudra. The Raja of Shahru’n-nuwi (Siam) takes Sultan Maliku'tl-Tahir captive, but the letter is recovered from Siam by his faithful minister disguised as an Arab trader and is restored to sovereignty in Pasai. Sultan Maliku’l-Mansur offends his brother, is captured by him and exiled to Manjong; and though Sultan Maliku’tl-Tahir subsequently repents of his treatment of his brother and sends to Manjong to bring him back, Sultan Maliku’l-Mansur dies at Padang Maya by the tomb of his minister, whom Sultan Maliku’tl-Tahir had executed. The attack of the swordfish on Singapore. Sang Ranjuna Tapa’s treachery in revenge for Sultan Iskandar’s treatment of his daughter. The invasion of Singapore by the Javanese and the fall of the city. Sultan Iskandar is driven from Singapore and finally makes a settlement at Malacca. After a reign of 25 years he dies and is succeeded by his son who takes the title of Sultan Megat. The latter only reigns for two years and is succeeded by his son, Raja Tengah, who is miraculously converted to Islam. Saiyid ‘Abdu’l-'Aziz comes from Jeddah, all Malacca is converted to Islam and Raja Tengah takes the title of Sultan Muhammad Shah. He introduces precise court ceremonial and proves himself to be a good and just ruler. The rise of Malacca to greatness. (Shellabear, chapters VII to XI) 

Here now is the story of the Raja (? Rajas) of Pasai †^103a ; and 

this is how it begins according to the account we have received. 

There were two brothers Mĕrah, who lived near Pasangan. They 

came originally from Mount Sanggong; and the elder was called 

Mĕrah Chaga, the younger Mĕrah Silu. Now Mĕrah Silu 

went †^104 in tor setting fish-traps. If he caught galley-worms, he 

would throw them away. Then he would set his trap again, 

and again he caught galley-worms. After this had been going: 

on for some time, he decided one day to boil †^105 the galley-worms. 

p.41 

|70 - 71] 

when lo! and behold, they turned into gold and their spume 

into silver! Yet again did Mĕrah Silu set his trap, and again he 

caught galley-worms, which he boiled and they turned into gold as 

before. And when Mĕrah Silu had gained much gold in this 

way, a report reached Mĕrah Chaga that "your brother eats 

galley-worms.” And Mĕrah Chaga was so angry with his brother 

that he was minded to kill †^100 him. When Mĕrah Silu heard of 

this, he fled to the forest of Jĕrun. Now the place where Mĕrah 

Silu caught the galley-worms is known as the Field of Galley-worms 

to this day. 


We come now to the story of Mĕrah Silu living in the forest 

of Jĕrun. He gave gold †^107 to the people of the forest so that 

they did whatever he told them to do. One day Mĕrah Silu was 

out hunting and his hound, which he called "Pasai”, gave tongue. 

And Mĕrah Silu saw that "Pasai” was barking on some high 

ground which looked as though it had been heaped up. So ne 

climbed up on to the high ground and there he beheld an ant 

that was as big as a cat. Mĕrah Silu caught the ant and ate it; 

and of the high ground he made a dwelling-place, calling it 

Semudra †^107a which signifies 'great ant.' 


Now history relates that in the days of the Apostle of God 

(may God bless him and give him peace), the Apostle said to 

his Companions, "In the latter days there shall be a city, below 

the wind, called Semudra. When you hear tell of this Semudra 

go thither with all speed and bring the people of that city into 

the Faith of Islam, for in that city shall be born many saints of 

God. There shall be moreover a fakir of a city named Ma’abri. 

Him take with you.” Some time after this saying of the Prophet 

(may God bless him and give him peace), the people of Mecca 

came to hear of the name of Semudra, and the Ruler of Mecca 

sent a ship there with regalia on board and ordered that the ship 

should call at Ma’abri on the way. The master of the ship was 

one Shaikh Isma’il. 


And the ship set sail; and ere long put in at Ma’abri, anchor¬ 

ing in the roads. Now the Raja in that city was called Sultan 

Muhammad; and he ordered men to ask, "Whence is this ship?” 

And the answer came back from the ship, "We are come from 

Mecca and are on our way to Semudra.” Now this Sultan 

Muhammad was descended from Abubakar the Most Truthful 

(may God be content with him). And the men in the ship said, 

“Our coming is by reason of the behest of the Apostle of God 

(may God bless him and and give him peace)”. When Sultan 

Muhammad heard this, he made his eldest son Raja of Ma’abri 

in his stead and he himself with his younger son donned the dress 

of a fakir. Then abdicating the throne, he left the palace and 

went on board the ship, saying to the men, "Take me to Semu- 

p.42 

[71—72] 

dra.” And they thought to themselves, "This must †^107b be the 

fakir who was spoken of by the Prophet of God (may God bless 

him and give him peace)!” And they took him on board the 

ship and set sail. After they had been some while at sea they 

came to a country called Fansuri †^107c , and all the people of Fansuri 

embraced Islam. The following day the fakir went ashore with 

a Koran and he told the people of Fansuri to read it but not 

one of them could do so. And the fakir said to himself, "This 

is not the country spoken of by our Prophet, Muhammad the 

Apostle of God (may God bless him and give him peace)." 


So Nakhoda Isma’il sailed on until after a time they came 

to a country called Lamiri †^107d. And the people of Lamiri embraced 

Islam. And the fakir went ashore taking with him a Koran, 

which he told the people of Lamiri to read, but not one of them 

could read it. The fakir then went back on board the ship 

and the voyage was resumed, until after a time they came to †^107e 

Haru, where all the inhabitants embraced Islam. And the fakir 

went aboard the ship and returned with a Koran, which he told the 

people to read but not one of them could read it. And the fakir 

asked the people, "Where †^107f is the country called Semudra?" 

And they answered, "You have sailed past it." So he went back 

on board the ship, and they sailed on again until they made a 

land-fall at Perlak †^107g, where the fakir admitted the people to the 

Faith of Islam. The ship then sailed on to Semudra. 


And when they reached Semudra the fakir went ashore 

where he met Merah Silu hunting for shell-fish on the beach. 

And the fakir asked him, "What is the name of this country? 7 ' 

And Merah Silu answered, "This is Semudra." And the fakir 

asked. "What is the name of the headman of this country?' r 

And Merah Silu replied, "It is I who am the headman of the 

people here." The fakir thereupon admitted him to the Faith 

of Islam and taught him the Muslim creed. And when Merah 

Silu had become a Muhammadan he returned to his house and 

the fakir returned to his ship. And that night in his sleep Merah 

Silu dreamt that the Apostle of God (may God bless him and 

give him peace) appeared to him, and the Apostle of God said 

to him, "Open your mouth, Merah Silu." And Merah Silu 

opened his mouth and the Prophet (may God bless him and 

give him peace) spat into the mouth of Merah Silu. And Merah 

Silu was awakened from his sleep and to his nostrils there came 

from his body a fragrance as of spikenard. The next morning 

the fakir came ashore bringing with him a Koran and he told 

Merah Silu to read it. And Merah Silu read the Koran. Then 

said the fakir to Shaikh Isma’il, the master of the ship, "This is 

the country of Semudra of which the Prophet (may God bless 

him and give him peace) spoke." Shaikh Isma'il then took ashore 

p.43 

[73]

from his ship the regalia he had brought with him and he in¬ 

stalled Merah Silu as Raja with the title of Sultan MalikuVSaleh. 


The chiefs in that country were two in number, one called 

Sri Kaya and the other called Bawa Kaya. Both of them em¬ 

braced Islam, Sri Kaya taking the name of Saidi 'Ali Ghithayu’d- 

din and Bawa Kaya the name of Saidi Asmayu'd-din. Shaikh 

Ismail then sailed for Mecca, leaving the fakir behind to confirm 

the people in the Faith. Thereupon Sultan Maliku's-Saleh sent 

Saidi ‘Ali Ghithayu’d-din to Perlak to ask for the hand of the Raja 

of Perlak’s daughter. Now the Raja of Perlak had three daugh¬ 

ters, two of them by his royal wife and one, called Princess 

Genggang, by a secondary wife. When Saidi ‘Ali Ghithayu’d-din 

reached Perlak, the Raja of Perlak showed all three of his daugh¬ 

ters to him; but he made the two sisters by the same mother sit 

below Princess Genggang, whom he ordered to sit above them on 

a raised seat and strip †^108 betel-nuts for her sisters. She wore a 

rose-coloured sarong, a jacket the colour of the jambu* flower, and 

earstuds shaped like the flower of the Palmyra oil-palm; she had 

in her hand a jĕngkĕlĕnar flower and she was very beautiful. 

And Saidi ‘Ali Ghithayu’d-din said  †^109 to the Raja of Perlak/' 

It is the daughter of your Highness sitting in the upper seat 

that my master asks for." But he knew not that Princess Geng¬ 

gang was only the daughter of a secondary wife. And the Raja 

of Perlak laughed merrily and said, "Very well, it shall be as he 

pleases." 


The Raja of Perlak then ordered a fleet of a hundred sail to 

be made ready, and Tun Perpateh Pandak was ordered to escort 

Princess Genggang to Semudra. And when they reached Semu¬ 

dra Sultan MalikuVSaleh went out to greet Princess Genggang 

at Jambu Ayer, whence he escorted her into Semudra with every 

mark of honour and distinction. And when they reached Semu¬ 

dra, the king initiated the customary ceremonies of many days 

and many nights. And when they were ended the marriage of 

the king with Princess Genggang took place. After the wedding 

the king gave of his bounty to his ministers and war-chiefs and 

distributed alms to all the poor and needy of Semudra, giving 

them gold and silver. (He) also (gave rich presents)  †^110 to Tun 

Perpateh Pandak who some time after the wedding had taken 

place sought leave to depart and returned to Perlak. And in the 

course of time Sultan Maliku's-Saleh had two children by Prin¬ 

cess Genggang, both of them sons; the elder was given the name 

of Sultan Maliku tl-Tahir and the younger the name of Sultan 

MalikuTMansur. The elder son was put in the charge of Saidi 

'Ali Ghithayu’d-din and the younger in the charge of Saidi ‘Ali 

Asmayu’d-Din.  


*. Eugenia sp. 

p.44 

[73—75] 

Now when Sultan Maliku'tl-Tahir and Sultan Maliku’l 

Mansur had grown up †^111 , Perlak was defeated in war by an 

enemy from across the water, and the people of Perlak betook 

themselves to Semudra. And Sultan Maliku's-Saleh conceived the 

idea of building a city for his sons, and he said to his chiefs, 

"Tomorrow let us go hunting." At day-break he mounted his 

elephant called Perma Dewana and crossed the river. When he 

reached the far shore, the hound called "Pasai” gave tongue. 

Sultan Maliku's-Saleh hastened to the hound and found that it 

was barking on some high ground which in extent was large 

enough for a palace and its outbuildings. It was a fine site and 

looked as though it had been banked up by hand. This high 

ground Sultan Maliku's-Saleh ordered to be cleared, and on it 

he had a city built and a palace withal. And he called the place 

Pasai after his hound. And he made his son Sultan Maliku'tl- 

Tahir Raja of Pasai, with Saidi ‘Ali Ghithayu'd-Din as chief 

minister. And Sultan Maliku'l-Saleh divided his men, his 

elephants and horses, and the regalia giving half to his son Sultan 

Maliku'tl-Tahir and half to his son Sultan Maliku'l-Mansur. 


And after a while Sultan Maliku's-Saleh fell sick, and he 

sent for the chiefs of Semudra and summoned his two sons. 

And when they were all come together—the officers of state, 

his two sons and the chiefs—he spoke thus to his sons and the 

chiefs, "My sons, my friends and officers, my appointed time 

when I shall die is near at hand; and I bid you when I am gone 

see to it that you, .my sons, hanker not after the goods of 

others nor lust after the wives of those who serve you. And 

you, my sons, live in concord one with another and let there 

be no variance between you.” Then turning to Saidi ‘Ali Ghi- 

thayu'd-Din and Saidi Asmayu'd-Din he said, "Do you, my 

brothers, take good care of these my two sons and prevent †^! 112 any 

variance between them. Never fail in your loyalty to them or 

do homage to any other Raja but these my two sons.” And the- 

two of them knelt before the king and wept, and they said, "Your 

Highness, light of our eyes, by God Almighty the Creator of the 

Universe never will we, your humble servants, go back on our 

word or waver in our loyalty so as to do homage to any Raja 

but these two sons of your Highness.” 


Sultan Maliku’s-Saleh then made his son Sultan Maliku'l- 

Mansur Raja of Semudra. And three days later he died and 

was buried close to his palace. He is known to this day as ‘He 

who found God's Mercy in Semudra.' 


After the death of his father Sultan Maliku'tl-Tahir and 

Sultan Maliku'l-Mansur (sic: ? omit) gave orders for the assem¬ 

bling of his war-chiefs, troops, elephants and horses, together with 

the regalia of Pasai. And Pasai grew greater from day to day and 

very many were its inhabitants. 

p.45 

[ 75 — 76 ] 

Here now is. a story of the Raja of Shahru'n-nuwi, who ruled 


a very great kingdom: his war-chiefs were legion and his men so 

numerous that none could count them. When people told the 

Raja of Shahru'n-nuwi about Semudra, of the number of its 

inhabitants, how many were the foreigners and merchants in the 

city and how great was the kingdom of the Raja, the Raja of 

Shahru'n-nuwi said to his war-chiefs, “Which of you will capture 

the Raja of Semudra †^f 113 for me?" And one of them, Awi Dichu, 

a war-chief of great strength and courage, answered, “Your High¬ 

ness, if by your Highness' favour I am given four thousand men, 


I will capture the Raja of Semudra and bring him alive to your 

Highness." The Raja of Shahru'n-nuwi then took four thousand 

war-chiefs and handed them over, with a hundred craft, to his 

war-chief Awi Dichu, who †^f 113a proceeds to fit out (?) the 

hundred ships. And when the ships had been made ready for 

sea, Awi Dichu ordered them to sail for Semudra in the guise of 

traders; and they set out one after the other until †^f 114 the whole 

fleet had sailed. Then Awi Dichu himself sailed, making himself 

out to be an envoy from the Raja of Shahru'n-nuwi. And when 

word reached Semudra that envoys from the Raja of Shahru'n- 

nuwi were arriving, the Raja of Semudra ordered his war-chiefs 

to welcome them. 


When Awi Dichu reached the shore, the letter he brought 

was taken †^f 115 ; and he then hid in chests four strong war-chiefs 

of his, saying to them, “When you come into the presence of the 

Raja of Semudra, open these chests, come out, all four of you, 

and capture the Raja of Semudra." Thp chests were then locked 

from within and were borne in procession, being described as 

the present accompanying the letter from the Raja of Shahru'n- 

nuwi. When the letter had been brought before the Raja of 

Semudra, it was read, and it was to such and such an effect. 

Then the chests were laid out before the Raja of Semudra, where¬ 

upon the Shahru'n-nuwi war-chiefs inside them each opened the 

chest he was in, came out and seized the Raja of Semudra. The 

war-chiefs of the Raja of Semudra forthwith raised an outcry and 

drawing each man his weapon, were for fighting the war-chiefs 

of Shahru'n-nuwi, who however cried, “Lay a hand on us and 

we'll kill your Raja, make no doubt of that!" As thev could not 

now fight the Shahru'n-nuwi war-chiefs, the men of Pasai accord¬ 

ingly stayed still. Awi Dichu and his men then returned! 116 

to their ships taking the Raja of Pasai with them and sailed off 

home with him. 


And when they were come to Shahru'n-nuwi, Awi Dichu 

brought the Raja of Pasai (sic) to the Raja of Shahru'n-nuwi who 

was well pleased and gave to Awi Dichu and the war-chiefs who 

had accompanied him robes of honour suchf 117 as princes wear. 

As for the Raja of Semudra he ordered him to tend the palace 

fowls. 

p.46 

[76—77] 

To return now to Saidi 'Ali Ghithayn’d-din. After consult¬ 

ing with the elder ministers of Pasai he had a ship built and he 

bought †^118 Arabian merchandise: and since at that time all the 

people of Pasai knew Arabic, Saidi 'Ali Ghithayu’d-din and the 

crew of the ship dressed themselves like Arabs. He then went 

aboard the ship and when all her equipment was ready he he sailed 

for Shahru’n-nuwi. And when in due course they came to 

Shahru’n-nuwi, Saidi 'Ali Ghithayu’d-din went ashore and pre¬ 

sented himself before the Raja, taking with him as a gift to the 

king a tree (that he had) made of gold, its fruit being precious 

stones of various kinds, to the valuef 119 of about a bhara* of 

gold. When the Raja of Shahru’n-nuwi beheld the present, he 

asked, “What is †^f 120 it that you desire of me?” And Saidi 'Ali 

Ghithayu’d-din and his companions answered, “We desire 

nothing! 321 .” And the king was astonished at the present and 

thought to himself, “What canf 122 it be that these men want of 

me that they should give me such a present?” And the men of 

Pasai returned to their ship. 


A day or two later the master of the ship again came ashore 

(with his companions?) and they presented themselves before 

the Raja of Shahru’n-nuwi taking with them as a present a 

golden chess-board with jewelled chess-men, to the valuef 123 , as 

in the former case, of a bhara of gold. And the Raja of Shahru’n- 

nuwi said, “What †^f 124 is it that you desire of me, that I may 

give it to you?” And they replied, “We desire nothing,” and 

returned to their ship. After a few days the season came for 

the return voyage and Saidi 'Ali Ghithayu’d-din began to set 

the ship’s gear in order for the voyage. He and his companions 

then presented themselves before the Raja of Shahru’n-nuwi, 

taking with them as gifts a pair of ducks, male and female, made 

of gold and studded with jewels, to the value of about a bhara 

of gold, together with a deep bowl made of gold and filled 

with water. The two ducks were then released into the golden 

bowl, where they swam, dived and chased one another. And 

the Raja of Shahru’n-nuwi was amazed at the sight of these magic 

ducks, and he said, “Now tell me the truth, what is it that you 

want? By the God whom I worship I will refuse you nothing 

that you desire.” 


Thereupon Saidi 'Ali Ghithayu’d-din answered, “If your 

Highness will graciously grant us this boon, we crave from your 

Highness the man who tends †^f 125 your fowls.” And the Raja of 

Shahru’n-nuwi said, “He is the Raja of Pasai; as you have asked 

for him, I will give him to you.” And they replied, “It is because 

he is a Muslim that we crave him from your Highness.” And the 

Raja of Shahru’n-nuwi granted Sultan Maliku’l-Tahir to Saidi 

*Ali Ghithayu’d-din, who took him to the ship. And when they 


*? 400 lbs. See note. 

p.47 

[77 - 78] 

had gone aboard, they lustrated him and arrayed him as a Raja. 


And a breeze sprang up, the anchor was weighed and the ship 

sailed for Semudra, where they arrived after a voyage of some days. 


To return now to Raja Maliku’l-Mansur at Semudra. One 

day he said to Saidi Asmayu’d-din, “I should like to visit my elder 

brother and see how he fares/' And Saidi Asmayu’d-din answered, 

"I pray your Highness, go not. There may be trouble †^f 126 .” In 

vain however did Saidi Asmayu’d-din try to dissuade Sultan 

Maliku’l-Mansur, the king turned a deaf ear. So Saidi Asmayu’d- 

din said no more and ordered a proclamation to be made, thus 

"Be it known that Sultan Maliku’l-Mansur proposes to proceed 

on a visit to the city of his brother.” But Saidi Asmayu’d-din 

did not approve, for he was an old minister and of wide expe¬ 

rience and he realised that trouble was inevitable. Sultan Maliku’l- 

Mansur however persisted and he proceeded on a tour of Pasai 

until finally he entered the palace of Sultan Maliku’l-Tahir. Con¬ 

ceiving a passion for one of the women attendants he carried 

her off and brought her back to his palace. Then he said to 

Saidi Asmayu’d-din, "Alas, my friend, something that was too 

difficult for me has come upon me. Conquered by my fleshly 

lusts my discretion vanished. What I have done has been my 

ruin, my fleshly lusts were too strong for me.” And Saidi 

Asmayu’d-din answered, "God’s holy will for his creatures has †^t 127 

been done.” Then there came news  †^f 128 of Sultan Maliku’tl- 

Tahir who was reported to be at Jambu Ayer, and news of (the 

wrong) Sultan Maliku’l-Mansur (had done) reached Sultan 

Maliku’l-Tahir, who thereupon harboured malice against his 

brother though he disclosed it to no one. And Sultan Maliku’l- 

Tahir sent a message to Sultan Maliku’l-Mansur asking him to 

welcome †^f 129 him (?). Sultan Maliku’l-Mansur accordingly left 

Semudra and went down to the mouth of the river. Meanwhile 

Sultan Maliku’l-Tahir landed from the Ketui river and went 

overland to his palace. Sultan Maliku’l-Mansur then returned 

to Semudra, reflecting on what he had done and what had hap¬ 

pened in consequence of his refusal to follow the advice of 

Saidi Asmayu’d-din, though repentance was now of no avail. But 

the heart of Sultan Maliku’l-Tahir had been moved against Sultan 

Maliku’l-Mansur. 


Sultan Maliku’l-Tahir had a son named Sultan Ahmad who 

at the time of Sultan Maliku’l-Tahir’s captivity was still a child 

but had grown up by the time his father came back from Shah- 

ru’n-nuwi. Now Saidi 'Ali Ghithayu’d-din had retired and was 

succeeded as chief minister by Tun Perpateh Tulus Tukang 

Sekarai, his son-in-law. One day Sultan Maliku’l-Tahir said to 

Perpateh Tulus Tukang Sekarai, "What think you should be done 

in the matter of (the conduct of?) Sultan Maliku’l-Mansur?” And 

Perpateh Tulus Tukang Sekarai answered, "There is a plan for 

p.48

[78—79] 

us ” And Sultan Maliku’l-Tahir said, "What if Sultan Maliku’l- 

Mansur should die?” And Tun Perpateh Tulus Tukang Sekarai 

replied, "If Sultan Maliku’l-Mansur dies, then I †^f 130 am no tukang*! 

Let us have your Highness' son Sultan Ahmad circumcised and 

invite. Sultan Maliku’l-Mansur to the ceremony. That will be 

the moment to put †^f 130a our plan into effect.” 


So Sultan Maliku’l-Tahir gave orders for the city and the 

hall of audience to be decorated, and he initiated the day and 

night festivities for the ceremony. And Sultan Maliku’l-Mansur 

arrived, whereupon Sultan Maliku’l-Tahir gave orders for him and 

Saidi Asmayu’d-din to be admitted to the palace, his war-chiefs 

however to †^t 131 remain outside. He then ordered the arrest of 

Sultan Maliku’l-Mansur and Saidi Asmayu’d-din, and he ordered 

one of his war-chiefs to take Sultan Maliku’l-Mansur to 

Manjong †^f 132 . The king then said to Saidi Asmayu’d-din, "Stay 

here and go not with Sultan Maliku’l-Mansur. Attempt to go 

with him and I’ll have your head cut off!” To which Saidi 

Asmayu’d-din replied, "Better the head should part company with 

the body than a servant part company with his master!” Sultan 

Maliku’l-Tahir then ordered Saidi Asmayu’d-din to be beheaded, 

his head to be cast into the sea and his body to be impaled at 

Kuala Pasai. 


Now Sultan Maliku’l-Mansur was taken by ship towards the 

east, and when they had come in the direction of Jambu Ayer 

heading eastward the shipmaster beheld a human head fouling 

the rudder. Sultan Maliku’l-Mansur was informed and he ordered 

the head to be recovered. And he saw that it was the head of 

Saidi Asmayu’d-din. And the king looked towards the land and 

asked, "What †^f 133 plain is this?” And to this day the place is 

known as Padang Maya (what plain). Then Sultan Maliku’l- 

Mansur went ashore on this †^f 134 plain and he sent a messenger 

to crave from Sultan Maliku’l-Tahir the corpse of Saidi Asmayu’d- 

din. And Sultan Maliku’l-Tahir gave the corpse to Sultan 

Maliku’l-Mansur who buried it at Padang Maya with the head 

and then went on to Manjong. After the departure of Sultan 

Maliku’l-Mansur, the ceremony of the circumcision of Sultan 

Ahmad was performed by his father. 


After Sultan Maliku’l-Mansur had been three years at Man¬ 

jong, one day Sultan Maliku’l-Tahir suddenly bethought him of 

his brother Sultan Maliku’l-Mansur, and he said, "To think what 

a fool †^f 135 I have been! Just because of a woman I have de¬ 

throned my brother and killed his minister!” And the king 

repented bitterly; and he ordered his war-chiefs to take a number 

of ships and bring †^f 136 his brother from Manjong. (This they did) 


* Craftsman. 

p.49 

[79—80] and Sultan Maliku'l-Mansur was brought back in state. And 

when they came to Padang Maya, Sultan Maliku'l-Mansur stopped 

there and went ashore to visit the grave of Saidi Asmayu'd-din. 

And the king greeted him, saying, "Peace be with you, old friend. 

Farewell to you here, for my brother has sent for me and I must 

go.” And Saidi Asmayu'd-din answered from the tomb, "Why, 

whither would your Majesty go? This is where we should be, 

you and I.” When Sultan Maliku'l-Mansur heard these words, 

he took the water for prayers and said two prayers of greeting. 

And when he had prayed, he stretched himself upon the ground 

beside Saidi Asmayu'd-din's tomb. And the thread of his life 

snapped and he died. Word was brought to Sultan MalikuT 

Tahir of the death of his brother at Padang Maya beside the 

tomb of Saidi Asmayu’d-din. And forthwith the king set out 

to visit his brother; and when he was come to Padang Maya 

he buried the body of Sultan Maliku'l-Mansur with all the solem¬ 

nity that is due to great Rajas. And he returned to Pasai sad 

at heart. Then he abdicated, after making Sultan Ahmad, his 

son, Raja in his stead. 


And after a while Sultan Maliku'l-Tahir fell sick. And he 

gave his dying injunction to his son Sultan Ahmad, saying, "My 

son, light of my eyes and heart of my heart, disregard not the 

words of your servants in any matter of yours. Take counsel 

with your ministers and let not your heart be swift to anger. 

Be on your guard against aught that is dishonourable. Make not 

light of your duties to Almighty God, and lay not your hand 

wrongfully on the goods) of others.” And Sultan Ahmad wept at 

this the last injunction of his father. And after a few days 

Sultan Maliku'l-Tahir died and was buried by his son near the 

mosque. And Sultan Ahmad came to the throne. 


Now there was a man of Pasai called Tun Jana Khatib. 

And he went to Singapura. And when he was come to Singapura, 

he walked through the streets accompanied by Tuan (?) di- 

Bungoran and Tuan di-Selangor. And it happened that as he 

was walking past the palace or the Raja of Singapura, the queen 

was looking out of the window and Tun Jana Khatib saw her. 

Now there was a betel-palm growing beside the palace, and Tun 

Jana Khatib cast a spell on it and it turned into two palms. And 

when Paduka Sri Maharaja saw what had happened he was very 

angry and said, "That's the sort of man Tun Jana Khatib is! 

No sooner does he know that the queen is looking at him than he 

shews off his powers!" And the king ordered him to be put to 

death. So Tun Jana Khatib was taken to the place of execution, 

near which was a man making cakes. And when Tun Jana Kha¬ 

tib was stabbed by the executioner, his blood dripped to the 

ground, though his body was spirited †^! 137 to Langkawi. And the 

cake-maker clapped the lid of his pan down over a clot of Tun 


J952] Royal Asiatic Society. 



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50 



The Malay Annals 


[ 80 — 81 ] Jana Khatib's blood, which turned into stone and is there to this 

day. 



And after a while Singapura was attacked by swordfish, which 

leapt upon any one who was on the sea shore. If they attacked 

the victim in the chest, he was pierced through the chest and 

died: if they attacked the victim's neck, his head rolled off his 

shoulders and he died: and if they attacked the victim in the 

waist, he was pierced through the waist and died. So great was 

the number of those killed by the swordfish that there was a 

panic and people ran hither and thither crying, “The swordfish 

are come to attack us! They have killed thousands of our people!" 

And Paduka Sri Maharaja went forth on his elephant escorted 

by his ministers †^f 137a war-chiefs, courtiers and heralds. And when 

he reached the sea shore he was astounded to see the havoc the 

swordfish had wrought; how not a victim of their attack had 

escaped; how those who had been stabbed rolled  †^f 137b over and over 

and died; and how the number of victims was ever mounting. 

And he ordered all his men to (stand side by side so as to) 

form a barricade of their shins, but the swordfish leapt upon 

them and any one they stabbed met †^f 138 his death. Like rain 

came the swordfish and the men they killed were past numbering. 


Presently a boy was heard to say, “What are we making this 

barricade of our legs for? Why are we deceiving ourselves? If 

we made a barricade of banana stems, would not that be better?" 

And when Paduka Sri Maharaja heard this he said, “That boy 

is right!", and he commanded his men to build a barricade of 

banana stems. And the swordfish came on; but as soon as they 

leapt, their snouts stuck on the banana stems, where they were 

cut †^f 139 down and killed in numbers past counting, and that was 

the end of the swordfish attack. 


Paduka Sri Maharaja then returned to the palace and his 

chiefs said to him, “Your Highness, that boy will grow into a 

very clever man. It would be as well to be rid of him!" And 

the king agreed and ordered the boy to be put to death. But 

when this boy was executed the guilt of his blood †^f 140 was laid on 

Singapura. 


When Paduka Sri Maharaja had reigned  †^f 141 for twelve years 

and six months he died and was succeeded on the throne by his 

son, Sri Sultan Iskandar Shah. He married a daughter 

of Tun Perpateh Tulus, and by her he had a son, Raja Kechil 

Besar as he was called. Now there was a certain Treasury officer 

of the king's who held the title of Sang Ranjuna Tapa and 

was †^f 142 a Singapura man. He had a very beautiful daughter who 

was the king's mistress and a great favourite of his. But the 

rest of the king's womenfolk spoke ill of her and accused her of 


Journal Malayan Branch [Vol. XXV, Pt. II & III 



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51 



translated by C. C. Brown 


[81—82] misconduct. And Sultan Iskandar Shah was very angry and 

ordered her to be publicly exposed †^! 143 at one †^f 143a end of the 

market. But Sang Ranjuna Tapa felt himself deeply humiliated 

by this treatment of his daughter and said, "Even if my daughter 

is guilty of misconduct, let her merely be put to death, why 

humiliate her like this?” And he sent a letter to Java saying, 

"If the Batara of Majapahit wishes to attack Singapura, he should 

come forthwith as I am ready to give him assistance from within 

the city.” And when the Batara of Majapahit heard what was 

in the letter of the Treasury officer of the Raja of Singapura he 

forthwith ordered a fleet of three hundred ships to be made 

ready, together w\th_ countless galleys, commissariat craft and 

dug-outs, and a force of two hundred thousand †^! 144 Javanese fight¬ 

ing men. And the expedition set out †^! 145 ; and when it reached 

Singapura battle was engaged with the men of Singapura. After 

the battle had lasted for some days Sultan Iskandar Shah ordered 

the Treasury to issue rice for the provisioning of the troops, but 

Sang Ranjuna Tapa replied that there was no rice left; for he 

was going to turn traitor. And at dawn Sang Ranjuna Tapa 

opened the gate of the fort, whereupon the Javanese entered and 

fought with the men of Singapura inside the fort. So many 

were killed on either side that blood flowed like a river in spate 

and flooded the fort of Singapura on the sea shore, and that 

was the blood which exists to this day on the plain of Singapura. 

And the men ot Singapura were defeated, and Sultan Iskandar 

Shah fled, going by way of Saletar and thence to Muar. By the 

will of Almighty God the house of Sang Ranjuna Tapa and his 

wife was turned into rock, and that is the rock whicn exists to 

this day in the moat of Singapura. After the Javanese had con¬ 

quered Singapura they returned to Majapahit. 


And Sultan Iskandar Shah came to Muar. where he took up 

his abode at a certain place. As soon as night had fallen a vast 

horde of monitor-lizards came, and when day dawned the place 

was seen to be covered with them. People killed them and threw 

them into the sea, though they ate some. That night however 

the monitor-lizards came again in great masses and the following 

night they came again. And so great was the stench there that 

to this day the place in known as Biawak Busok. 


And Sultan Iskandar Shah moved from there and went on 

to another place. There he had a fort built, but by the night 

of the verv day on which it was built the fort had fallen into 

decay. Wherefore the place is known as Kota Burok to this 

day. And Sultan Iskandar moved on again up the coast until 

presently he struck inland and came after a few days to Sening 

Ujong. And perceiving that this was a good place he left a 

minister there—whichf 145a is why the place has a minister to this 

day—and from there he went straight †^! 145b back to the sea shore, 


1952] Royal Asiatic Society. 



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52 



The Malay Annals 


[82—83] to a river called Bertam. And as the king, who was hunting r 

stood under a tree, one of his hounds was kicked by a white 

mouse-deer. And Sultan Iskandar Shah said, “This is a good' 

place, when even its mouse-deer are full of fight! We shall do 

well to make a city here/' And the chiefs replied, “It is indeed 

as your Highness says.” Thereupon Sultan Iskandar Shah ordered 

that a city be made, and he asked, “What is the name of the tree 

under which I am standing?” And they all answered, “It is 

called Malaka, your Highness”; to which he rejoined, “Then 

Malaka shall be the name of this city.” 


And Sultan Iskandar Shah took up his abode at Malaka, 

where he established a system of court ceremonial. It was he 

who first instituted the appointment of four ministers who were 

to sit in the hall of audience and hold †^f 146 inquiries; and the 

appointment of heralds †^f 147 who were to stand on the steps lead¬ 

ing up to the throne, forty on either side, and transmit any 

command given by the king; and the appointment of youths of 

good family as pages, their duty being to act as bearers of the 

Raja's personal requisites †^f 148 . 


Now as for Sultan Iskandar Shah, when he had just com¬ 

pleted three years on the throne, Singapura fell to the lavanese 

and he went to Malaka, where he was established as Raja for 

twenty years. And after he had ruled in all for twenty-five years, 

then in the process of time he died and was succeeded on the 

throne by his son Raja Kechil Besar with the title of Sultan 

Megat. 


Now Tun Perpateh Tulus had died and his son became Ben- 

dahara. Sultan Megat married his daughter and by her had three 

sons, Radin Bagus, Radin Tengah and Radin Anum. And after 

he had reigned for two years Sultan Megat died and was suc¬ 

ceeded by his son Raja Tengah, who had married a daughter of 

Tun Perpateh Muka Berjajar and by her had a son named Raja 

Kechil Bambang. After Raja Tengah had been some while on 

the throne, he shewed in the treatment of his subjects such 

justice that no other Raja of his time in this world could equal 

him. 



One night the king had a dream, He dreamt that he saw 

clearly our Prophet Muhammad (God's Chosen, may God bless 

him and give him peace): and the Apostle of God (may God 

bless him and give him peace) said to Raja Tengah, “Say 'I testify 

that there is no god but God and that Muhammad is the Apostle 

of God'.” And Raja Tengah repeated word for word what the 

Apostle of God (may God bless him and give him peace) had 

told him: whereupon the Apostle of God (may God bless him 

and give him peace) said to him, “Your name is Muhammad. 


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[83—84] To-morrow, when it is the time for the afternoon prayer, there 

will come hither a ship from Juddah; and from that ship a man 

will land on this shore of Malaka. See to it that you do what¬ 

soever he tells you.” And Raja Tengah answered “Very well”, 

whereupon the Prophet of God (may God bless him and give him 

peace) disappeared from his sight. 


Then †^f 149 day broke and Raja Tengah awoke from sleep; and 

he saw that he had been circumcised. And he kept continually 

repeating, “I testify that there is no god but God and that 

Muhammad is the Apostle of God,” to the astonishment of all 

the women-attendants of the palace. And the king's ministers 

said, “Is this Raja of ours possessed †^! 150 by the devil or is †^f 151 he 

mad? We had better inform the Bendahara †^f 152 straightaway.” 

So the women-attendants went and informed the Bendahara. 

And the Bendahara came; and he went into the royal apartments 

where he found the Raja still repeating continually, “I testify 

that there is no god but God and that Muhammad is the 

Apostle of God. 


And the Bendahara said, “What language is this that you 

are talking, Sire †^f 153 ?” And the Raja answered. “Last night I had 

a dream and in that dream I clearly saw the Lord Prophet (may 

God bless him and give him peace)”; and he told the Bendahara 

all that he had dreamt. And the Bendahara said, “If your dream 

was true, Sire, what is there to prove it?” And the Raja answer 

ed, “The fact that I am circumcised. That proves the truth of 

my dream about the Apostle of God (may God bless him and 

peace). And the Apostle of God said to me, “This afternoon †^! 154 , 

at the time of the *asar prayers, a ship will arrive from Juddah and 

from that ship a man will land and say prayers on this Malaka 

shore. Do as he bids you!” Then said the Bendahara, “If a 

ship does arrive at the time of the ‘asar prayers, then your dream 

will be true, Sire. If no ship comes, then of a surety it is the 

devil †^f 153a plaguing you!” And the Raja said, “I agree.” The 

Bendahara then returned to his house. 


And when it was the hour of ‘asar, a ship arrived from Juddah 

and proceeded to anchor. And from this ship a Makhdum dis¬ 

embarked, Saiyid 'Abdu'LAziz †^! 155 by name, and then prayed on 

the shore. And all who saw him were astonished at nis be¬ 

haviour and said, “What means this bobbing up and down?” 

And there was a general scramble to see him, the people crowd¬ 

ing together so thickly that there was not a space between one 

man and another and there was such a disturbance that the 

noise of it came to the ears of the Raja inside the royal apart¬ 

ments of the palace. And straightaway the Raja set forth on his 

elephant escorted by his chiefs and he perceived that the Makh- 

dum’s behaviour in saying his) prayers was exactly as in his dream. 


1952] Royal Asiatic Society. 



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54 



The Malay Annals 


[ 84 — 85 ] And he said to the Bendahara and the chiefs, 'That is exactly 

how it happened in my dreJim!” 


And when Makhdum Saiyid 'Abdu'l-Aziz had finished his 

prayers, the Raja made his elephant kneel and he mounted the 

Makhdum on the elephant and took him to the palace. And 

the Bendahara †^f 156 and the chiefs embraced Islam; and every 

citizen of Malaka, whether of high or low degree, was commanded 

by the Raja to do likewise. As for the Raja himself, he received 

instruction in the Faith from Makhdum Saiyid 'Abdu’l-'Aziz, and 

he took the title of Sultan Muhammad Shah. The Bendahara 

was given the title of Sri Amar 'diraja and Tun Perpateh Besar was 

made Treasurer, with the title of Sri Nara 'diraja. [He had a 

daughter named Tun Rana Sandari]. Sultan Muhammad Shah 

then established the ceremonial of the court. 


It was he †^f 157 who first instituted royal privileges in regard 

to yellow, viz. that it could not be worn by commoners or used 

for cloths, for curtain fringes, for bolster ends, for mattresses or 

for any kind of wrapping. "You may not use it for stringing 

jewels, for the adornment of your houses or for any other pur¬ 

pose/' It was only for three things, viz. sarongs, jackets and 

handkerchiefs that it could be used. It was also a royal privi¬ 

lege to have enclosed verandahs, pillars that hung down not 

reaching to the ground, posts that went right up to the roof- 

beam or summer-houses, while on boats only royalty could have 

windows and reception cabins. In regard to umbrellas white was 

more strictly a royal privilege than yellow, for white umbrellas 

were reserved for rulers while yellow umbrellas could be used 

by princes. Commoners might not have metal casing on the 

sheath of the creese, whether covering it entirely or even going 

only half way up the sheath. Nor was it permitted to any com¬ 

moner, however high his rank, to wear anklets of gold: even with 

silver knobs gold anklets were a royal privilege. Any one who 

disobeyed this ordnance was guilty of Jese majeste and the 

penalty was death. No one who possessed gold, however rich he 

might be, was permitted to wear it unless  †^f 158 it was a present 

from the Raja, when he might wear 1 it in perpetuity. No person, 

whoever he might be, might enter the palace without wearing his 

sarong in the overlap (?) †^t 159 fashion, his creese in front †^f 160 and 

a scarf over his shoulders. Any one wearing his creese behind 

would have it confiscated by the gate-keeper. The penalty  †^! 161 

for disobedience of this order was death. 


When the king gave audience, principal ministers, senior 

war-chiefs and courtiers occupied  †^f 162 the body †^f 163 of the hall of 

audience: princes of the blood royal occupied the gallery on the 

left and knights the gallery on the right: heralds and young war- 

chiefs stood at the foot †^f 164 of the dais bearing swords, the heralds 


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55 



translated by C. C. Brown 


[ 85 ] 


on the left being descendants of ministers eligible for the appoint¬ 

ments of Bendahara †^f 165 , Treasurer or Temenggong, and the chief 

herald †^f 166 on the right being descended from a war-chief eligible 

for the appointment of Laxsamana or Sri Bija 'diraja: he who 

bore the title of Sang Guna was Laksamana-designate: and he 

who bore the title of Tun Pikrama was Bendahara-designate. At 

the paying of homage the chief of the four or five heralds †^f 16 ! 

took precedence of the courtiers who sat in the body of the 

audience hall and of everybody except principal ministers. 

Cham †^f 168 shipmasters of high standing and young nobles (who 

held no office) occupied the balcony of the hall of audience. 

The Raja's personal requisites †^f 169 , such as his cuspidore, goglet 

and fan [and shield and bow] were put in the passage, though 

the betel set was placed in the gallery. The sword or state was 

borne by the Laksamana or the Sri Bija 'diraja, whose position 

was in the gallery on the left. If envoys †^f 170 came, the letter was 

received by the chief herald on the right, while the Raja's reply 

to the envoys was announced by the herald on the left. The 

ceremonial prescribed for the arrival or departure of envoys was 

that a large tray and a salver were to be brought in by a slave 

from the palace; and the large tray was to be received by the 

herald on the right and set down as near to the throne as the 

Bendahara's seat. The shoulder-cloth and the salver were given 

to the bearer of the letter. If it was a letter from Pasai (or from 

Haru ?) it was received with full †^! 171 ceremonial equipment (? big 

drum,) trumpet, kettledrums and two whitef 171a umbrellas side by 

side and the elephant was brought alongside one end of the 

audience hall. For the Rajas of those two †^f 172 countries (Pasai 

and Haru) were regarded as equal (to the Raja of Malaka in 

greatness) and however †^f 173 they (the three) might stand to each 

other in point of age, it was 'greetings' (not 'obeisance') they 

sent to each other. To a letter from any other state less respect 

was accorded, only the big drum, the clarionet and a yellow 

umbrella being used. The letter was borne on elephantf 173a or on 

horseback as circumstances might demand, and it was taken 

down (from the elephant or horse as the case might be) outside 

the outer gate. If (it was a letter from) a Raja of some standing, 

the trumpet might be used and two umbrellas, one white and 

one yellow, and the elephant made to kneel outside the inner 

gate. 



Foreign envoys, even †^t 174 those from Rekan, were given robes 

of honour on departure, as were our own envoys when departing 

on a mission. 


For the installation of a chief the Raja would give an audience 

such as was customary on the arrival of an envoy. The man to 

be installed was fetched †^f 175 from his house with due ceremony. 

If he was of the standing of a chief, he was fetched by some one of 


1952] Royal Asiatic Society . 



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56 



The Malay Annals 


[ 85 — 86 ] high degree; if he was of lesser status, by a man of medium 

standing. If he was of the rank to be borne by elephant he was 

brought by †^f 176 elephant: if he was of the rank to be borne by 

horse, he was brought on horseback. If he was not of the rank 

to be borne by horse, he came on foot, with umbrella, drum 

and clarionet. As regards the umbrella however, some were en¬ 

titled to have a green umbrella, some a blue, some a red. The 

highest grade was the yellow, as yellow umbrellas are the 

umbrellas of princes and major chiefs, while a purple or red 

umbrella is that of courtiers, heralds and war-chiefs. A blue 

umbrella could be used by any one who was being installed. 


When the man who was to be installed arrived, he was 

halted and the chirijjj was read by an officer of the court before 

the Raja. After it had been read it was taken outside, to be 

received by one of the relatives of the man who was being 

installed: he wore the shoulder-cloth. Then the officer who 

read the chiri (before the Raja) put it †^f 177 on the head of the 

man who was being installed, and the latter was brought into the 

hall of audience, where a mat was laid for him at such place as 

the Raja wished, so that thereafter that should be his place in 

the hall. Robes of honour were then brought. If it was a Ben- 

dahara (who was being installed) five trays were used for the 

robes of honour: the jacket was laid on one †^f 178 , the headkerchief 

on another, the scarf on another, the waistband on another and 

the sarong on another. In the case of a prince or a minister or a 

knight, there were only four trays, the waistband being omitted. 

For a herald, courtier or war-chief there were three trays only— 

one for the sarong, one for the jacket and the third for the head¬ 

kerchief together with the scarf. Some were entitled to two 

trays only, one for the sarong and the other for the jacket and 

the headkerchief. In some cases all the articles of raiment were 

put on one tray, while in others there was no tray at all and the 

sarong, jacket and headkerchief were just heaped together and 

borne on the raised and upturned hands of the slave who carried 

them. When they reached the man who was being installed, 

lie folded his arms round them and took them outside. The 

procedure was the same in regard to robes of honour for envoys, 

each envoy being treated according to his rank. 


When the robes of honour were brought, the man to be in¬ 

stalled went out and put them on. He then came in again and 

was invested with frontlet and armlets, for any one installed 

wore armlets, but they varied with rank: some had armlets with 

dragon and clasp, some had jewelled armlets, some had armlets 

with clasp only, some had armlets made in the shape of aroid 

fronds, some had armlets of silver. When that had been done, 

the man who was being installed did homage and then went 


5 Formula of investiture. 


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57 



translated by C. C. Brown 


[ 86 — 87 ] home, escorted either by the man who had fetched him or by 

some one else of appropriate rank. He was taken home in proces¬ 

sion : in some cases the only instruments used were the drum and 

clarionet, in others the trumpet was added, and in yet other 

cases there were the kettledrums and white umbrellas as well, 

though in former days it cost money to get white umbrellas 

and kettledrums; even yellow umbrellas and trumpets were hard 

to procure. 


If the Raja left the palace, on days that the litter was used 

the Treasurer held the head of the litter, with the Temenggong 

holding it on the right and the Laksamana †^f 179 on the left, while 

the rear end of the litter was held by the two chief heralds. 

Opposite the chain near the Raja's knee the Laksamana (sic) held 

the litter on the right and the Sri Bija 'diraja held it on the left. 

Heralds and war-chiefs marched in front of the litter, each carry¬ 

ing the insignia assigned to him. The regalia were borne by 

men marching in front of the Raja; and there was one state lance- 

on the right and one on the left. In front †^f 180 of the Raja 


went.the heralds bearing the swords of state (and ?) in 


front (of them ?) those who carried spears. What was called 

the 'standard' †^f 181 was in front of the Raja, as were the drums 

and kettledrums on the Raja's right and the trumpets on his left. 

For in a procession the right ranked higher than the left, whereas 

in regard to seating the left ranked higher than the right, which 

applied also when an audience was given. (In a procession), of 

those who marched in front of the Raja it was those of lower rank 

who led the way. In front of all went the lances and pennons 

followed by the musical instruments of every description. Behind 

the Raja went the Bendahara with the chief ministers and judges. 


If the Raja went by elephant, the Temenggong rode on the 

elephant’s head, while the Laksamana or Sri Bija 'diraja, bearing 

the sword of state, rode on the croup. At courts †^f 182 when the 

drum of sovereignty was beaten the major chiefs were on the 

left of the drum and the minor chiefs on the right. The sireh* 

at such a court was given in the following order; first, members 

of the ruling house; then (the Bendahara †^f 183 ?; then) the 

Treasurer, then the Temenggong; then the four chief ministers; 

then the Laksamana; then the Sri Bija 'diraja; then the principal 

courtiers; then the knights. But it was only if the Bendahara 

was present that sireh was given: if he was not present the sireh 

nobat was not given even though members of the ruling house 

were there. 


If royal celebrationsf 184 were being held , it was the Treasurer 

who was master of ceremonies and directed the laying of mats 

in the hall †^f 185 of audience, the decoration of the inner hall and 


* betel-leaf. 


1952] Royal Asiatic Society. 



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58 



The Malay Annals 



£ 87 — 88 ] 



the hanging of ceiling-cloths. He inspected the food that was 

to be served and gave orders  †^f 18(5 for the proclaiming of people 

by name and summoning them to the throne. For all ser¬ 

vants and clerks of the Raja were under the Treasurer's control. 

Under him too were the Shahbandar and all those in charge of 

the revenues of the state. It was the Treasurer too who gave 

orders for the summoning of people, while it was the 

Temenggong †^f 187 who arranged the guests for feeding †^! 188 in the 

inner hall. There were not more than four people to a dish, 

and this applied from the top downwards. If one of the four 

to share the dish was missing, three were left to share it: if there 

were two missing, two remained to share the dish: and if there 

were three missing, the one man had the dish to himself. People 

from below could not be brought up to fill missing places; still 

less †^f 189 could people from above be moved down for that purpose. 

But ceremonial custom prescribed that the Bendahara should have 

a dish to himself or share one with †^f 189a members of the ruling 

house. Thus was the ceremonial custom in the days of (the) 

Malacca (sultanate). And there is much more that could be told; 

but to go into every detail would be bewildering to the listener. 



For the festival of the night of the twenty-seventh! 190 of 

Ramdlan the following was the procedure. While it was still 

day the (? Laksamana †^f 189b took the) royal praying-mat in proces¬ 

sion to the mosque, the Temennggong sitting on the 

head of the elephant. To the mosque too were taken the 

betel bowl and other personal requisites of the Raja, and 

the drums (?) †^! 191 . Then when night had fallen, the Raja 

proceeded to the mosque, the ceremonial being as for the 

days when the Raja assisted at the evening prayers, followed 

by the special vespers, of the fasting month. When the 

prayers were concluded the Raja returned to the palace. On 

thq following day the Laksamana took the royal turban in proces¬ 

sion, for it was the custom that Malay Rajas going to the mosque 

should wear the turban  †^f 192 and the cassock. These were the 

privilege of royalty and could not be worn for weddings except 

By special permission of the Raja, when they might be worn. 

Similarly dressing in the Kalinga fashion for weddings or Hari 

Raya prayers was permitted (? only) to those whose national 

dress such apparel was. 



On the lesser Hari Raya or the greater, the Bendahara and 

the chiefs went into the palace, and the royal litter was brought 

into the palace domain in procession from the house †^! 193 of the 

Treasurer. As soon as they saw the litter taken into the palace 

all those in the audience hall came out. The Raja †^! 194 then 

appeared and was taken in procession, mounted on an elephant, 

to the royal dais, which he ascended. When the peonle saw 

the Raja, they all sat on the ground and the litter was brought 


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59 



translated by C. C. Brown 


[ 88 ] alongside the dais. The Bendahara †^! 195 thereupon ascended †^! 196 

the dais to conduct the Raja to the litter, which he mounted, and 

he was then borne to the mosque, with the procedure already 

described. That was the approved ceremonial. If there are errors 

in the description, it is the duty of anyone who remembers the 

history to correct them; and your humble servant trusts that he 

will not incur censure. 


Throughout his long reign Sultan Muhammad Shah shewed 

a high degree of justice in his treatment of his subjects, and 

Malaka became a great city. Strangers flocked thither and its 

territory stretched westward †^! 197 as far as Bruas Ujong and east¬ 

ward as far as Trengganu Ujong Karang. And from below the 

wind to above the wind Malaka became famous as a very great 

city, the Raja of which was sprung from the line of Sultan Iskan- 

dar DzuTKarnain: so much so that princes from all countries 

came to present themselves before Sultan Muhammad Shah, who 

treated them with due respect bestowing upon them robes of 

honour of the highest distinction together with rich presents of 

jewels, gold and silver. 


God knoweth the truth. To Him do we return.


Chapter VII 


The story of Mani Purindan of Pahili in Kalinga who leaves his 

home after a quarrel with his brother and decides to go to* 

Malacca to do homage to the Raja. 


Sultan Muhammad Shah dies after a reign of 57 years and is 

succeeded by his son Raja Ibrahim with the title of Sultair 

Abu Shahid: but the Raja of Rekan acts as regent until Raja 

Kasim, Sultan Abu Shahid’s brother, seizes the throne. The 

Raja of Rekan is killed but before he dies he kills Sultan Abu: 

Shahid. Raja Kasim becomes Sultan Muzaffar Shah, shews him¬ 

self to be a wise and humane ruler and orders the making of 

a code of laws. Bettdahara Sriwa Raja fancying that he 

has incurred the Sultan's displeasure t&kes poison. 


(Shellabear, chapter XII). 


Here now is the story of a city in Kalinga called Pahili, the 

Raja of which was called NizamuTMuluk Akar Shah. He was a 

Muhammadan, in the Faith of Prophet Muhammad, the Apostle 

of God (may God bless him and give him peace): and he had 

three children, a daughter and two sons. The elder son was 

called Baginda Mani Purindan and the younger Raja Akar Muluk 

Shah. On the death of Raia Nizamul-Muluk Akar Shah, his 

younger son, Raja Akar Muluk Shah, succeeded to the throne! 198 . 

And as he was dividing the inheritance with his brother 

and sister, in accordance with the law of Almighty God, they 

came to a! 199 chuki§ board which was made of gold and had 

jewelled pips, one set being of red gems and the other of green 


5 A game resembling go bang (W.) 


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60 



The Malay Annals 


|88—89] gems. And Baginda Mani Purindan said to his brother, Raja 

Akar Muluk Padshah, “Let our sister have this chuki board, 

it is more suitable for her than for us.” But Raja Akar Muluk 

Padsha answered, “I do not agree to that. I say that we should 

value the board, and if our sister wants it, she shall give us the 

price of it.” And Baginda Mani Purindan felt himself humiliated 

by his brother's refusal to adopt his suggestion, and he thought 

to himself, “If in a trifling matter like this my brother won't 

accept what I suggest, how much the less will he do so in a 

matter of importance? If this is to be the case, I had better 

go into exile. Even i£ I stay here, it is not I but my brother 

who will be the ruler in this city. Can I do better than betake 

myself to Malaka, for the Raja of Malaka is the great Raja in 

these days and it is right that I should own him as my lord, 

for he is sprung from the line of Raja Iskandar Dzu'l-Karnain.” 

When he was thus resolved Baginda Mani Purindan made ready 

a fleet of many ships and sailed for Malaka. 


But when he reached jambu Ayer a great storm arose and 

the ship of Baginda Mani Purindan foundered. He was pitched 

into the water and fell astride the back of a barracouta, which 

bore him rapidly to the shore. And when they struck the shore 

Baginda Mani Purindan caughtf 199a hold of a gandasouli to help 

himself out of the water and landed. And that is why Baginda 

Mani Purindan forbade his descendants ever to eat barracouta of 

wear gandasouli flowers. Baginda Mani Purindan then went on to 

Pasai, where the Raja married him to his daughter: and it is 

from this line that the Rajas of Pasai are descended. [Sultan 

Khamis, father of Raja Suta whom Baginda Mani Purindan 

divorced, was related to the Malays]. 


And after he had spent some while in Pasai, Baginda Mani 

Purindan returned to Kalinga and had ships made ready. And 

when the sailing season arrived, Baginda Mani Purindan set 

sail for Malaka with his soldiers under the command of Khoja 

'‘Ali and Tandil Muhammad and with five vessels accompanying 

him. And when they reached Malaka, Baginda Mani Purindan 

(forthwith presented himself before Sultan Muhammad Shah 

who gave him in the hall of audience the rank of a minister). 

He was then takenf 200 as son-in-law by the Sri Nara 'diraja who 

married him to his daughter, Tun Ratna Sandari. By her 

Baginda Mani Purindan had two children;. a son named Naina 

Madi and a daughter named Tun Rana Wati, who became the 

wife of Bendahara Sri Amar 'diraja and bore him a son called 

Tun 'Ali. 


And Bendahara Sri Amar 'diraja returned to the Mercy of 

God and was succeeded as Bendahara by Perpateh Sandang with 

the title of Sriwa Raja. And the Sri Nara 'diraja died, where- 


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61 



translated by C. C. Brown 


[89 _ 90 ] upon Tun 'Ali, son of Bendahara Sri Amar 'diraja by Tun Ratna 


Wati, daughter of Baginda Mani Purindan, became Treasurer 

with the title of Sri Nara 'diraja. 


And Sultan Muhammad Shah married a princess of Rekan, 

by whom he had a son named Raja Ibrahim. By his other wife, 

the Bendahara’s daughter, he also had a son, called Raja Kasim. 

The latter was older than Raja Ibrahim, but it was the desire 

of the queen that even so Raja Ibrahim should succeed his father, 

and Sultan Muhammad Shah acquiesced despite his fondness 

for Raja Kasim: Such was the deference that he paid to the 

queen’s wishes that he was helpless, allowing Raja Ibrahim to 

do just as he pleased but chiding Raja Kasim if he took so much 

as a bit of sireh leaf from anyone. The people however hated 

Raja Ibrahim and liked Raja Kasim. 


And the Raja of Rekan came to Malaka to present himself 

before the king, and he was treated with great distinction by 

Sultan Muhammad Shah because the queen was his relative, and 

he was given f 201 the same precedence as the Bendahara in the 

hall of audience, though seated below him at table. Hence the 

Rekan war-chiefs said to their Raja, "How comes it that we are 

as fowls, sleeping on the roof but made to feed under the 

house? Far better were it that we take our leave of this place!” 

The Raja of Rekan then took his seat below the Bendahara, with 

the acquiescence of Sultan Muhammad Shah. 


And after that, when Sultan Muhammad Shah had reigned 

for fifty-seven years, then in the process of time he left this 

perishable world to go to one that abideth: as it is written 

■"To God we belong and to Him we return.” And (after the 

deathf 202 of Sultan Muhammad Shah) his son, Raja Ibrahim, 

succeeded him upon the thone, with the title, as ruler, of Sultan 

Abu Shahid. The Raja of Rekan however acted as regent! 203 

for him and the city of Malaka was, as it were, ruled by the 

Raja of Rekan. Raja Kasim was commanded by the Raja of 

Rekan to take up his abode with a fisherman, and every day 

he went to sea .to fish. Now that the Raja of Rekan was, as 

it were, ruler of Malaka, Sultan Abu Shahid being still a minor, 

the chiefs, ministers and war-chiefs assembled before the Benda¬ 

hara to take counsel. And the ministers and war-chiefs said, 

MIow stand we all? It seems that it is the Raja of Rekan who 

is our master, not Raja Abu Shahid!” And Bendahara Sriwa 

Raja answered, "What can we do? The Raja of Rekan never 

leaves our ruler s side!” And when they heard the words of the 

Bendahara the chiefs sat silent and then they departed each to 

his house. But the Sri Nara 'diraja pondered the matter in 

his heart, and he constantly invited Raja Kasim to his house and 

set food before him, for Raja Kasim was his cousin. 


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The Malay Annals 


[90*—92] And after a time a ship arrived from the regions above the 


wind. And when the ship had anchored the fish sellers all came 

to sell their fish to the crew. And Raja Kasim came selling 

fish like the other fishermen. Now there was aboard the ship 

a certain Maulanaf 204 called Maulana Jalalu'd-din Who, when he 

saw Raja Kasim, bade him come aboard and treated him withf 204a 

every mark of respect. And when Raja Kasim asked, “Why do you 

treat me with such respect sir, seeing that I am only a fish seller 

selling fish?" Maulana Jalalu'd-din answered, “You are a son of 

the Raja in this city, and one of these days you will be Raja of 

Malaka!" And Raja Kasim said, “How am I to become Raja? If 

I had your spiritual power to help me, Maulana, I might become 

Raja. And the Maulana replied. “Go ashore, sir, and seek some 

one who can carry through this affair of yours: God willing, it will 

be successfully accomplished. But I ask you in return to promise 

that the princess whom the Raja of Rekan has taken as consort 

shall be given to me." And Raja Kasim said. “Very well—if 

I become Raja!" Then said the Maulana, “Hasten ashore, sir, 

and set to work this night, verily God Almighty is with you!" 

Raja Kasim then went ashore, thinking to himself, “Whither 

else should I go than to the Sri Nara 'diraja for he is my cousin 

and maybe will help me?" When he was thus resolved, Raja 

Kasim went to the Sri Nara 'diraja and told him what the 

Maulana had said. He then asked the Sri Nara 'diraja if he 

would help him to seize the throne. And the Sri Nara 'diraja 

replied that he would; whereupon they entered into a solemn 

pact and the Sri Nara 'diraja set about collecting supporters. 

(That night) Raja Kasim mounted the elephant “Juru Demang", 

with the Sri Nara 'diraja on the elephant's head: and the crew 

of the ship came ashore, every man fully armed. And the Sri 

Nara 'diraja said to Raja Kasim, “What think you should be done? 

For if the Bendahara is not on our side, we shall not succeed." 

And Raja Kasim said, “What think you then?" And when the Sri 

Nara 'diraja answered, “Let us go to the Bendahara!", Raja 

Kasim said, “Very well, I will do whatever you think best." 


So Raja Kasim and the Sri Nara 'diraja went to the 

Bendahara. And when they came to the fence round the Benda- 

hara's house, the Sri Nara 'diraja said, “Take word forthwith to 

Bendahara Sriwa Raja that the Ruler waits without." The 

Bendahara was immediately informed, and he left his house there 

and then, without his creese and only putting on his headkerchief 

as he came. It was a pitch dark night. When the Bendahara 

reached the foot of his stairs, the Sri Nara 'diraja made the 

elephant kneel and said, “Bendahara, the Raja bids you mount." 

The Bendahara mounted forthwith, and the elephant rose 

to his feet and set forward. When the Bendahara saw the gleam 

of many weapons and perceived that the Raja was not Sultan 

Abu Shahid, he could not believe his eyes. And the Sri Nara 


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63 



translated by C. C. Brown 


[92—93] ‘diraja said to the Bendahara, “Raja Kasim means to kill the 

Raja of Rekan! What think you, sir?” The Bendahara could 

only reply, “Excellent! 205 ! For Raja Kasim too has my allegiance 

and I have alwaysf 206 wanted to settlef 206a the account of the Raja 

of Rekan!” Tnese words of the Bendahara gladdened the heart 

of Raja Kasim. 


He thereupon proceeded to storm the palace. And there 

was great excitement as the tale went round, “Raja Kasim is 

storming the palace!” The principal chiefs, the lesser chiefs and 

the war-chiefs then came in quest of the Bendahara, and when 

they were told that he had gone with Raja Kasim, they thought 

to themselves, “This is the Bendahara's doing”. So they all went 

to the Bendahara and joined Raja Kasim, for he was a general 

favourite. And resistance from within the palace was over¬ 

powered; but the Raja of Rekan never left the side of Sultan 

Abu Shahid. And the Sri Nara ‘diraja said. “The Raja bids 

us seize Sultan Abu Shahid lest he be slain by the Raja of Rekan!” 

In vain went up the cry that the Raja of Rekan should not be 

stabbed; it was unheard in the general uproarf 207 , and the Raja 

of Rekan was stabbed to the heart. No sooner had he felt the 

wound than he stabbed Sultan Abu Shahid, who died a martyr's 

death. He had reigned for a year and five months. 


On the Raja's death, Raja Kasim succeeded to the throne 

and was duly installed, with the title of Sultan Muzaffar 

Shah. The Maulana then asked for fulfilment of the promise 

made to him. The king accordingly gave orders for one of the 

women attendants, who was a pretty girl, to be decked out in 

finery, jewels and all; and she was given to the Maulana as the 

Rekan princess. Thinking that she was in fact the Rekan princess, 

the Maulana accepted her and took her away with him to the 

regions above the wind. When he had come to the throne Sultan 

Muzaffar Shah shewed himself to be a Raja of high character, just 

and humane, diligent in inquiry into the pleas of his people: and 

it was he who ordered the compilationf 207a of a code of laws in 

order that there should henceforward be uniform justice in the 

decisions of his ministers. As for the Sri Nara ‘diraja, he 

became a great favourite of the Raja who never opposed any 

thing that he said or asked. And Sultan Muzaffar Shah took 

as his consort the daughter of Radinf 207b Anum; by her he had a 

son who was very handsome and was given the name of Raja 

‘Abdul. 


It happened one day that Sultan Muzaffar Shah was giving 

an audience and it had lasted so long a time before the Benda¬ 

hara arrived at the palace to present himself that Sultan Muzaffar 

Shah retired, not knowing that the Bendahara had come: and 

as the Sultan went into the palace the door was slammed to by 


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64 



The Malay Annals 


[93]_ the wind. Whereupon Bendahara Sriwa Raja thought to him¬ 

self, "I have incurred the Ruler's displeasure. No sooner do I 

appear than the Raja retires and the door is shut!" And he 

returned to his house and took poison, from which he died. 

Sultan Muzaffar Shah was forthwith informed that the Bendahara 

had taken poison and was dead. And when he was told why 

the Bendahara had taken poison, he was overhelmed withf 207c 

grief. And he went and buried the Bendahara with all the 

traditional ceremony: nor for seven days and seven nights did he 

allow the royal bandf 208 to play, as he mourned for the 

Bendahara. The king then appointed the Sri Nara 'diraja 

to be Bendahara. Now Bendahara Sriwa Raja had three child¬ 

ren: the eldest was a girl and the younger two were both boys. 

The girl was called Tun Kudu: she was extremely beautiful 

and Sultan Muzaffar Shah married her. The second child was 

called Tun Perak and the youngest Tun Perpateh Puteh. Tun 

Perak was not givenf 209 any appointment at court, so he went 

away to Klang, where he married and settled down. And when 

after a while the people of Klang discarded their headman, they 

went and presented themselves before the Raja in Malaka to 

ask for another. And when Sultan Muzaffar Shah asked them 

whom they wanted, they replied, “If it please your Highness, 

it is Tun Perak that we crave should be given to us as our 

headman." Their request was granted and Tun Perak was made 

headman of Klang. 




Chapter VIII 


The Siamese attack Malacca but are defeated. Tun 

Perak’s vigorous ripostes against Malacca criticisms of his con* 

duct earn Sultan Muzaffar’s approval and he is made Paduka 

Raja and told to live at Malacca. His quarrel with the Sri 

Nara ‘diraja and how Sultan Muzaffar reconciled them. He 

is made Bendahara and is described as one of the three out¬ 

standing men of his time. The Siamese again attack and 

again the attack is repelled. Sultan Muzaffar then decides to 

try and make friends with Siam and sends Tun Telanai as 

envoy. The success of his mission. 


(SheJIabear, Chapter XIII ) 


Here now is the story of the Raja of Siam. From ancient 

times the country of Siam was known as Shahru'n-nuwi, and all 

princes of these regions below the wind were subject to Siam, 

the Raja of which was called the Bubunnyaf 210 . And when the 

news reached Siam that Malaka was a great city but was not 

jsubject to Siam, the Bubunnya sent an envoy to Malaka to 

demand a letter! 211 of 'obeisance': but Sultan Muzaffar Shah 

refused to own allegiance to Siam. The Raja of Siam was very 

angry and ordered an expedition to be made ready for the in¬ 

vasion of Malaka. Awi Chakraf 212 was to command the ex¬ 

pedition and to take a vast army with him. And word was 


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65 



translated by C. C. Brown 


[93—94] brought to Sultan Muzaffar Shah that the Raja of Siam had 

ordered Awi Chakra, his war-chief, to lead an army, in numbers 

past counting, overland to Ulu Pahang. 


When Sultan Muzaffar Shah heard this, he gave orders that 

all men of the outlying districts be assembled and come up 

river to Malaka. And all the men of the outlying districts 

foregathered in Malaka. Now Tun Perak had brought the men 

of Klang to Malaka with womenfolk accompanying them. And 

the men of Klang went to the Raja and told him what had 

happened, saying, ''May it please your Highness, from the other 

districts are come to Malaka none but men, whereas Tun Perak 

has brought us with our women ” When Sultan Muzaffar Shah 

heard the words of the men of Klang, he said to one of his 

heralds, Sri Amarat by name, "Whenf 213 Tun Perak comes 

to the palace, tell him what the men of Klang have said." Now 

Sri Amarat was a Pasai man by origin and bore the name of 

Patehf 214 Semudra, but because of his shrewdness and his clever 

tongue the Raja gave him the title of Sri Amaratf 215 . And he 

had a heavy stool made for him which was placed at the 

Raja's knees. There Sri Amarat stood with his sword on his 

shoulder and it was he who communicated any command the 

Raja might have to give. Later Tun Perak came to present 

himself before the Raja, and the herald who bore the title of 

Sri Amarat said to him, 'Tun Perak, the men of Klang have 

made representations to his Highness the Ruler that whereas 

in the case of other districts it is only men who have come 

hither to present themselves before the Raja, the men of Klang 

have been brought by you before the Raja accompanied by their 

womenfolk. Why have you behaved thus?" But Tun Perak 

made no answer; and even when Sri Amarat repeated his ques¬ 

tion, Tun Perak still made no answer .It was not until Sri 

Amarat had said his say a third time that Tun Perak made answer, 

thus:— "Sri Amarat, (the Ruler has appointed you to be a 

herald and has given you a sword;) that* 236 sword it is your 

business to look after, that it may not rust or lose its edge. As 

for the affairs of met 217 and my men who are on duty, what 

should you knowf 238 about them? At the present time His 

Highness the Ruler here in this city has his consort with him 

and all that he requires. Is it right in yourf 219 judgment that 

we should come hither just we men by ourselves, with Klang so 

far away? If Malacca here is in troublev whatf 220 will my men 

(far away in Klang) care? That is why I have brought 

the men of Klang along with their womenfolk so that they 

may battle against the enemy to the best of their pbwers. 

For they will be not so much fighting for his Highness the 

Ruler as using their spears with might and main for the sake 

of their womenfolk!" And Sultan Muzaffar Shah smiled when 

he heard the words of Tun Perak, and he said, "Tun Perak 


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The Malay Annals 


(94—-95] is right.” And taking sireh from his bowlf 221 he gave it to 

Tun Perak, saying, "You are wasted at Klang, Tim Perakf You 

must come and live in the city” 


Meanwhile the men of Siam arrived, and they fought with 

the men of Malaka. After a long battle, in which many of the 

soldiers of the Raja of Siam were killed, Malaka still held outf 222 

and the Siamese withdrew. On their retreat they flungf 223 

down in Ulu Muar the rattans they had used for tying their 

baggage. These rattans took root and grew, and they are there 

to this day, known as the rattans of the Siamesef 223a . 

Similarly the woodf 224 they used for fetters took root and is 

growing to this day in Ulu Muar; as are the wooden rests for 

the cooking-places of the Siamese. And after the Siamese had 

gone back to their country, the men from the outlying districts 

of Malaka returned to their homes. But Tun Perak was not 

allowed by the Raja to go back to Klang and stayed on in 

Malaka. 


Now there was a man of Klang who asserted that he had 

suffered some wrong at the hands of Tun Perak and he submitted 

a complaint to his Highness the Ruler. And Sultan Muzaffar 

Shah ordered Sri Amarat to tell Tun Perak, "This man has com- 


E lained to His Highness the Ruler that he has, so he alleges, 

een wronged by you, Tun Perak.” But Tun Perak made no 

answer, and it was not until he had been spoken to three times 

that he replied, "Srif 225 Amarat, (you have been made a herald 

by the Ruler and have been given a sword) that same sword 

you treat with acid lest it lose its edge. As for the business of 

us who administer territory, what concern is that of yours? For 

territory is territory even if it is only the size of a coconut shell! 

Whatf 225a we think should be done we do, for the Ruler 


is not concerned with the difficulties we administrators 


encounter, he only takes account of the good results we 

achieve. But if His Highness the Ruler wishes to calif 223 


in question my conduct on the complaint of the man 


you speak of, let me first be dismissed from myf 227 office in 

klang and^hen let my conduct be calledf 228 in question. Is it 

right that that should be done, on the complaint of onef 229 who 

is no better than a slave, until I have been dismissed?" Sultan 

Muzaffar Shah found Tun Perak's reply to his liking and he 

said, "Tun Perak is wasted as a herald!” and he made him 

Paduka Raja with the same rank as the Sri Nara ‘diraja in the 

body of the hall of audience. The Sri Nara ‘diraja was by now 

an old man'and his wife had borne him no child, though^ by 

a secondary wife he had a son named Tun Shahid Madi, whom 

however he refused to own. But when Tun Shahid Madi had 

grown up and had children and even grandchildren of his own, 

it happened that one day as the Sri Nata ‘diraja was seated 


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translated by G. C. Brown 6 T 


[95—96] in hisf 230 hall receiving company. Tun Shahid Madi went 

past. The Sri Nara 'diraja called him and when he came 

seated him upon his knee and said to those present, "This is my 

son/' To wnich they replied, "We all of us knew that, but 

as your Highness would not own him as your son, we were afraid 

to say that he was!" And the Sri Nara 'diraja smiled. 


[Now Baginda Mani Purindan had returned to the Mercy 

of God, and he was succeeded by his son Naina, Madi with the 

title of Tun Bijaya Maha Mentri.] When the Paduka Raja 

was made a major chief, the Malays were divided, some cleaving 

to the Paduka Raja and some to the Sri Nara 'diraja, both being; 

equally men of old family. And there was discordf 231 between 

the Sri Nara 'diraja and the Paduka Raja. Sultan Muzaffar 

Shah was aware of this and he set himself to effect a reconcilia¬ 

tion between them. So he sent for the Sri Nara 'diraja; and when 

he appeared, he said to him, "Are you minded to take a new 

wife, Sri Nara 'diraja?” And the Sri Nara 'diraja answered, 

"If your Highness will give me one, yes, your Highness!” And, 

the king asked, "Would you like Tun Kumalu?' "No, thank 

your Highness,” replied the Sri Nara 'diraja. Then the king 

asked, "Would you like Tun Bulan, Orang Kaya Hitam's 

daughter?” And the Sri Nara 'diraja answered, "No, thank your 

High ness.” And though Sultan Muzaffar Shah mentioned the 

daughters of any number of chiefs, none of them were to the 

Sri Nara 'diraja's liking and he stillf 231a said "No, thank you.” 

Finally Sultan Muzaffar Shah asked, "Would you like Tun 

Kuduf 231b , Sri Nara 'diraja?” Thereupon the Sri Nara 'diraja 

answered. "Your Majesty!” Now Tun Kudu, who was a sister of 

the Paduka Raja and a daughter'of Bendahara Sriwa Raja, was still 

married to the Ruler. As soon therefore as the Sri Nara 'diraja 

said he would like Tun Kudu, the king divorced her there and 

then, and sent her to the Paduka Raja's house. But the Sri 

Nara 'diraja's people said to him,/ -'How would you be taking; 

to yourself a young wife, Datok? You're an old man now and 

your eyebrows have turned white!” To which he replied,, 

"Howf 232 do you know (that I. am too old to be marrying a 

young wife)? If it is as you say, my father got a bad bargains 

in the chula he paid a catty of gold for in Kalinga!” And when 

the period of Tun Kudu's iddah had expired, the Sri Nara 

'diraja took her to wife. And the Sri Nara 'diraja was reconciled 

with the Paduka Raja and they became as fond of each other 

as twin brothers. And the Sri Nara 'diraja said to Sultan Muzaffar 

Shah, "Your Highness, it would be well to appoint the Paduka 

Raja to be Bendahara, son of a Bendahara asf 233 he is.” And 

the king agreed; and the Paduka Raja was made Bendahara. 


* A talisman for increasing virility. 


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68 



The Malay Annals 


[96—97] It was Bendahara Paduka Raja who was accounted as an 

outstandingly able man: for at that time just as there were three 

cities of equal greatness, first Majapahit, second Pasai and third 

Malaka, so in tnose three cities there were threef 234 outstanding 

men, the Aria Gajah Mada Majapahit, the Raja Kenayan in Pasai 

and Bendahara Paduka Raja in Malaka. [The Sri Nara 'dirajaf 235 

was made Treasurer]. 


And after a while the Siamese (again) f 236 attacked Malaka, 

under the command of Awi Dichu. And when the news of 

their coming reached Malaka, Sultan Muzaffar Shah commanded 

Bendahara Paduka Raja to make readyf 237 a fleet to repel the 

attack, the Sri Bija 'diraja and war-chiefs to accompany him. [The 

Sri Bija 'diraja was of Malay descent; his name was Tun Hamzah 

and he was of the Muntahf 238 Lembu stock. It was he who was 

known as the Chief with a Stoop. Whether he walked or sat 

down, it was always with a stoop: but let word come of an 

attack by a foe and he would straighten himself there and then. 

So strong and such a redoubtable fighter was he that he was 

made Sri Bija 'diraja and became principal war-chief, with pre¬ 

cedence. over all the other war-chiefs in the hall of audience]. 

When the fleet was ready, Bendahara Paduka Raja set out to 

repel the Siamese, and with him went the Sri Bija 'diraja and 

the war-chiefs. The Siamese by this time had almost reached 

Batu Pahat. 


Now the Sri Bija 'diraja had a son named Tun 'Umar who 

was a great fighter and a man of reckless bravery. This Tun 

'Umar was sent by Bendahara Paduka Raja to reconnoitre, and he 

set forth with a single boat, now edging forward, now coming 

back. And when he encountered the Siamese fleet, he straight¬ 

way attacked and sank two or three Siamese ships, then shot 

off to their flank. Then he returned and attacked other ships, 

again sinking two or three, after which he withdraw. 

The Siamese were astounded. Then when night had fallen 

Awi Dichu advanced, and Bendahara Paduka Raja ordered fire¬ 

brands to be fastened to mangrove andf 239 other trees growing 

along the shore. And when the Siamese saw these lights, so 

many that no man could number them, their war-chiefs said, 

"What a vast fleet these Malays must have, no man can count 

their ships! If they attack us, how shall we fare? Even one of 

their ships just now was more than a match for us!” And Awi 

Dichu replied, "You are right, let us return home!” Whereupon 

the Siamese returned to their country. 


[It was the Siamese who hewedf 239a the well of Batu Pahat]. 

The retreating Siamese were pursued by Bendahara Paduka Raja 

as far as Singapore. He then returned to Malaka and related to 


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69 



translated by C. C. Brown 


J97—98] Sultan Muzaffar Shah all that had happened. And the king was 

well pleased and bestowed upon the Bendahara robes of honour 

complete with the finest accessories, and the Sri Bija ‘diraja and 

the war-chiefs who accompanied Bendahara *Paduka Raja all 

received rewards from Sultan Muzaffar Shah. 


To return now to the Siamese on their retreat from Malaka. 

When they reached Siam, Awi Dichu went into the palace 

and presented himself before the Bubunnya, to whom he re¬ 

lated all that had happened. The Bubunnya had a son named 

Chau Pandan and it was he who gave an undertaking to his 

father that he would conquer Malaka. The Bubunnya accord¬ 

ingly gave orders for an expedition to be fitted out to go to 

Malaka. Hence the versef 240 


Chau Pandan, son of Siam's King, 


Malaka purposed to invade; 


Stonesf 240 * like flowers adorned his ring, 


The flowers alas! of tears were made! 


And the news reached Malaka that Chau Pandan, son of 

the Bubunnya, was to be sent by the king to invade Malaka. 

Now there was a certain Saivid, a servant of God, living at 

Malaka at that time; and he was so fond of archery that wherever 

he went he took his bow with him. It happened that at the 

time (the news reached Malaka?) Sultan Muzaffar Shah was 


g iving an audience at which all his chiefs were present, and this 

aiyid was there also. When he heard the report about the 

Siamese, he drew his bow, in front of Sultan Muzaffar Shah, 

pointing it towards Siam; and as he shot the arrow he said, 

^Chau Pandan isf 241 dead!" At that moment Chau Pandan was 

still in Siam, when suddenly he felt as though he had been 

shot in the chest by an arrow; and he vomited blood and died. 

There was consequently no invasion of Malaka by the Siamese. 

And the news came to Malaka that Chau Pandan had died as 

though from an arrow wound in the chest. When Sultan 

Muzaffar Shah heard the report, he said, “The Saiyid spoke but 

the truth", and he rewarded the Saiyid. 


And Sultan Muzaffar Shah said to his ministers, courtiers, 

Tieralds and officers, “What think you? Were it not better to 

:send envoys to Siam? How much longer shall this feud with them 

continue?" And the chief minister answered, “What your 

Highness says is true. It is better to have many friends than 

many enemies." Sultan Muzaffar Shah then commanded! 242 

Tun Telanai, son of Bendahara Paduka Raja, to go as envoy 

with Mentri Jana Putra as his supporter. Tun Telanai made 

ships ready accordingly. His fief was Shuir, which at that time had 

a fleet of twenty sail, three-masted cruisers. Hence the versef 243 


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70 



The Malay Annals 


[98—99] Guy-ropes, where are the halliards? 


They are still being tightened; 


Tun Telanai, where's your cargo? 


Lying still at Teakwood Head! 


When the ships were ready, Sultan Muzaffar Shah said to 

Bendahara Paduka Raja and his ministers, “We desire that you 

compose our letter to Siam. It must neither be a letter of 

of obeisancef 244 nor one of greetings nor one of friendship." 

When Bendahara Paduka Raja heard these words, he said to the 

officers of state, “You have heard the Raja's command; com¬ 

pose a letter accordingly!" But not one of them felt himself 

equal to the task. The Bendahara inquired of them all, even 

downf 245 to those who carried the royal betel-bag and ewer, but 

none of them could do it. It was therefore the Bendahara him- 

self who composed the letter, worded as follows:— “A struggle 

between us can only result in heavy loss of life; and although in 

such a struggle we have the greatest respect for the might of 

Lord Bubunnya, yet because of our conhdence in his gracious 

consideration we send to him our envoys Tun Telanai and Mentri 

ana Putra", with more in the same strain. Sultan Muzaffar Shah 

iked the wording of the letter and it was completed accordingly, 

t was then borne in procession by elephant, the elephant being 

brought alongside! 246 the hall of audience. The letter was 

carried by a knight, on the head of the elephant was a herald 

and a minister acted as escort: and it was a procession in which 

two white umbrellas were carried, and the big drum, the clarionet 

and the trumpet of state were played. Tun Telanai and Mentri 

Jana Putra then did homage to the Raja and both were given 

robes of honour, after which they took their departure. 


When they reached Siam, word was brought to the Bubun¬ 

nya that envoys were come from Malaka. And the Bubunnya 

ordered that the letter they brought should be fetched with due 

ceremony from the ship and borne inf 244a procession. When the 

procession reached the hall of audience, the Bubunnya ordered 

his minister to read the letter; and when he heard how it was 

worded, he asked who had composed it. And Tun Telanai 

answered, “The Raja of Malaka's Prime Minister, your Highness." 

Lord Bubunnya then asked, “What is the name of the Raja of 

Malaka?" And Tun Telanai answered, “Sultan Muzaffar Shah." 

Whereupon the Bubunnya asked, “What is the meaning of 

Muzaffar Shah?" And when Tun Telanai made no answer,. 

Mentri Jana Putra replied, “The meaning of Muzaffar Shah is 

'he who is preserved by God from his enemies'." Then the Raja 

of Siam asked, “How was it that Malaka withstood the attack 

of Siam?" And Tun Telanai sent for a man of Suir (?Shuir), 

who was old and had elephantiasis in both legs, and he told him 


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to shew his prowess with a spear in the presence of the Raja of 

Siam. The Suir man then hurled his spear into the air and 

placed his back in position to receive it: the spear fell on his 

back and bounced! 247 off it without inflicting any wound. 

‘'There is the reason, your Highness/’ said Tun Telanai, "why 

Malaka withstood the attack of Siam: all the men of Malaka 

aref 248 invulnerable!” And the Raja of Siam thought to him¬ 

self, "That is the truth. If even a manf 248a of the people like this 

fellow is proof against wounds, what must be the invulner¬ 

ability of their gentry!” Subsequently Lord Bubunnya set out 

to conquer a neighbouring country, taking with him Tun Telanai, 

Mentri Jana Putra and their followers. And he gave to them 

a place in the attack where the enemy was in strong force, but 

it happened that this place faced to the west. ,And Tun Telanai 

•consulted with Mentri Jana Putra, saying, "What are we to 

do? We have been sent to a place where the enemy is strongest 

and there are only a handful of us!” And Mentri Jana Putra 

replied, "All we have to do is to present ourselvesf 249 before 

the Raja like heralds and prefer a request.” So Tun Telanai 

and Mentri Jana Putra went to the Bubunnya and Mentri Jana 

Putra said, "Your Highness, it is the custom for us Muham¬ 

madans to face towards the west when we pray. We cannot 

therefore- face that way when we are fighting. We pray accord¬ 

ingly that you will graciously permit us to fight in another sector.” 

And Lord Bubunnya answered, "If you cannot face west, change 

to another part of the line.” . They were thereupon assigned by 

Pra Chau to a part of the line that faced east. Here the enemy 

were few in numbers and lightly armed, and presentlyf 250 by the 

grace of God victory \vas won:, but it was the men of Malaka 

who led the assault, followed at an interval] 2 ^ 1 by the men of 

Siam, And after the country had been conquered Pra Chau 

rewarded Tun Telanai and Mentri Jana Putra and their men, 

Tun, Telanai . being, rewarded a princess, named Otang 


iMinang, whom he took to wife. .He then took his leave of 

Pra Chau, who sent with him a letter accompanied by gifts. 

These 'were borne in procession to the ship, and Tun Telanai 

then set sail. 


After a while they reached Malaka, and Sultan Muzaffar Shah 

gave orders for the letter to be borne in procession with the 

same ceremonial as for the despatch of the envoys. And when 

the procession reached the hall of audience, the elephant was 

made to kneel there, the letter was received by a herald and 

the khatibf 252 was ordered to read it, wearing the shoulder-cloth. 

It ran thus, "This letter from Pra Chau Wadi comes to Awi 

Malaka”, whereafter came the rest of the letter. And when 

Sultan Muzaffar Shah heard the wording of the letter he was 

delighted and gave rewards to Tun Telanai and Mentri Jana 


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72 



The Malay Annals 


[ 100 ] Putra, and also to the Siamese envoys. And when the season 

came for the return voyage the Siamese envoys took their leave; 

and the king gave them robes of honour and a letter in reply 

to that of the Raja of Siam. The envoys then departed for Siam. 

According to the account we have received Tun Telanai had 

several sons and daughters by Otang Minang, one of whom. 

Tun 'Ali Harun, was Laksamanaf 253 . 


After Sultan Muzaffar Shah had reigned for forty years then, 

in the process of time, he died; as it is said To God we belong 

and to Him we return/ He was succeeded on the throne by 

his son Sultan 'Abdul, who as ruler took the title of Sultan 

Mansur Shah. He was seventeen years old when he came to 

the throne and had married a sister of the Sri Nara 'diraja but 

had no child by her as yet, though by a secondary wife he 

had a daughter named Princess Bakal. As a ruler Sultan Mansur 

Shah was very just and humane, and he was so handsome that 

he had no peer at that time. 


God knoweth the truth. To Him do we return.


Chapter IX 


At Majapahit the Batara had died leaving no son. His 

daughter, Putri Nai Kesuma, marries the Raja of Tanjong 

Pura’s son who had been rescued from shipwreck by a toddy- 

tapper and becomes Batara. The offspring of the marriage 

is Radin Galoh Chendra Kiran, whose beauty is such that Sultau 

Mansur goes over to Majapahit to marry her; he is escorted 

by neihgbouring rajas and by Hang Tuah. The odd sense of 

humour of the Batara and his various efforts to get the better 

of his Malacca guests. The prowess of Hang Tuah. On the 

return to Malacca Hang Tuah gets into trouble with Sultan 

Mansur Shah, who orders the Sri Nara ‘diraja to put him to 

death. The Sri Nara ‘diraja however uses his discretion and 

merely hides him away, to produce him again later just when 

he is required to deal with Hang Kasturi. Sultan Mansur’s 

new palace is burnt down. The Raja of China sends a good¬ 

will mission to Malaka: his effort to impress Malacca with his 

greatness provokes an admirable riposte from Sultan Mansur* 

He sends his daughter from China to marry Sultan Mansur. 

On Sultan Mansur’s orders Pahang is attacked and conquered 

and the ruler (Maharaja Sura) is brought as a captive to 

Malacca. His skill with elephants. Death of Sri Nara ‘diraja 

Tun ‘Ali. 


( Shellabear ; chapter XIX for pp. 100-106 and 107 to 112 r 

then chapter XVI for pp. 112 (part) to 116: then chapter XV for 

pp. 116 (part) to 119: then chapter XIII for pp. 119 to 121 (bottom): 

then again chapter XVI to the end of this chapter). 


Here now is a story of Majapahit. The Batara had died 

leaving no son, though he had a daughter, named Radin Galoh 

Awi Kesumaf 254 , whom the Pateh Aria Gajah Mada made ruler* 

Now one day a toddy-tapper, who had gone sailing with his wife r 


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73 



translated by C. C. Brown 


came across a boy adrift in the sea, clinging to a plank. He 

rescued the boy and took him aboard his boat: and he per¬ 

ceived that though the boy was unconscious as the result of 

long exposure in the water without food or drink, life was not 

yet extinct: as says Baginda 'Ali (may God be pleased with 

him) La maut ilia bfl-a/alu, that is to say, 'death only comes 

at the appointed hour'. The toddy-tapper dropped rice-gruel 

water into the boy's mouth; and the boy opened his eyes and 

perceived that he was on board a boat. The toddy-tapper then 

took him home with him and cared for him. 


After some days the boy recovered, and the toddy-tapper 

asked him, "Who are you and how came it that you were thus 

adrif on a plank?" And the boy answered, “If 255 am (the son 

of) the Raja of Tanjong Pura, descended from Sangf 255a Maniaka 

who first came down from Bukit Gantang Mahu Meru. My 

name is Radin Perlangu and I have two brothers and a sister. 

One day my father, the Raja of Tanjong Pura, set out to an 

island forf 255b sport, and when we were well out to sea a storm 

broke and the waves rose, so that the craft in which my father was 

sailing became unmanageable and was wrecked. My father, the 

Raja of Tanjong Pura, and my mother had no time to get into 

a boat but took to the water and swam after another ship. I 

myself clung to a plank and was carried out to sea by the current 

and the waves. I was afloat for seven days and seven nights, 

without food or drink. In the nickf 255c of time I fell in with you 

who have treated me so kindly: but if you wishf 256 to be even 

kinder to me, take me to my parents in Tanjong Pura, that they 

may give you reward without measure." And the toddy-tapper 

Teplied, "Yes, but what means have I of taking you to Tanjong 

Pura? Stay here with me and let me adopt you as my son, for 

I have no child of my own and I like your handsome young 

face." And Radin Perlangu said, "Very well then; whatever 

you wish, sir, I will do." And the toddy-tapper gave to the son 

of the Raja of Tanjong Pura the name of Kimas (?Kiai Mas) 

Jiwa, and great was the love of his wife and himself for the boy. 

Often would he say to him playfullyf 257 , "One of these days 

you will be Raja of Majapahit and have Princess Nai Kesuma for 

your bride! If you become Batara of Majapahit, you will 

makef 258 me Pateh Aria Gajah Mada!" And Kiai Mas Jiwa 

would answer, "Very well, if I become Batara of Majapahit, I 

will make you Pateh Aria Gajah Mada!" 


Now after Princess Nai Kesuma, the late Batara’s daughter, 

had been some time on the throne of Majapahit, with the 

Patah Aria Gajah Mada as regent, people would say, by way 

of compliment! 259 to the Pateh Aria Gajah Mada, that he was 

going to marry her. One day the Pateh Aria Gajah Mada put 

on old clothes and went out rowing with his servants, incognito. 


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74 



The Malay Annals 


[102—103] And the young men talked together; and one of them said, “If 

I was in the shoes of the Paten Aria Gajah, I'd carryf 260 off the 

Princess, so that I could become Raja. Wouldn't that be 

fine!" And another said, “Of course the Pateh Aria Gajah Mada 

is going to marry the Princess! He is practically the Raja in this 

country as it is. Who's going to say 'No'?" And when the 

Pateh Aria Gajah Mada heard what the young men said, he 

thought to himself, “So much for my devotion to duty!" The 

following day he presented himself before Princess Nai Kesuma 

and said, “Your Highness, it seem to me that now you are full 

grown you ought to take to yourself a husband, for it looks not 

well that you should be unwed." And Princess Nai Kesuma 

answered, “If you wish to have me married, sir, call together all 

the people in the city and let me take my choice. Whichever 

man is to my liking, him will I take for my husband." Then 

said the Pateh Aria Gaja Mada, “Very well, your Highness, I 

will assemble the people and whoever shall be your choice, even 

a dog or a cat, I will accept as my master." 


The Pateh Aria Gajah Mada accordingly ordered a proclama¬ 

tion to be made by beat of gong throughout! 201 Majapahit and 

all the adjacent territories, commanding all people to assemble 

at Majapahit because the Princess wished to select a husband. 

When that had been done, princes andf 262 ministers, courtiers, 

heralds and war-chiefs, and peasants whether of high or low degree, 

old or young, hunchbacks and cripples—all assembled at Maja¬ 

pahit. They came notf 263 so much because they were summoned 

to appear but rather because they wanted to come,for having 

heard that the Princess was going to select a husband, each of 

them thought that he might be the man to take the Princess' 

fancy. And when all were gathered together, Princess Nai Kesuma 

went up on to a balcony which commanded a view of the road 

and the Pateh Aria Gajah Mada gave orders for all the men to 

pass in front of the Princess one after the other This they did, 

but not one of them was to the liking of the Princess. 


After the others had filed past there came the adopted son 

of the toddy-tapper whom we mentioned just now. When 

Pricess Nai Kesuma saw him, he took her fancy; and she said 

to the Pateh Aria Gajah Mada, “It is that toddy-tapper's son 

that I like." And the Pateh Aria Gajah Mada answered, “It 

matters little who it is so long as your Highness takes a hus¬ 

band." And he sent forthwith for the toddy-tapper's son, took 

him home with him and made much of him. He then initiated 

the day and night festivities, seven days and seven nights, for 

the marriage or Pricess Nai Kesuma with the toddy-tapper's 

son: and when the seven days and seven nights were accom¬ 

plished, the toddy-tapper’s son was taken in procession round 

the city and was then married to the Princess. And after they 


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1103] had been wedded they were deeply enamoured of each other: 

and it was this toddy-tapper’s son who became Batara of Maja¬ 

pahit, with the title of Sang Aji Ningrat. 


And the toddy-tapper, whose adopted son the Batara was, 

went to the palace and presented himself before the Batara, 

saying, “Whatf 264 of the promise your Highness gave to me 

formerly, that you would make me Pateh Aria Gajah Mada?” 

And the Batara replied, “ Wait awhile, old friend, I am still 

engaged upon the matter”. So the toddy-tapper went home, 

and the Batara of Majapahit pondered within himself, “How 

am I to dismiss the present Pateh Aria Gajah Mada? I have no 

fault to find with him, and he is the prop and stay of Majapahit. 

Without him the country would be ruined. But how am I 

going to make good my undertaking to him who adopted me 

as his son?” Prey to these reflections the king was sad at heart 

and for two or three days did not appear in public. When the 

Pateh Aria Gajah Mada saw how the Batara of Majapahit was 

behaving, he went into the palace and presented himself before 

the king, saying, “How comes it that your Highness has not 

appeared these two or three days?” And the Batara of Maja¬ 

pahit replied, “I have been sick.” Then said the Pateh Aria 

Gajah Mada, “It seems to me that your Highness is weighed 

down by some sorrow. Tell me what it is, that perchancef 265 I 

may be able to find the remedy.” And the Batara of Majapahit 

said to the Pateh Aria Gajah Mada, “The truth is, old friend, 

that I am not the son of the toddy-tapper, I am the son of 

the Raja of Tanjong Pura and am descended from the Raja 

(who came down from) Bukit Si-Guntang Mahameru.” 


He then went on to relate the whole strory of how his 

father had gone out sailing, how the ship had been wrecked 

how he had been rescued by the toddy-tapper and whatf 266 the 

toddy-tapper had said to him in jest. “Thus is it”, he con¬ 

tinued “that he who adopted me as his son now claims fulfil¬ 

ment of my promise to put him in your place, old friend. It 

is on this account that I am sorrowful.” And the Pateh Aria 

Gajah Mada, who was delighted to hear that the Batara of 

Majapahit was the son of the Raja of Tanjong Pura, said, Let 

your Highness appoint the toddy-tapper in my place and I will 

retire, for I am now an old man.” But the Batara of Majapahit 

answer, “I am loth to ‘ relieve you of your office, old friend, 

for I do not feel that he is equal to the work of the state.” 

“In that case”, said the Pateh Aria Gagah Mada, “when he 

comes to claim fulfilment of the promise made to him, let your 

Highness say to him ‘Although the office of Pateh Aria 

Gagah Mada is one of high distinction, yet its duties are 

exceedingly onerous and I fear they are beyond your powers, 

my old friend. There is however an even greater distinction 


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[103—104] 



76 The Malay Annals 


which I will give you iff 267 you wish to take it; I will put all the 

toddy-tappers in the city under your control and you shall be 

their headman!' This cannot but please him." And the Batara 

of Majapahit answered, “That is an excellent plan, old friend." 

And the Pateh Aria Gajah Mada then withdrew. On the 

following day the toddy-tapper went into the palace and presented 

himself before the Batara, asking for redemption of the promise 

the Batara had made to him. The Batara of Majapahit then 

spoke to him exactly as the Pateh Aria Gajah Mada had suggested, 

and the toddy-tapper was delighted. And in the course of time 

Majapahit became so powerful that every district of Java was 

subject to it. And the Raja of Tanjong Pura came to hear that 

the Batara of Majapahit was his son and he sent messengers to* 

Majapahit to get a sight of the Batara. They went accordingly 

to Majapahit and when they had seen for themselves that the 

Raja was in fact the son of the Raja of Tanjong Pura, they 

hastened back to Tanjong Pura and reported to the Raja, “It is 

a fact that the Batara of Majapahit is your Highness' son." And 

the Raja of Tanjong Pura was overjoyed. And it was bruited 

abroad throughout every district of Java that he who had become 

the Batara of Majapahit was none other than the son of the 

Raja of Tanjong Pura. And the Batara had a daughter by 

Princess Nai Kesuma; her name was Radin Galoh Chendera 

Kirana and such was her beauty that the fame thereof spread 

from city to city and presently reached Malaka. And Sultan 

Mansur Shah conceived a great passion for Radin Galoh Chen¬ 

dera (Kirana) and determined to go to Majapahit. So he gave 

orders to Bendahara Paduka Raja to have ships made ready. 

And Bendahara Paduka Raja called together men to make ready 

the ships and set their equipment in good order, to the number 

of five hundred large ships as well as a vast assembly of small 

craft; for at that time Singapuraf 268 alone? had a fleet of forty 

three-masted cruisers. Leaving Bendahara Paduka Raja, the 

Sri Nara 'diraja, the Sri Bija 'diraja and the senior wanchiefs 

to keep guard over the city, Sultan Mansur Shah chose out (to 

accompany him) forty young nobles together with forty of his 

warriors! 269 of ancient lineage under the leadership of Tun 

Bija Sura. [It was this Tun Bija Sura who was the father of 

Tun Zainal Sri Bijaya 'diraja, who was known as Tun SebabJ 

(?Among these) Hang Tuah, Hang Jebat, Hang Kesturi, Hang 

Lekir, Hang Lekiu, Hang Khelembak, Hang 'Ali and Hang 

Iskandar (? had no rivals and) could do things thatf 270 none 

other could do. Hang Tuah in all that he did (and in any con- 

tets in which he engaged) excelled all others in cunning! 271 

and strength. If he was jesting! 272 with youths of his own age, 

he would roll up his sleeves and cry defiantly, “Only a Laksamana 

is my match!" Hence he was called “Laksamana" by his friends; 

and the name stuck and came into general use. Sultan Mansur 


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77 



[104—105] Shah then sent messengers to Indragiri, Palembang, Jambi, 

Lingga and Tungkalf 272a to bid Maharaja Merlang and the 

and the Raja of Palembang, Jambi, Lingga and Tungkal accom¬ 

pany him to Majapahit. They all consented to escort him; 

and when all had arrived. Sultan' Mansur Shah set forth for 

Majapahit, escorted by the men of Palembangf 272b and the 

Rajas of Indragiri, Jambi, Tungkal and Lingga and taking 

with him the young war-chiefs, while he left the chiefs to keep 

guard over the city. 


And after a voyage of some length they reached Majapahit. 

When news of their arrival came to the Batara of Majapahit he 

ordered his ministers! 2720 to welcome them and all the 

chiefs set out accordingly. It happened that at that time 

the Raja of Dahaf 273 and the Raja of Tanjong Pura, younger 

brother of the Batara of Majapahit, were both with the 

Batara. When the Raja of Malaka arrived, he was treated with 

great distinction by the Raja of Majapahit, who presented him 

with robes of honour with fittings set with precious stones, made 

him to sit above all other princes and gave him a creese with a 

fretted pattern along the edge of its collar-guard. He also gave 

forty other creeses to the Raja of Malaka's suite: the sheaths of 

all these creeses were broken. The creeset 274 given to the Raja 

of Malaka had first been given to the Raja of Daha, whose forty 

followers similarly were given creeses with their sheaths broken. 

The Raja of Daha ordered fresh sheaths to be made for all forty 

creeses, but the Raja of Majapahit ordered them to be stolen 

and all forty of them were stolen. The king then gave creeses 

to the Raja of Tanjong Pura and the same thing happened, the 

Raja of Tanjong Pura ordering sheaths to be made and the 

Batara of Majapahit ordering them to be stolen, and all forty 

of them were stolen. When however it came to the turn of 

the Raja of Malaka he ordered Tun Bijaya Sura to have the 

sheaths made and Tun Bijaya Sura bade the forty youngf 274a nobles 

of Malaka get the sheaths made, each of them to be responsible 

for one creese. And they took the creeses to the sheath-makers 

and after ordering a sheath to be made for each they stood over 

the sheath-makers until the work was done. It was finished 

that same day and the Javanese failed to steal a single creese. 

'This Raja of Malaka", said the Batara of Majapahit, "is the 

shrewdest prince of all!" 


Now the hall in which the Batara sat when giving an audi¬ 

ence was raised up from the ground. It had three steps leading 

up to it (and the Raja's slaves sat below on the floor). They! 275 

had tied up a dog in the hall: it was secured by a golden chain 

and was right in front of the Raja of Malaka. When Tun Bija 

Sura perceived this, he accoutred himself as a swordsman t 276 , 

carrying a shield hung with bells, and he performed a sword dance 


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[ 105—1063 



78 The Malay Annals 


(on the ground) before the Batara of Majapahit. When bidden 

by the Batara to come up into the hall of audience he did so 

and performed variousf 277 sword dances there, in the course of 

which he brandished his shield several times at the dog. The 

dog (took fright,) strained at the chain until it broke and then 

ran away into the forest. After that they never again tied a 

dog there. 


Adjoining the gallery of the audience hall there was a pavilion 

reserved for the ladies of the court. Anyone else entering this 

pavilion would be speared by the Javanese and consequently no 

one dared to enter it. But said Hang Jebat and (? to) Hang 

Kasturi, “Let us try and get into this pavilion (andf 278 see if they 

can turn us out) !” Hang Kasturi agreed, so one day when the 

Batara of Majapahit was giving an audience and the princes and 

chiefs were all assembled, Hang Jebat and Hang Kasturi went into 

the pavillion. When the Javanese saw this, they came and 

thrust at them with their spears: and so many were the 

spears that the faces of Hang Jebat and Hang Kasturi could 

hardly be seen. But Hang Jebat and Hang Kasturi drew 

their creeses and with them they cutf 279 the Javanese spears 

in half, so that not one of them took effect and the spear¬ 

heads that were picked up afterwards J weighed many a 

catty. And there arose a greatf 280 outcry and the Batara of 

Majapahit inquired what was the cause of it. And when he 

was told of the doings of Hang Jebat and Hang Kasturi, he said, 

“Let them sit in the pavilion and do not forbid them!" When 

the Javanese heard the words of the Batara of Majapahit, they 

desisted and Hang Jebat and Hang Kasturi seated themselves in the 

pavilion. This happened each day; when the Batara of Maja¬ 

pahit gave an audience, Hang Jebat and Hang Kasturi sat in the 

pavilion. Now as for Hang Tuah, wherever he went he caused 

a sensation, so struck were the people by his bearing. If he 

entered the gallery of the audience hall, there was excitement 

in the gallery. If he went to the marketf 281 , there was excitement 

in the market (and if he went to a village, there was excitement 

in the village): and the Javanese were astonished to see now he 

bore himself. [As for the Javanese maidens, if he walked through 

the market or wheresoever he went, many were those that fell 

in love with Hang Tuah]. And if Hang Tuah passed, married 

women tore themselves from the embraces of their husbands 

so that they could go out and seef 282 him. Hence the Javanese 

sang 


Onya suruhf 283 tanggapana penglipur; saben dina katon paran- 


dene onang uga 


which means “Here is sireh; take it to allay the pangs of a 

whole day s. love — but you will still yearn for him! 


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translated -by C. G, Brown 79 



[106—107] Tvver sang dara kabeh, dene Laksamana luinaku-lumaku, 


penjurit latu Malayu 


which means:— “wives and maidens alike were all a-flutter at 

the sight of the Laksamana, the Raja of Malaka’s war-chief, pass¬ 

ing by' 



Ayu-ayu anake wong pande wesi; paran tan ayua, saben dina 

den-g urinda 



which means:— “Passing fair is the daughter of the smith, and 

well she may be fair, she is for ever seeking. ...?” 



Kaget wong peken, dene Laksamana tumandang, Laksamana 

tumandang, penjurit ratu ing seberang 



which means:— “wives in the embrace of their husbands were 

startled (and leapt up) because they saw the Laksamana appro¬ 

aching, the Laksamana war-chief of the Raja across the sea” 



Tututana! yen ketemu, patenana karo, ketelu jaruman mara 

which means:— “Pursue him (the Laksamana) and when you 

find him (with your wife) kill the pair of them and the go- 

between as well” 


Geger wong pasar dene Laksamana teka, Laksamana penjurit 

Ratu Malaka 


which means:— “What excitement there was in the market 

when the Laksamana, the Raja of Malaka’s war-chief, approached” 


Wis laliya kung (lagi) kungku maning: sumbali-nya lipur kung 

had saben gelak kung 


which means:— “Even if for the moment I have forgotten my 

love, in a trice back comes the yearning: though I pretend to 

make light of my passion, the longing ever possesses my heart” 


Geger wong paseban dene Laksamana liwat, Laksamana liwat 

penjurit Ratu Malaka 


which means:— “What excitement there was in the hall of 

audience on account of (?at the sight of) the Laksamana, war- 

chief of the Raja of Malaka” 



Den-urai rambut, den-tangm; rambute milu tan di-remen 

which means:— “they unloosed their hair and^ wept, saying, 

'Why, even my hair would follow his beauty (?)” 


Such was the passion of the women in Majapahit for the 

Laksamana: and the young men of the place amongst themselves 

made up this verse:— 


Tidk embun didaun dasun 

Mapanchuran didaun bira (h) 


Saben dina amboi katon 


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80 



The Malay Annals 


[ 107 — 108 ] Uru edan rasa manira 


Basah mandi dipapan 

Mandi dipapan malu manira 

I sin lara amboi mapan 

Bi/er mangisnya tangen in g sir a 


(the dew falls on the onion leaves, as water trickles on to the 

leaves of the birah. Every day alas! he is seen and I feel the 

madness of love. Bathe on the board and you get wet. I am 

loth to bathe on the board. I am shy to seek lodgment (in his 

heart), I can only weqp with longing for him. 


The Laksamana had at that time no peer, save only Sangka 

Ningrat, war-chief of the Raja of Daha, who alone could rival 

him to some extent. Hence the Javanese sang 


Geger wong ing panggungan, dene Sangkaningrat teka 


which means:— '‘Great was the excitement among the specta¬ 

tors at the sight of Sangka Ningrat approaching, Sangka Ningrat 

war-chief of the Raja of Daha.” 


Thus was the behaviour of the men of Malaka who had 

gone to Majapahit, each according to his fashion (?). And when 

the Batara of Majapahit perceived how clever Sultan Mansur Shah 

was and how he excelled all other princes in everything that he 

•did, and how well-bred and sharp-witted were his followers, he 

thought to himself, “I shall do well to have this Sultan Mansur 

Shah for a son-in-law and marry him with my daughter Radin 

Galoh Chendera Kirana.” Thereupon he ordered! 284 that there 

should be feasting for forty days and forty nights. And the 

music of every sort of instrument was heard, and solemn and 

awe-inspiring was the sound of the music—gongs, drums, clario¬ 

nets, trumpets, kettledrums.and the noise thereof was unima¬ 


ginable. Many and varied were the performances—dancing on 

the flat of the foot (?), Sundanese dancing, Javanese dancing, 


dancing to the serama, shadow-plays,.. rakat plays, chanting 


(?), singing of romances,.each man giving the performance 


in which he was skilled, to the delight of the dense masses of 

onlookers. 


And the Batara of Majapahit spoke to the Raja of Malaka, 

saying, “These Javanese here have played for us, each according 

to his fashion. It is the men of Malaka who have done nothing!” 

And Sultan Mansur Shah said to Tun Bijaya Sura, “The Batara 

of Majapahit bids me order the men of Malaka to play for him.” 

But Tun Bijaya Sura answered, “The only game we Malays 

know is sapu-sapuf 285 ring in.” When Sultan Mansur Shah told 

the Batara of Majapahit what Tun Bijaya Sura had said, the Batara 

Teplied, “What isr sapu-sapu ringin like? Tell Tun Bijaya Sura 


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translated by C. C. Brown 81 


[ 108 — 109 ] to play, Radin Galoh would like to see it.” Tun Bijaya Sura then 

chose out fourteen or fifteen men of good family and brought 

them forward to play. Advancing (? stretching! 285 * out their legs) 

towards the Batara of Majapahit with their sarongs rolled up to 

their knees they began to play sapu ringin. But when the Javanese 


saw this, they forbade them, saying,."I will give you such 


a clout as will destroy you, stretching out your legs before the 

Batara!”! 280 To which Tun Bijaya oura replied, “We are only 

playing because we were commanded by the Batara to play! Had 

we not been so commanded, are we madmen (that we should play 

of our own accord)?! 287 But if you say we are not to, then we play 

no more!” And the Batara said, “Never mind, let them play and 

don't forbid them.” So they went on with the game: and when it 

was over, Tun Bijaya Sura and the other players were given robes 

of honour. And the Batara observed, “These men of Malaka are 

far sharper than those of any other country! No one would stand 

a chance with them at any game!” 


And the Batara of Majapahit sent for a certain ruffian who 

had no rival in trickery and said to him, “Steal me the creese of 

Tun Bijaya Sura! He's a very sharp fellow, I can see.” And the 

ruffian replied, “How can your humble servant do that? Malays 

wear their creeses in front. If they wore their creeses behind, 


I could steal it.” “Very well”, said the Batara, “I will tell them 

to wear their creeses behind.” So the following day, when the 

Batara was giving an audience and all the princes (including 

Sultanf 288 Mansur Shah) were in attendance, the Batara said to 

Tun Bijaya Sura, “Do you know how to dress in the Javanese 

fashion, Tun Bijaya Sura?” And Tun Bijaya answered, “If it 

please your Highness, even if I do not know how to, I can be 

taught and then do as I have been taught!” The Batara then 

ordered robes of honour in the Javanese style to be prepared, and 

Tun Bijaya Sura dressed himself in the Javanese style, with his 

creese behind. The Batara then left the audience hall to go and 

see the cock-fighting. The excitement was intense and the shouts 

of the backers rose to high heaven. In the confusion that reigned 

the ruffian succeeded in stealing Tun Bijaya Sura's creese. Tun 

Bijaya Sura looked behind him and perceiving that his creese was 

gone he said, “(Alas!) I've been robbed by these Javanese!” 

Thereupon he edged up to the Batara's betel-bearer and contrived 

to filch from him the Batara's! 289 creese, which he then put on. 

When the cock-fighting was over and the Batara was seated 

in the hall of audience, and all were present, each seated in his 

appropriate place, the Batara concealed Tun Bijaya Sura s creese 

under his thigh (and then called! 290 him) saying, “Come here, 

Tun Bijaya Sura.” And when Tun Bijaya Sura had taken his 

seat at the Batara's feet, the Batara took Tun Bijaya Sura s creese 

from under his thigh and shewed it to him, saying, We have 


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[ 109 — 110 ] 



82 The Malay Annals 


just obtained a Creese of very fine workmanship. Have you ever 

seen one like this. Tun Bijaya Sura?” And when Tun Bijaya Sura 

saw the creese, he recognized it as his own: whereupon he drew 

the creese he had at his waist and said to the Batara, "Which is 

the better, (your Highness), that creese or this one of your 

humble servant's?” And when the Batara saw the creese which 

Tun Bijaya Sura had, he recognized it, for it is the custom of 

the Rajas of Java that royal creeses should have certain fittings: 

moreover the man who boref 290a the creese was present. And the 

Batara said, "This Bijaya Sura is altogether too sharp, we cannot 

trick him!”: and he returned Tun Bijaya Sura's creese to him 

and at the same time gave him his own as a present. 


And when the forty days and forty nights' festivities were 

accomplished and the propitious moment had arrived, Sultan 

Mansur Shah was married to Radin Galoh. After the wedding 

they went into the bridal chamber. And Sultan Mansur Shan 

and Radin Galoh were deeply enamoured of each other: while 

such was the Batara's affection for Sultan Mansur Shah that he 

made him sit side by side with him whenever he gave audiences 

and would not take a repast without him. 


After Sultan Mansur Shah had been some while at Majapahit, 

he wished to return to Malaka; and he sought permission of the 

Batara to do so, taking Radin Galoh with him. The Batara 

consented and Sultan Mansur Shah gave orders for his ships 

to be made ready. And when they were ready, Sultan Mansur 

Shah bade Tun Bijaya Sura ask thef 290b Batara of Majapahit to 

grant him Indragiri. Tun Bijaya Sura therefore presented himself 

before the Batara and said, "Your Highness, your son lays his 

homage at your Highness' feet. He wishes to ask for Indragiri. 

If it is given, wellf 291 and good: if it is not given, that too is 

well.” The Batara then said to his chiefs, "What think you? 

Our son asks for Indragiri.” And they answered, "It would be 

well for your Highness to bestow it upon him, to prevent any 

discord arising with him.” The Batara then said to Tun Bijaya 

Sura, "So be it, we bestowf 292 Indragiri upon our son: for, as I 

see it, to whom but to my son, the Raja of Malaka, does the 

whole realm of Java belong, let alonef 923 Indragiri?” Tun Bijaya 

Sura then took his leaye and returned to Sultan Mansur Shah to 

whom he related all that had passed. Sultan Mansur Shah was 

delighted, and he told Hang Tuah to ask for Siantan. Hang 

Tuah accordingly presented himself before the king to ask for 

Siantan and he said, "Your Highness, your humble servant begs 

to ask for Siantan. If it is graciously granted to him, so be 

it: if it is not, so be it.” To which the Batara replied, "Very 

well, you shall have it. Even if you had asked for Palembang, 

Laksamana, I would assuredly have given it to you, let alone 


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83 



translated by G. C. Brown 


[ill—112] Siantan/’ Thus it was that Siantan became the territory 

of the Laksamana, for himself and those that came after him. 

After that Sultan Mansur Shah set forth on his return to Malaka, 

where he arrived in due course. And when he was come to Ulu 

Sepantai (?), the Bendahara, the Treasurer and the chiefs, greater 

and lesser, came to welcome Sultan Mansur Shah, bringing with 

them the state drums, pipes and trumpets, and the regalia: and 

their ships looked to be more in number than any man could 

count. And when they met Sultan Mansur Shah, all the chiefs, 

greater and lesser, did homage to him. Then when they arrived 

at the city of Malaka, he proceeded to the palace in company 

with Radin Galoh Chendera Kirana. And Sultan Mansur Shah 

gave his eldest daughter, Princess Bakal, in marriage to Maharaja 

Merlang of Indragiri; and it was from that marriage that Raja 

Nara Singa, who subsequently becamef 294 Sultan ‘Abdu 1-Jalil, was 

born. And after a while Sultan Mansur Shah had a son by Radin 

Galoh Chendera Kirana and gave him the name of Ratuf 295 di- 

Klang. 


Now it happened one day that the horse which Sultan Mansur 

Shah himself was wont to ride fell into the cesspool, but though 

people quickly foregathered to get the horse up out of the cesspool, 

no one would volunteer to go down f 296 and make a rope fast to it. 

When Hang Tuah saw what had happened, he plunged forthwith 

into the cesspool and secured a rope to the neck of the horse, 

which was then hauledf 297 up. And when the horse was up, then 

Hang Tuah himself came up, after which he went and cleansed 

himself. And when Sultan Mansur Shah saw that his horse was 

up again out of the cesspool, he was delighted; and Hang Tuah 

was highly commended by him and presented with robes of 

honour as befitted his rank. 


Not long after that it happened that a certain Javanese hadf 298 

fever, and (when he had fits of shivering) the young men all 

laughed at him. Resenting their behaviour the Javanese ran 

amuck with a Sunda knife and slew people right and left. No one 

would stand up to him and there was a panic, everyone running 

this way and that. Hang Tuah came forthwith and the Javanese, 

whenf 299 he saw Hang Tuah approaching, made for him. Hang 

Tuah pretended to retreat and dropped his creese. When the 

Javanese saw this he threw away his knife and picked up Hang 

Tuah’s creese, thinking to himself “this is a good creese , (as 

indeed it was bound to be) for Hang Tuah was a wonderful judge 

of creeses. But when Hang Tuah perceived that the Javanese 

had thrown away his knife, he seized it and set on the Javanese, 

who stabbed at him with his creese. Hang Tuah however made 

a spring,and avoided the stab-.then he in his turn stabbed at the 

Javanese Iwith the Sunda knife and. transfixed him below the 


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84 



The Malay Annals 



[ 112 — 113 ] breast, so that he died. Word was brought forthwith to Sultan 

Mansur Shah that the Javanese had been killed by Hang Tuah. 

Sultan Mansur Shah then sent for Hang Tuah and gave him robes 

of honour. 


When in due course Hang Tuah attained maturity, he hadf 300 

an intrigue with one of the palace women-attendants. On hear¬ 

ing of this Sultan Mansur Shah ordered the Sri Nara 'diraja to 

put himf 301 to death. But the Sri Nara 'diraja thinking that 

Hang Tuah had not yet committed any offence deserving of death 

had him hidden away in a country place and put in fetters. He 

then informed the Raja that Hang Tuah had been put to death, 

and Sultan Mansur Shah said not a word. 


A yearf 302 later Hang Kasturi had an intrigue with one of the 

palace women-attendents who was a concubine of the Raja. Sultan 

Mansur Shah and his royal consort thereupon left the palace 

where the girl was and moved to another: and Hang Kasturi was 

surrounded (in the vacant palace). Sultan Mansur Shah seated 

himself in a small pavilion, where the Bendahara, the Treasurer 

and all the chiefs, greater and lesser, presented themselves before 

him. But though the crowd surrounding (the palace where) Hang 

Kasturi (was) was massed deep, not a man could get into the 

palace to attack Hang Kasturi, for he had bolted the doors, leaving 

only one of them open in front of him. He had strewn the floor 

with trays,f 303 platters, salvers and trenchers, and it was onf 304 

those trays and platters that he moved hither and thither. He 

then killed! 305 his mistress, slitting her from her face to her waist, 

and stripped her naked. In vain did Sultan Mansur Shah order 

Hang Kasturi to be attacked, not a man would offer for the task, 

for at that time Hang Kasturi was a man clean* out of the ordinary. 

And Sultan Mansur Shah kept speakingf 306 of Hang Tuah, saying, 

"Alas that Hang Tuah is nof 307 more! If Tuah were alive, he 

could efface this shame that has been put upon me/' 


(The Sri Nara 'dirajaf 308 at first was silent when he heard 

what the Raja said, but) when the Raja mentioned Hang Tuah 

not once but several times, he at last said, "It seems to me, your 

Highness, that you sorely miss Hang Tuah. If by any chance 

Hang Tuah were still alive, would your Highness pardon him?" 

And the king answered, "Have you Hang Tuah in your keeping, 

Sri Nara 'diraja?" "Am If 309 mad", said the Sri Nara 'diraja' 

"that I should have him in my keeping? Your Highness bade me 

get rid of him and I have done so!" And Sultan Mansur Shah 

answered, "If Tuah were alive, I would pardon him though his 

offence was as great as (?the) Hillf 310 (? of Kaf)! I have a 

feeling that Tuah is alive and with you, Sri Nara 'diraja.” The 

Sri Nara 'diraja then said, "It is as you say, your Highness. 


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85 



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[ 113 ] Whenf 310a your Highness bade me put Hang Tuah to death, it 

seemed to me that it was not fitting that he should be killed for 

what he had done, so If 311 put him in fetters, for Hang Tuah is no 

ordinary man and I fancied that he might some day be of use to 

your Highness/' And Sultan Mansur Shah was overjoyed at the 

words of the Sri Nara 'diraja and said," you are a servantf 312 who 

truly serves, Sri Nara 'diraja!” And he rewarded him with robes of 

honour as befitted his rank, and bade him send for Hang Tuah. 

The Sri Nara 'diraja accordingly ordered his men to go and 

fetchf 313 Hang Tuah, and they brought him into the presence of 

Sultan Mansur Shah. Hang Tuah's walk was that of a man not 

yet steady on his feet, he could only totterf 314 feebly, so long had 

he been in fetters. When he appeared! 315 , Sultan Mansur Shah 

took his own creese from his waist and handed it to him, saying, 

“Take this creese of mine and slay Kasturi.” And Hang Tuah 

replied, “Very well, your Highness”; and after doing obeisance 

to the Raja he set out for Hang Kasturi. And when he came to the 

stairway, Hang Tuah called out to Hang Kasturi to come down. 

And when Hang Kasturi beheld Hang Tuah, he said, “Sof 315a 

you are still alive! I thought you were dead orf 315b I should never 

have done what I have done! And now we are met,Just you! 31 * 

and I, creese to creese! Up here with you!” “Very well” 

answered Hang Tuah, but barely had he mounted two or three 

steps of the stairs when Hang Kasturi attacked him. Hang Tuah 

leapt down, and then tried once more to mount the stairs; but 

the same thing happened again. After this had happened two or 

three times, Hang Tuah said to Hang Kasturi, “How amt 317 

I to come up to you? No sooner have I mounted two or three 

steps than you attack me! If you're a man, come down here and 

we'll fight man to man, for all the world tof 318 see!” But Hang 

Kasturi replied, “Horn am I to come down to you, with all those 

people there? While I was fighting with you, who knows but 

someone else would come and stab me?” Then said Hang Tuah, 

“Not a man would I allow to help me, it would be just a fight 

between you and me!” But Hang Kasturi replied, Howf 319 could 

it be thus? If I come down, someone else will assuredly stab 

me. No, if you want my life, come up here and take 

it!” Then said Hang Tuah, “If you want me to come up to you, 

move back a bit!” Hang Kasturi agreed and moved back, where¬ 

upon Hang Tuah went up and seeing a small shield hanging on 

the wall of the palace he seized it. Then they fought, Hang 

Tuah and Hang Kasturi, but whereas Hang Tuah hadf 320 a 

shield, Hang Kasturi had not. And when Hang Tuan perceived 

that the Raja's concubine with whom Hang Kasturi had had an 

intrigue had been killed and stripped naked by Hang Kasturi, he 

contrived as he fought to twitch with his foot the woman s sarong 

so that it covered her as though a sheet had been laid over her. 

Poorf 321 Hang Tuah, fresh from being fettered, unsteady on his 


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86 



The Malay Annals 


1114 ] feet and using his creese like a man who had lostf 322 the knack! 

He stabbed at Hang Kasturi but stabbed the wall instead and his 

creese stuck there. When Hang Kasturi would have stabbed him 

Hang Tuah cried out "Does a man who is a man stab another 

like that? If you are a man, let me free my creese!” "Free it 

then”, said Hang Kasturi. So Hang Tuah freed his creese and 

set it to rights. When this was done, the fight was resumed, but 

once again Hang Tuah missed Hang Kasturi and this time he 

stabbed a pillar. Again Hang Kasturi bade him free his creese, 

and Hang Tuah freed it and stabbed at Hang Kasturi. This 

happened two or three times, Hang Tuah getting his creese 

stuck in wall or pillar and Hang Kasturi bidding him free it. 

Presently! 323 by the will of God it was Hang Kasturi’s turn to 

stab the wall so that his creese stuck fast in it. Forthwith Hang 

Tuah stabbed him through the back to the heart, whereupon 

Hang Kasturi cried, "Does a man who is a man go back on his 

word like that, Tuah? When your creese was stuck two or 

three times, I told you to free it, but the first time I get mine 

stuck, you stab me!” To which Hang Tuah replied, "Who need 

play fair with you, you who have been guilty of high treason?” 

and he stabbed Hang Kasturi a second time and killed him. 


Whenf 324 Hang Kasturi was dead, (Hang Tuah left the 

palace and presented himself before Sultan Mansur Shah, and) 

Sultan Mansur Shah was so well pleased that he bestowed upon 

Hang Tuah the very clothes! 325 that he himself wore. And the 

corpse of Hang Kasturi was dragged away and cast into the sea. 

His wife! 326 and children were (put to death), (and his house) 

was pulled down: even the ground in which its uprights stood 

was dug up and cast into the sea. Hang Tuah was then install¬ 

ed as Laksamana and was borne in procession as is the custom 

for princes: and he was given a place (in the hall of audience) on 

a level with the Sri Nara ‘diraja. Hang Tuah was the first 

Laksamana, and when the Srif 327 Nara (? Bija) ‘diraja was absent 

it was the Laksamana who acted for him as bearer of the sword 

of state, for it was the customf 328 of ancient times for the Sri 

Bija ‘diraja to bear the sword of state, his position being in the 

gallery. That is the procedure that has been followed down to 

the present day. 


Now as Sultan Mansur Shah refused to live any longer in 

the palace where Hang Kasturi was killed, he commanded Benda- 

hara Paduka Raja to have a new palace built. The Bendahara 

himself superintended! 329 the work, as by custom Ben tan was 

the Bendaharas fief. The palace! 329 * had seventeen bays each 

interspace between the pillars being eighteen feet with pillars in 

circumference the span of a manV arms; the. roof had seven tiers 


’■'Scorodocarpus bomgensis Becc. 


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[ 114 — 115 ] (? with sevenf pinnacles). Between were Cupolas, arid everyf 

cupola was furnished with a dormer-window, its roof at right 

angles and terminating in flyingf crockets, all of them carved. 

Between the spires was trellis-work with pendent and pyramidal 

decoration. All the spires were gilded and their tops were of red 

glass, so that in sunlight they gleamed like fire. All the walls had 

eaves and inset were large Chinese mirrors that flashed in the sun 

like lightning dazzling the sight. The cross-beams were of kulim* 

a cubit in width and nine inches thick; the door-sills were two 

cubits wide, a cubit thick; and curved; the cross-bars were forty 

in number and all of them were gilded. So fine was the workr 

manship of this palace that not another royal palace in the world 

at that time could compare with it. It was given the name of 

mahligai, and its roof was of copper and zinc shingles. 


And when the palace was nearly finished, Sultan Mansur Shall 

went to look at it, and he walked through the interior while his~ 

servants walked underneath thef 330 building. And Sultan Mansur 

Shah found the workmanship of the palace to his liking, but when 

he passed on to the kitchens he noticed! 331 that one of the cross¬ 

beams was dark in colour and undersized, and he asked what it 

was made of. On receiving from the princes (?f 331a servants) the 

reply that it was made of ibul, he observed, “It looks as though 

the Bendahara was in rather a hurry”: and he then went home 

accompanied by Tun Indra Segara [who was by descent a sida- 

sidaf 331b ]. Tun Indra Segara then went and informed the Benda¬ 

hara, saying, “The Ruler shewed displeasure just now because one 

of the cross-beams was undersized.” When the Bendahara heard 

what Tun Indra Segara said, he gave orders there and then for a 

cross-beam of kulim to be procured, a cubit in width and a finger- 

spanf 332 in thickness. The cross-beam was immediately procured 

and Bendahara Paduka Raja himself went to the kitchen of the 

palace, shaped the beam and put it into place. And the sound of 

the work that was being done reached the ears of Sultan Mansur 

Shah and he asked, “What is that noise? And Tun Indra Segara 

answered, “It is your servant the Bendahara, your Highness: he 

is replacing the cross-beam that was too small just now: the 

Bendahara himself is shaping the new beam and putting it into 

place.” Sultan Mansur Shah then ordered robes of honour, 

complete in all particulars, to be brought for the Bendahara. 

[Now Tun Indra Segara was known as Shahmura] And the palace 

was completed: and all those who had been engaged on the con¬ 

struction were given robes of honour by Sultan Mansur Shah, 

who then moved to the new Mahligai (as it was called?). 


And after some while, by the will of Almighty God, the 

mahligai caught fire and flames suddenly appeared on the roof. 

Sultan Mansur Shah with his consort and the women-attendants 


*Orania Macrocladus. 


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88 



The Malay Annals 



£H5_116] 



fled from the palace, leaving the Raja’s possessions in the palace 

(?) f332a. wi e ff or ts to deal with the fire were in vain and 

steps were then taken to remove to safety all the property in the 

palace, but the zinc of the roof began to melt and streamed down 

from the roof-gutters like a heavy downpour of rain, and it was 

because of this stream of molten zinc that those who were 

endeavouring to rescue the property were scared (?). One of 

those who went into the palace to remove the property to safety 

was Tun Muhammad “the Nimble”; while other people went in 

once for that purpose, he had gone in and come out two or three 

tmes. That was why he was given the name of Tun Muhammad 

the Nimble. As for Tun Muhammad “the Camel”, he had only 

to go into the palace once to come out with as much as two or 

three other men carried between them: henre he was given the 

name of Tun Mohammad the Camel. Of the property in the 

palace all but a little was removed to safety, but the building was 

entirely gutted before the fire was extinguished. And Sultan 

Mansur Shah rewarded the court staff who had saved the property. 

Those eligible for robes of honour received robes of honour. 

Those eligible for creese f 333 with gold-plated sheaths received 

such creeses; those eligible for (? gold-mounted) swords received 

such swords; and those eligible for titles were given titles. Sultan 

Mansur Shah then commanded Bendahara Paduka Raja to have 

another palace and audience-hall built, and the Bendahara called 

out men to build themf 334 . The men of Ungaran (and the men 

of Tugal?) built the palace and with them were the men of 

Bentan Karangan who collected the materials for it, while the men 

of Panchur Sera pong built the audience-hall (? and with them 

were) the men of Buru. The pavilion was built by the men of 

Suir, the waiting room on the right by the men of Sudar, while 

that on the left was built by the men of Sayong: the drum-hall (?) 

was built by the men of Apong and the out-houses (ga/ah 

menyusu ) by the men of Merba: the bathing-place was made by 

the men of Tungkal, the mosque was built by the men of Tentai, 

the gate of the palace domain by the men of Muda and the fort 


by the men of. (This palace,even surpassed its predecessor. 


And when all was completed, Sultan Mansur Shah rewarded those 

who had worked on it, and he took up his abode in the new 

palace permanently). 


Now the Sri Nara 'diraja had several childrenf 335 by Tun 

Kudu; (the eldest) a son called Tun Tahirf 330 , the second a 

daughter called Tun Shah and the youngest a son called Tun 

Mutahirf 337 who was very good-looking. And when Tun Kudu 

returned to the Mercy of God, exchanging this perishable world 

for a world that abideth, the Sri Nara 'diraja married again. His 

new wife was a Malay girl, and by her he had two children; a son 


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89 



translated by C. C. Brown 


[116 — 117] called Tun 'Abdul, who was a greatf 338 fop, and a daughter called 

Tun Naja.f 339 


When news reached China of the greatness of the Raja of 

Malaka, the Raja of China sent envoys to Malaka: and as 

a complimentary giftf 340 to accompany his letter he sent needles, 

a whole shipload of them. And when the envoys reached Malaka, 

the king ordered the letter to be fetched from the ship with due 

ceremony and borne in procession. And when it had been 

brought into the palace it was received by a herald and given 

by him to the reader of the mosque, who read it out. It ran as 

follows:—"This letter from His Majesty the Raja of Heaven is 

sent to the Raja of Malaka. We hear that the Raja of 

Malaka is a great raja and we desire accordingly to be on terms 

of amity with the Raja of Malaka. Of a truth there are no rajas 

in this world greater than ourselves, and there is no one who 

knoweth the number of our subjects. We have asked for one 

needle from each house in our realm and those are the needles 

with which the ship we send to Malaka is laden/' 


When Sultan Mansur Shah heard how the letter ran he 

smiled. He then gave orders that the ship should be cleared of 

the needles and filled with fried sago. Tun Perpateh Puteh, 

younger brother of Bendahara Paduka Raja, was then commanded 

by Sultan Mansur Shah to go as envoy to China. He set out and 

after a voyage of some length arrived at his destination. The 

Raja of China ordered the Malaka letter to be borne in procession, 

but the procession was halted at the house of the chief minister, 

whose name was Ling Ho. Shortly before dawn Ling Ho and 

the chief notables went to the palace domain to present them¬ 

selves before the Raja of China, and Tun Perpateh Puteh accom¬ 

panied them. And (there came a vast flock of) crows t 341 which 

followed! 341 ” them in. When they arrived at the outer gate of the 

palace. Ling Ho and the notables who were with him stopped,, 

and the crows stopped also. The gong of summons then sounded 

and the whole party passed through the gate. This happened at 

each of the seven successive gates. And when it was day they 

entered the palace and took their seats in the hall of audience: 

and so many were those that were presenting themselves that they 

sat jammed knee to knee. And the crows spread their wings 

overshadowing those who were present. Thereupon was heard 

the rumble of thunderf 342 and the crash of thunder-claps, and 

forked lightning flashed, betokening the appearance of the Raja 

of China. Presently he appeared, faintly visible through the 

glass of the dragon’s mouth litter on which he was borne. There¬ 

upon all those present bowed their heads and lifted not their 

faces. The letter from Malaka was then read and the Raja of 

China was well pleased to hear what it said. And the sago was 

brought before the Raja of China, and he asked how it was made. 


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90 



The Malay Annals 


1117—118] And Tun Perpateh Puteh answered, “After this fashion, your High¬ 

ness: our Raja ordered that eachf 343 of his subjects should roll out 

a grain of sago until there were enough to fill a ship. That will 

indicate how many are the subjects of our Raja, no man knows 

their number!" Then said the Raja of China, “Great indeed must 

be this Raja of Malaka! The multitude of his subjects must be 

as the multitude of our own. It would be well that I should 

marry him with my daughter!" And turning to Ling Ho the 

Raja of China said, “If even the Raja of Malaka can order his 

subjects to do such work as rolling out grains of sago, by how 

muchf 344 the more can I! In future all rice for my eating is to be 

busked grain by grain, there is to be no more pounding." And 

Ling Ho replied, “Very well"; and that is why to this day the 

Raja of China eats no pounded rice but only rice that has been 

husked grain by grain. 


Now when Tun Perpateh Puteh presented himself before the 

Raja, he wore rings on each of his fingers, and when any f 345 

Chinese minister riveted his eyes on the rings, Tun Perpateh Puteh 

would give him one of them; and the same to the next one who 

gazed at them: and so on day after day whenever he presented 

himself before the Raja. 


One day the Raja of China asked Tun Perpateh Puteh what 

food Malays liked. And Tun Perpateh Puteh answered, “Your 

Highness, we like kangkong*, not cut across but split lengthways." 

The Raja of China accordingly ordered kangkong to be provided 

as Tun Perpateh Puteh had described. And when it had been 

cooked it was served! 340 to Tun Perpateh Puteh. And he and 

the other Malays ate of it, holding the kangkong in their fingers 

by the tip of the stalk and looking upwards, so that Tun Perpateh 

and the other Malays had a full view of the Raja of China. 


And when the season of the year for the return voyage to 

Malaka was come, the Raja of China bade Ling Ho make ready 

ships to convey Lingf 347 , his daughter, to Malaka. Ling Ho 

-did so, and when the ships were nearly ready, the Raja of China 

chose out five hundred youths of noble birth (? sons of minis¬ 

ters) f 348 with a high officer in command, to escortf 349 his daughter 

(Princess Hang Liu; and several hundred beautiful women- 

attendants accompanied her) And when the ships were ready. 

Tun Perpateh Puteh (sought the Raja's leave to return to Malaka 

&nd the (Raja's) letter was borne in procession to the ship. Tun 

Perpateh then) set sail for Malaka, which he reached after a 

voyage of some length. Word was brought to Sultan Maiisur 

Shah that Tun Perpateh P uteh had arrived, bringing with him 


*Ipomoea aquatics, -commonly used as a spinach” (W.). 


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[1 IS—119] 



translated by C. C. Brown 91 


a daughter of the Raja of China. Sultan Mansur Shah was well 

pleased and gave ordersf 349a to his chiefs and war chiefs to welcome- 

her. And when they had met the party, they brought the Princess 

into the palace with every mark of honour and distinction. And 

when she appeared, Sultan Mansur Shah was astonished by the 

beautyf 349b of Princess Hang Liu, daughter of the Raja of China, 

and he gave orders that she embrace the faith of Islam. When this 

had been done, Sultan Mansur Shah married the princess, daughter 

of the Raja of China: and by her he had a son to whom he gave 

the name of Paduka Mimat. [This Paduka Mimat had a son 

named Paduka Sri China, who in his turn had a son named 

Paduka Ahmat, father of Paduka Isap]. And the five hundred 

(? sons of) Chinese ministers! 350 were bidden to take up their 

abode at Bukit China: and the place goes by that name to this day. 


It was they who made the well at Bukit China, and it is their 

descendants who are called "the Chinese yeomen”. And Sultan 

Mansur gave robes of honour to the Chinese minister! 351 who had 

brought the princess, and the minister then sought leave to 

return to China. 


The king thereupon commanded Tun Telanaif 352 and Mentri 

Jana Putra to go (as envoys) to China, for now for the first time 

Sultan Mansur Shah was sending obeisance' to the Raja of China, 

having married his daughter. Tun Telanai and Mentri Jana 

Putra accordingly sailed for China, but by the will of God a great 

storm arose and they were driven off their course and fetched up 

at Brunai. They presented themselves before the Raja of Brunai, 

who asked, “How is the letter from our father, the Raja of Malaka, 

to the Raja of China worded?” And Tun Telanai replied, “The 

servant, Raja of Malaka,'s obeisance to His Majesty the Ra;a of 

China.” “Oh”, said the Raja of Brunai, “so the Raja of Malaka 

sends obeisance to the Raja of China?” And Mentri Jana Putra 

answered, “Not so, your Highness. The meaning of the word 

sahaya in Malay is “servant”, and the senders of obeisance are we, 

the servants of the Raja of Malaka, not your Highness father,, 

the Raja of Malaka himself!” And the Raja of Brunai was silent.. 


And when the season of the year for the return voyage was/ 

come, Tun Telanai and Mentri Jana Putra sought leave to return 

to Malaka. And the Raja of Brunai sent with them a letter to- 

Malaka, which was worded as follows:— Your Highness son 

sends obeisance to his royal father.” Tun Telanai and Mentri 

Jana Putra then returned to Malaka and after presenting to Sultan 

Mansur Shah the letter from the Raja of Brunai, they told him all 

that had happened. And the king was well pleased to hear what 

they had to tell, and bestowed robes of honour upon Tun Telanai 

and Mentri Jana Putra, with a special word of commendation for 

Mentri Jana Putra. 


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The Malay Annals 


[lid—120] And Sultan Mansur Shah ordered Bendahara Paduka Raja 


to invadef 354 Pahang. The Bendahara set out accordingly, 

accompanied by Tun Bijaya 'diraja, the Laksamana, Sang Stia, 

Sang Guna, Sang Nyaya (? Naya), Sang Jaya Pekerma and the 

war-chiefs with a fleet of two hundred sail, great and small. When 

they reached Pahang after a voyage of some days the men of 

Malaka fought with the men of Pahang. [Pahang in former days 

was a great state subject to Siam; it was ruled by one Maharaja 

Sura, who was a cousin of Lord Bubunnya] When the Benda¬ 

hara reached Pahang, the men of Pahang fought with the men of 

Malaka in a fierce battle. After the fighting had lasted! 355 some 

while, then by the will of Almighty God Who subjecteth all His 

servants to His power, Pahang was easily defeated, the men of 

Pahang fled, and Maharaja Sura escaped to the upper reaches of 

the river. The Bendahara ordered the Sri Bijaya (Bija) 'diraja, 

the Laksamana, Sri Akar Raja, Sang Stia, Sang Guna, Sang Naya, 

Sang Jaya Pekerma, Sang Surana, Sang Aria, Sang Radin, Sang 

Sura Pahlawan, Sang Sura and the war-chiefs to pursue Maharaja 

Sura. 


Now the Sri Bija 'diraja combined! 350 this pursuit of Maharaja 

Sura with the pleasure of hunting wild buffaloes and snaring jungle 

fowl, stopping to snare jungle fowl at every good stretch of river 

sand that he came to. So much so that his followers said, "What 

means this, sir? We seem to be engaged on a different business 

from the others! They are pursuing Maharaja Sura in good 

earnest, while you, sir, just go on amusing yourself with your sport! 

If they come up with Maharaja Sura, it is they who will acquire 

merit and we shall acquire nothing!” But the Sri Bija 'diraja 

replied, "How do you young men know? Maharaja Sura is not 

going to escape me! In the number! 357 tables his name is below 

mine, his day is below my day and his time is below my time. 

How then can he escape from my clutches?” 


Now Maharaja Sura had been three nights in the forest with¬ 

out food and without drink. At last he came to an old woman's 

house and he asked her for rice! 358 'for Maharaja Sura'. And the 

old woman thought to herself, "Now I've heard that this Raja is 

being pursued by the Sri Bija 'diraja. Iff 359 it becomes known 

that I am sheltering him in my house, what will happen to me? 

I had better therefore go and inform the Sri Bija 'diraja.” So she 

said to Sri Maharaja Sura, "May your Highness be pleased to sit 

down while I go and get vegetables.” She then set off for the 

shore, meaning to inform those who were engaged in the pursuit: 

but all had gone on ahead except only the Sri Bija 'diraja who 

was still behind. So the old woman went to the Sri Bija 'diraja 

and told him what had happened. The Sri Bija 'diraja then 

ordered his men ashore to surround the house where Maharaja 


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[120—121] $ ura W as and they seized him and brought him to the Sri Bija 

'diraja, who thereupon went back to the Bendahara taking Maha¬ 

raja Sura with him; but although he had arrested him the Sri Bija 

'diraja did not put Maharaja Sura in fetters or bind him. When 

they reached the Bendahara, the Sri Bija 'diraja handed Maharaja 

Sura over to him and the Bendahara kept him as the Sri Bija 

'diraja had kept him, treating him as a ruling prince. And the 

Bendahara ordered that Ya di-kenyang, the Maharaja Sura's riding 

elephant should be taken to Malaka: and when all the men who 

had been engaged in the pursuit had reassembled, Bendahara 

Paduka Raja returned to Malaka, taking Maharaja Sura with him. 


And when after a voyage of some length Bendahara Paduka 

Raja arrived at Malaka, he went into the palace and presented 

himself before Sultan Mansur Shah, with Maharaja Sura. And 

Sultan Mansur Shah was well pleased and he bestowed upon 

Bendahara Paduka Raja robes of honour of the greatest distinction: 

and all the war-chiefs who had gone on the expedition were also 

presented by the king with robes of honour. f 360 The Sri Bija 

'diraja (was then commanded by Sultan Mansur Shah to reside 

in Pahang and) was accorded the privilege of the drum of sover¬ 

eignty with clarionet and trumpet: only the kettledrums were 

witheld. And for his services in capturing Maharaja Sura he was 

granted (the special privilege) of a pair of fringed umbrellas 

carried side by side. (And he set forth for Pahang). When he 

was outsidef 361 the precincts of Malaka and had passed (Pulau 

Besar) he hadf 302 the drum of sovereignty beaten. On reaching 

Pahang he took up his abode there and it was he who ruled 

Pahang. 


As for Maharaja Sura, he was delivered by Sultan Mansur 

Shah to Bendahara Paduka Raja, still not in fetters. The Benda¬ 

hara then delivered him to the Sri Nara 'diraja, who imprisoned 

him in a cage one end of his public hall. But although he 

imprisoned him, he allowed him to have a mattress and a pillow: 

and when Maharaja Sura took food, it was brought to him on a 

dish, the man who brought it wore the shoulder-cloth and people 

were ordered to present themselves before him as before a ruler. 


One day when the Sri Nara 'diraja was seated in his hall and 

people were present, Maharaja Sura said, "When my country was 

defeated and I was taken prisoner by the Sri Bija 'diraja, I was 

treated as though I was still ruling my country. When I came 

to the Bendahara, it was thef 303 same thing (I felt I was being 

treated as a ruler). It is only now that I am with thisf 304 chief 

that I am put in a prison-cage!" To which the Sri Nara 'diraja 

replied, "You may be a prince, Maharaja Sura, but you are lacking 

in understanding! The Sri Bija 'diraja is a great war-chief. If 

he could subdue your whole kingdom, you by yourself would 


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The Malay Annals 


[121—122] present little difficulty to him._ As for the Bendahara, he is a 

major chief and his retainers are many. How could you escape 

from his hands? But I — I am only a poor fakir, and if you 

were to escape, I should certainly incur the Ruler's displeasure. 

That is why you are imprisoned!" “Excellent!" said Maharaja 

Sura, “you are indeed a servant! 365 who truly seryes!" It happen¬ 

ed one day, after Maharaja Sura had been imprisoned for some 

while, that the elephant Ya Kenyang was led past the prison-cage 

on his way down to the river to be bathed. Sri Maharaja Sura 

called him and when the elephant came up to him, he examined 

him and perceived that one of his nails was missing. And he 

said, “To think that after all these years this is the first time I 

have looked at my own elephant like this'! No wonder I lost 

my country!" 


It happened once that Sultan Mansur Shah's riding elephant, 

Kenchinchi by name, escaped. In vain did Sri Rama, the Master 

of the King's Elephants, order search to be made, the elephant 

was not recovered. If he was seen in marsh or thicket, he defied 

capture. And the Sri Ramaf 366 said (“There is someone in this 

city who is deeply versed in the lore of elephants!") and he 

told Sultan Mansur Shah all that had happened. The king then 

ordered inquiry to be made throughout the city for anyone well 

versed in elephant lore. When he learnt that Maharaja Sura had 

such knowledge, he sent word to him asking him to recover his 

elephant. And Maharaja Sura said to the king's messenger, “My 

humble obeisance to the Ruler: set me free and I will recover the 

elephant." The messenger then went back and told Sultan 

Mansur Shah what Maharaja Sura had said, whereupon the king 

ordered his release. When Maharaja Sura had been released, the 

elephant wasf 366b recovered. Sultan Mansur Shah then ordered all 

the young men about the court to go to Maharaja Sura for inst¬ 

ruction, for it was the practice of Sultan Mansur Shah, when 

there was an expert with elephants or in horsemanship or in the 

handling of weapons, to send the young men about the court to 

him for lessons at his charges. [Now the Sri Rama was a 

cheteriaf 367 by descent; he had a seat in the right-hand gallery, 

and whoever brought sire h to him had to wear the shoulder-cloth] 


The Sri Nara 'diraja had a sister whom Sultan Mansur Shah 

had married. There were four children of this marriage, two sons 

and two daughters. (? One of the) sons was called Raja Ahmad. 

And the Sri Nara ‘diraja fell sick; and perceiving that he was 

about to die, he sent for Bendahara Paduka Raja and said to him, 

“From this sickness that I have upon me now I feel that I shall 

surely die. As for my children, they are but lads and lasses still and 

I commit them first to Almighty God and then to you, the 

moref 368 so because they are already your ‘children'. All that I have 


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translated by C. C. Brown 95 


[122—123] to bequeath is four chests of gold, each of them a load for fourt 3G8a 

men. All this I place in your control." The Sri Nara 'diraja then 

returned to the Mercy of God. And Sultan Mansur Shah came 

to the house to mourn the death of the Sri Nara 'diraja, and (for 

the funeral) he granted the privilege of umbrellas, drums, 

clarionet, trumpet and kettledrumsf 368b . The Sri Nara 'diraja was 

then buried and the king returned sorrowing to his palace.. The 

Sri Nara 'diraja's children then went to live with Bendahara 

Paduka Raja. One son, Tun Tahir, succeeded his father in the 

title of Sri Nara 'diraja and was made Treasurer, while a younger 

son, Tun Mutahir, was given the title of Sri Tahir Raja (sic: ? 

Sri Maharaja) and was made Temenggong. Another son of the 

Sri Nara 'diraja who was called Tun 'Abdul was by a different 

mother. This Tun 'Abdul was such a fop that he would take 

three days to trimf 309 his nails: he would only ride his horse in 

the shade, and over his dressing he would spend as much time 

as it takes to cook pot after pot of rice! Never was there such 

a fop. 



God alone knoweth the truth.


Chapter X 


The sickness of the Raj& of China* its cause and cure. 


(Shellabeai, Chapter XV) 


Here now is a story of the Raja of China. When the envoys 

who had escorted the Raja of China's daughter together with Tun 

Perpateh to Malaka arrived back in China, the letter they brought 

from the Raja of Malaka was borne in procession, and when it 

reahed the hall of audience the Raja ordered his chief minister 

to read it. And when it had been interpreted to the Raja of 

China he was well pleased to hear that the Raja of Malaka sent 

'obeisance' to him. Hardly had this happened when the Raja of 

China fell sick and was stricken with a chloasma all over his body. 

He ordered that a doctor be sent for to treat the complaint, but 

though treatment was applied by the doctor the Raja was not 

cured: and though he sent for doctors by the hundred to treat him, 

there was still no cure. At last however an aged* doctor said to 

him, "May it please yourf 369a Highness, the disease from which you 

are suffering is beyond the powers of all of us to cure, because 

it is due to a specific cause." And when the Raja of China 

inquired what might be the cause, the aged doctor replied, "Your 

Highness, the cause is that the Raja of Malaka sent 'obeisance 

That, your Highness, is a judgment upon you. Your Highness 

must drink water used by the Raja of Malaka for washing his 

feet and you must bathe in that water, or this sickness that afflicts 

your Highness will not be cured." When the Raja of China heard 


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96 



The Malay Annals 



[123—124] the words of the aged doctor, he ordered envoys to be sent to 

Malaka to ask for water that had been used for washing the feet 

of the Raja of Malaka. When the ships were ready, the envoys 

set forth for Malaka, where they arrived after a voyage of some 

length. And word was brought to Sultan Mansur Shah that 

envoys from the Raja of China were come to ask for water that 

had been used for washing the Ruler's feet. Sultan Mansur Shah 

then came out to the hall of audience and gave an audience, 

whereupon he gave orders for the letter from the Raja of China 

to be fetched from the ship with due ceremony and brought in 

procession to the audience hall. The king then ordered the 

reader of the mosque to read it. It ran as follows:— 'This 

letter comes from the royal father to his royal son. If the royal 

son f 3G9b wishes to do his royal father a great service, his royal father 

would ask as a favour for water that has been used for washing 

the feet of Sultan Mansur Shah." Sultan Mansur Shah gave the 

water forthwith, and he ordered that a letter be sent in return 

and that the Chinese envoys be given robes of honour. The 

letter and the water used for the washing of Sultan Mansur Shah's 

feet were then borne in procession to the envoys' ship and they 

then returned to China. When after a voyage of some length 

they arrived in China, the letter and the water used for washing 

the feet (of Sultan Mansur Shah) were borne in procession and 

taken into the palace. And the Raja of China drank of the water 

used for washing Sultan Mansur Shah's feet and bathed himself 

with it, and forthwith the chloasma disappeared entirely from the 

body of the Raja of China and he was cured. He then took an 

oath that never again would he except 'obeisance' from the 

Rajaf 369e of Ujong Tanah (and that oath holds good) to the 

present day. For the Raja of China said, "All ye who come after 

me, never demand 'obeisance' from the Raja of Malaka or those 

that come after him, but only friendship on equal terms."


Chapter XI 


Sultan Mansur orders an attack on Siak because Siak will not 

admit the overlordship of Malacca. A follower of Raja Muham¬ 

mad, one of Sultan Mansur's sons, kills, Tun Besar, son of Bendahara 

Paduka Raja, for accidentally knocking off Raja Muhammad’s head¬ 

dress. Raja Muhammad is exiled to Pahang and made ruler there. 

The growing fame of Malaka. 


(Sheliabear, chapters XVII and XVIII) 


Here now is a story of how Sultan Mansur Shah decided to 

attack Siak because Siak, which was formerly a great kingdom 

ruled by descendants of the Raja of Pagar Ruyong, who himself 

Guntang Mahameru, refused to admit the overlordship of Malaka. 

It was for that reason that the king ordered the Sri Awadana to 

attack Siak: war-chiefs to the number of sixty were commanded 


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£124—125] to go on the expedition and Sang Jaya Pekerma and Sang Surana 

were commanded to accompany the Sri Awadana. [Now the Sri 

Awadana was a grandson of Bendahara Sri Amar 'diraja, for Sri 

Amar 'diraja had many children, of whom the eldest was Tun 

Hamzah, father of the Sri Awadana] Sri Awadana was chief 

minister to Sultan Mansur Shah. [He had two sons, the one 

named Tun Abu Saban, the other Tun Perak: Tun Abu Saban 

had a son, Orang Kaj r a Tun Hasan, while Tun Perak had a 

daughter called Tun Esah and a son named Tun Ahmad] The 

fief of the Sri Awadana was Merbau, which at that time had a 

fleet of thirty three-masted cruisers. When his ships were ready 

the Sri Awadana set forth, and Khoja Baba went with him together 

with the war-chiefs. 


And after some days they came to Siak. The Raja of Siak 

was called Maharaja Permaisura and his prime minister was 

called Tun Jana Muka Bebal. When they heard that the men 

of Malaka were coming, they made their preparations, manning 

the fort and calling out their forces. And the men of Malaka 

came up the river. Now the fort of Siak was on the water's 

edge. The men of Malaka brought their ships rightf 370 

alongside the fort, and they pouredf 371 arrows and spears into 

the fort like a torrent coursing down a hillside; and many of the 

'Siak troops were killed. Maharaja Permaisura stood on the fort 

and called upon his men to fight, but when Khoja Baba saw 

this, he drew his bow and shot him through the heart and 

Maharaja Permaisura fell dead. When the Siak men saw that 

their Raja had been slain, they broke and fled in disorder: 

whereupon the men of Malaka breached the fort, forced their 

way in and looted it, securing a vast amount of booty. 


And a son of Maharaja Permaisura, Megat Kudu by. name, was 

captured and brought to the Sri Awadana. The Sri Awadana 

then sailed for Malaka; and on arriving there he presented himself 

before the Raja, taking Megat Kudu with him. And Sultan 

Mansur Shah was well pleased and rewarded the Sri Awadana, 

Khoja Baba and all who went on the expedition with them. To 

Megat Kudu he gave robes of honour; and after marcying 

him to a daughter of his made him Raja of Siak with the title of 

Sultan Ibrahim, with Tun Tana Muka Bebal as prime minister 

as before. And Sultan Ibrahim had a son named Raja 'Abdul by 

his wife, the daughter of Sultan Mansur Shah. 


Here now is the storv of Raia Muhammad and (Raja) Ahmad, 

sons of Sultan Mansur Shah. When they had both grown up, it 

was the intention of Sultan Mansur Shah to put Raja Muhammad 

on the throne as his successor, for he was his favourite son. 

One day Raja Ahmad and Raja Muhammad were out riding: and 


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98 



The Malay Annals 


1125—126] it happened that at that moment Tun Besar, son of Bendahara 

Paduka Raja, was playing football (sepak raga) in the street with 

some other youths. As Raja Ahmad and Raja Muhammad rode 

past, Tun Besar had the ball and he kicked it so that it hit Raja 

Muhammad’s headcloth and knocked it off. And Raja Muhammad 

said, “My headcloth has fallen.” Thereupon the man who carried 

the betel-bowl rushed up and stabbed Tun Besar through the heart 

and killedf 872 him. Amid the excitement that ensued Bendahara 

Paduka Raja came out, and when he asked what the excitement 

was about, he was told, “Your son is dead, killed by Raja Muham¬ 

mad!” And when he learnt all that had happened, he asked, 

“Why this armingf 373 ?” And the Bendahara’s people replied, 

“We are going to avenge the death of our kinsman!” Then said 

the Bendahara, “You can’t be disloyalf 374 to the mound without 

being disloyal to the hill! Fort 375 shame, all of you, for shame! 

For it is the custom of Malays never to be disloyal to their masters. 

But as for having this prince as our master—never!” 


The Bendahara’s people then kept silent; and Tun Besar was 

buried. When Sultan Mansur Shah was informed of what had 

happened, he asked what the Bendahara had said: and he was 

told how the Bendahara had declared that it was the custom of 

Malays never to be disloyal but “as for having this prince as our 

master—never!” And Sultan Mansur was furious (with Raja 

Muhammad) and sent for him. When he appeared, Sultan 

Mansur’s anger was indescribable. “You young scoundrel”, he 

cried, “the only thing to be done with you is to turn you out 

of the country!” And he sent for the Sri Bija ‘diraja fromf 376, 

Pahang. When after some while the Sri Bija ‘diraja arrived, 

Sultan Mansur Shah handed Raja Muhammad over to him and 

ordered him to make Raja Muhammad ruler of Pahang, with 

territory from Sedili Besar to Trengganu. Raja Muhammad was 

at the same time given men suitable for the offices of Bendahara, 

Treasurer and Temenggong. When ships had been made ready, 

the Sri Naraf 377 (? Bija) ‘diraja set out for Pahang, where he 

installed the Raja’s son as ruler, with the title of Sultan Muham¬ 

mad Shah. The Sri Nara (? Bija) ‘diraja then returned to Malaka. 

And the fame of Malaka was spread abroad, from above the wind 

to below the wind. The Arabs gave it the name of Malakat. At 

that time there was no city that was the equal of Malaka, save 

only Pasaif 378 and Haru. The three countries (were of 

equal greatness, so that) their Rajas, however they stood 

to each other in point of age, still sent ‘greetings’ only to each 

other, though the people of Pasai were wont to read as 

‘obeisance’f 379 the word ‘greetings’ in any letter, no matter whence 

it came. 






translated by C. C. Brown 99 


Chapter XII 


The story of Semerluki, Raja of Mengkasar, and his ambition 

to conquer all the countries below the wind. After raiding Java 

he is worsted at Malaka and later at Pasai. After yet another 

defeat in Malaka waters he returns to Mengkasar. The coming 

of Maulana Abu Balcar with the book Durr Manzum and the 

mission to Pasai to pose a problem of theology. Kadli Yusuf’s 

submission to Maulana Abu Bakar. Sultan Mansur’s attempt to 

gain the hand of the Princess of Gunong Ledang. (Shellabear* chh. 

XIX to p. 127, then XX to p. 129, then XXVI , to end of chapter). 


Here now is a story of Semerluki, Raja of Mengkasar: and 

this is how the tale goes according to the account we have 

received. There was in the land of Mengkasar a city named 

Balului, so powerful that all other cities (in Mengkasar) f 380 were 

subject to it. The Raja of Balului was called Mejokok and he 

had married seven sisters, daughters of Keraing Ditandering 

Jokinak. All seven princesses were consorts of the king, but it 

was the youngest of them who was the most beautiful. The 

eldest princess had a son, to whom his father had given the name 

Keraing Semerluki. In the course of time Keraing Semerluki 

grew up to be a man of such strength and valour that he had no 

peer throughout Mengkasar: and he fell in love with the youngest 

of the seven princesses. Keraing Mejokok became aware of this 

but he refused to let him have the princess, saying, "If, my son, 

you desire a wife as beautiful as your mother's sister, go plunder 

Ujong Tanah and find a girl like her!" Keraing Semerluki there¬ 

upon fitted out a fleet of two hundred ships of various types; and 

Avhen the ships were ready, he set forth, determined to conquer 

every city here below the wind. First he went to Java and ravaged 

many of its provinces. In no country that he attacked had the 

people the courage to try and repel him. He then passed to 

Ujong Tanah waters and ravaged the coastal districts of Malaka. 

And word was brought to Sultan Mansur Shah, "Our coastal 

districts have been utterly laid waste by the Raja of Mengkasar 

who is called Semerluki." Whenf 380a Sultan Mansur Shah heard 

this news, he ordered the Laksamana to intercept Semerluki, 

and the Laksamana made ships ready accordingly. When 

the ships were ready, the Laksamana put out to sea with 

his fleet, and on the arrival of Keraing Semerluki in Malaka waters 

he engaged the Mengkasar fleet and battle was joined, ship charg¬ 

ing ship, and arrows and darts falling like heavy raint 380b . When 

the Laksamana closed the ship of Keraing Semerluki, Keraing 

Semerluki hurled a flying grapel at the Laksamana's ship. It 

took hold and Semerluki ordered his men to wind in, but the 

Laksamana cut it away. And many of Semerluki's ships were 

sunk by the fleet of the Laksamana; but on the Malaka side 

many were killed by the enemy's darts as the antidote for the 

upas poison was not yet known in Malaka. 


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100 



The Malay Annals 



[127] Keraing Semerluki then went on to Pasai, where he laid 

waste many of the provinces. The Raja of Pasai thereupon ordered 

his chief, the Rajaf 381 Kenayan, to drive out Keraing Semerluki. 

The Raja Kenayan accordingly made ready a fleet and when it 

was ready, he put out to sea. When he met the fleet of Keraing, 

Semerluki at Telok Terni (?), the fleet of Pasai engaged the fleet 

of Mengkasar in battle. Keraing Semerlukfs ship closed the ship 

of the Raja Kenayan and Keraing Semerluki ordered a flying; 

grapnel to be hurled. It hit the Raja Kenayan's ship and took 

hold, whereupon Keraing Semerluki ordered his men to wind in. 

And the Raja Kenayan cried, "Wind away! Let me but get nearf 382 

you and IT1 leap aboard your ship and kill the lot of you with 

myf 383 'heeled' sword!" Then said Keraing Semerluki to his 

men, "Quick, cutf 384 away the ropes!" When they had done so, 

the two ships parted: and Keraing Semerluki said, "The Raja 

Kenayan is a braver man than the Laksamana!" He then set sail 

for Mengkasar, passing through Malaka waters; and he was pursued 

by the Laksamana who sank any ships that had become detached 

from the main Mengkasar fleet. So many ships did Keraing 

Semerluki lose that when he came to Ungaran he seized a piece 

of the rockf 385 that ballasted his ship and cast it into the Ungaran 

Straits, saying, "When this rock floats! 380 I will come again to- 

Ujong Tanah waters!" And that isf 38Ga how the place came to be 

called the Cape of the Rock, and the rock is still there to 

this day. Keraing Semerluki then returned to Mengkasar: and 

the Laksamana returned to Malaka and presented himself before 

Sultan Mansur Shah, who gave robes of honour to the Laksamana 

and all those who had gone on the expedition. 


Afterf 387 that, (there arrived by ship one) Maulana Abu 

Bakar bringing with him the book Durr! 388 Manzum. He dis¬ 

embarked and proceeded to Malaka, where he was received with 

every mark of distinction by Sultan Mansur Shah, who ordered! 389 

that (the Durr Manzum) be brought in procession to the hall 

of audience. And Sultan Mansur Shah studied with Maulana 

Abu Bakar, who highly commended his aptitude and the progress 

that he made in his studies. Sultan Mansur Shah then ordered 

that the Durr Manzum be sent to Pasai for an exposition of its 

doctrine by Tuan! 390 Pematakan. Tuan Pematakan set to work 

on the exposition and when it was completed he sent it to Malaka. 

Sultan Mansur Shah was well pleased with it and shewed it to 

Maulana Abu Bakar, who approved of it and complimented Tuan 

Pematakan. 


Sultan Mansur Shah then appointed Tun Bija Wangsa to 

go to Pasai and pose the following problem! 391 of theologv:— 

"Do those in heaven abide there for ever? And do those in hell 

abide there for ever?" Tun Bija Wangsa was to take with him 


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ior 


[127—128] seven tahils of gold dust and two women, one a native of Meng- 

kasar called Dang Bunga and the other a daughter of a yeomanf 392 

of Muar, called Dang Biba. The present sent by Sultan Mansur 

Shah to the Sultan of Pasai consisted of haircloth (?) in yellow 

and in purple with floral designs. And Sultan Mansur Shah 

gave this command to Tun Bjia Wangsa:— “You. are to ask 

the divines of Pasai this question, 'those that are in heaven and 

those that are in hell — do they abide for all time in heaven and 

do they abide for all time in hell, or not?' Whosoever can answer 

this question you are to give to him these seven tahils of gold 

dust and these two women (?f 392a slaves); and the answer that is 

given to you you are to honour with beat of drum and bring back 

here." And Tun Bija Wangsa said, "Very well, your Highness." 

Orders were then given for the letter to be taken in procession to* 

the ship with all the honours accorded to a reigning prince (?): 

and Tun Bija Wangsa set out for Pasai. (? When he reached 

Pasai), the Raja of Pasai (? ordered that) the letter be fetched 

from the ship with every mark of distinction and honour, and 

that it be borne in procession to the hall of audience. When it 

reached the hall, orders were given for it to be read, and the 

Raja of Pasai was well pleased with the wordingf 393 of it. Turn 

Bija Wangsa then did homage to the Raja of Pasai, who asked 

him, "What were the instructions of our brother to you, Tun 

Bija Wangsa?" And Tun Bija Wangsa answered, "The command 

of your Highness 7 elder brother to me was, 'whosoever can answer 

the question propounded in the letter, you are to give to him these 

women (?f 393a slaves) and these seven tahils of gold dust, and the 

answer is to be honoured with beat of drum and brought back to 

Malaka." The Raja of Pasai forthwith sent for Tun Makhdunr 

Mua. And when Tun Makhdum Mua appeared, he was given 

a seat beside the Raja of Pasai. And the Raja of Pasai said to 

him, "Sir, the Raja of Malaka has commanded Tun Bija Wangsa 

to come hither to pose the question whether all those in heaven 

and all those in hell abide there for ever or not. We desire that 

you furnish the answer to this question, that we may not be put 

to shame." And Tun Makhdum Mua said, "Those in heaven 

abide there for ever, those in hell abide there for ever." 

And Tun Bija Wangsa answered, "Is there no other possible 

view?" "There is not, said Tun Makhdum Mua, "for that 

accords with the text of the Koran 'for ever do they remain 7 77 But 

Tun Hasan, a pupil of Tun Makhdum Mua who was sitting there 

at the time, turned his head away, for the answer did not com¬ 

mend itself to him. The Raja of Pasai then retired into the 

palace and all those, present went home. 


When Tun Makhdum Mua reached his house, Tun Hasan f 394 

came and presenting himself before the Makhdum he said, "How 

was it, sir, that you answered the envoy just nowf 395 as you didr 


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[128—129] 



102 The Malay Annals 


If that was the answer, the people of Malaka know it already. 

Why then did they send their question here? It looks as though 

there must be some other answer that they require/, Then 

answered Tun Makhdum Mua, "What is the correct answer, to 

your mind?” And Tun Hasan said, "To my mind, the answer 

should be thus and thus.” "You are right!”, said Tun Makhdum 

Mua, "I made mistake, but what isf 396 to be done now? What's 

said is said!” And Tun Hasan said, "There is no difficulty in the 

matter. All you have to do, sir, is to send for the envoy and say to 

him ‘Just now when you asked me that question before the whole 

assembly I gave the answer you heard. But now that we are by 


ourselves I will tell you. The true answer is this.!” Tun 


Makhdum Mua agreed and called Tun Bija Wangsa. He came 

and Tun Makhdum Mua set food before him. After they had 

eaten, Tun Makhdum Mua took Tun Bija Wangsa to a private 

place and said to him, "Just now you put your question to me 

before the whole assembly, and I gave the answer you heard. 

But now I will tell you what the true answer is. It is thisf 397 


Tun Bija Wangsa was highly pleased to hear what Makhdum 

Mua said, and he presented to him the seven tahils of gold dust 

and the two women. He then honoured the answer by beat of 

drum and took it to his ship. And the Raja of Pasai asked, 

"What is it that the envoy is carrying to the beat of drums,” And 

Penghulu Bujang Karikelar, Tun Jana Makhlok Biri-Biri, answered, 

"Your Highness* the envoy has obtained the explanation of the 

matter regarding which inquiry was made; the explanation was 

given by Tun Makhdum Mua as the result of a suggestion bv Tun 

Hasan.' And the king was well pleased to hear this and highly 

commended Tun Hassan. [To Dang Biba, Tun Makhdum Mua 

gave the name of Dang Asiah Bendahari]. Tun Bija Wangsa then 

sought leave of the Raja of Pasai to depart. And the Raja of Pasai 

sent a letter in reply to that of the Raja of Malaka, and it was 

borne in procession with due ceremony: and Tun Bija Wangsa was 

given robes of honour complete with all accessories. Tun Bija 

Wangsa then set forth on his return voyage to Malaka, honouring 

with beat of drum the (answer to the) problem previously men¬ 

tioned. And when he reached Malaka, the answer was borne in 

procession followed bv the letter of the Raja of Pasai. And Sultan 

Mansur Shah was well pleased to hear the answer to the problem, 

which met with the approval of Maulana Abu Bakar, and he highly 

commended Tun Makhdum Mua. 


Now at that time the Kadli of Malaka was one Kadli 

Yusuff 398 , great-grandson of Makhdum Saiyid ‘Abdu'l-Azizf 399 

who effected the conversion of the people of Malaka to Islam. 

Kadli Yusuf did not go to Maulana Abu Bakar for instruction 

because he himself was a profound scholar. But one day, as 


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translated by C. C. Brown 105 


[129_130] Kadli Yusuf was going to the mosque for the Friday prayers, he 


passed the door of Maulana Abu Bakar's house. It happened that 

at that moment Maulana Abu Bakar was standing in the doorway, 

and he appeared to Kadli Yusuf to be enveloped with light just 

as the wick of a lighted candle is enveloped with its flame: thus 

was the appearance of Maulana Abu Bakar. Forthwith Kadhi 

Yusuf ran to him and did obeisance to him. Maulana Abu Bakar 

received him with a smile, after which Kadli Yusuf went to Mail- 

lana Abu Bakar for instruction. Kadli Yusuf then becamef 40( * 

a recluse: he resigned the office of Kadli and his son Kadli 

Menuaf 401 (? Menawar Shah) became Kadli in his stead and 

took up his abode in Malaka. 


One day when Sultan Mansur Shah was seated in the hall 

of audience in the presence of his chiefs, ministers, courtiers and 

war-chiefs, he said to the chiefs, “We give thanks to Almighty 

God that He has graciously vouchsafed to us a great kingdom, 

but there is one thing we still would fain have: if we may ask it 

of God, we desire to have a wife who shall surpass the wife of any 

prince in the world/' And the chiefs replied, “Is there one to 

be found such as your Highness desires? Your Highness already 

has wedded a princess of Java and a princess of China. Could 

there be better than that? For in days of yore it was only Raja 

Iskandar Dzu'l-Karnain that had a daughter of the Raja of China 

for consort, and now it is none but your Highness that has such 

a consort/' Then said Sultan Mansur Shah, “For one prince 

to marry the daughter of another prince—even other Rajas do 

that: what I desire is a bride such as no other Raja possesses: 

that is the girl we wish to marry." And the chiefs replied. “Mayf 40 - 

it please your Highness to give the command, that we may carry 

it out." “We desire," said Sultan Mansur Shah, “to ask for the 

hand of the Princess of Gunong Ledang, and we appoint the 

Laksamana and Sang Stia to go on our behalf." And the 

Laksamana and Sang Stia said, “Very well, your Highness." Tun 

Mamad was commanded to accompany them, taking with him 

men of Indragirif 403 to clear the path, as Tun Mamad was head¬ 

man of the people of Indragiri. The Laksamana and Sang Stia 

then set out on the journey accompanied by Tun Mamad. 

And after some days, they reached the foot of Gunong Ledang 

and began the ascent of the mountain. And when they were 

about half way up, a wind arose so strong that they could climb 

no further and the path itself became exceedingly difficult. And 

Tun Mamad said to the Laksamana and Sang Stia, “Stay here, 

sir, all of you, while I go up." And when the Laksamana had 

agreed Tun Mamad went ahead with two or three men who 

were good walkers and continued the ascent with them. And 

when they approached the 'singing bamboos', the climbers felt 

as though they were going to be blown away, so strong was the 

wind: the clouds seemed so close as to be within their reach: 


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104 



The Malay Annals 



£130 — 131] an d so sweet was the music of the 'singing bamboos' that birds on 

.the wing stopped to listen to it and every creature that heard it 

was enchanted. Tun Mamad then came upon a garden. He 

^entered it and found four women there. One of them, who was 

.old but still handsome andf 403a wore round her shoulders a cloth 

for carrying, asked Tun Mamad who he was and of what country. 

And Tun Mamad answered, "I am a man of Malaka and I have 

been sent here by Sultan Mansur Shah to ask for the hand of the 

Princess of Gunong Ledang in marriage. But you, lady, what is 

your name?" And she replied,. "My name is Dang Raya Rani, 

and I am the guardian of the Princess of Gunong Ledang. Wait 

here for me while I acquaint the Princess with what you have told 

me.” After saying this Dang Raya Rani and the women with 

her vanished from sight. Presently there appeared an old woman, 

bent double with age, and she said to Tun Mamad, "All that 

you have said, sir, has been related by Dang Raya to the Princess 

of Gunong Ledang, who says, "If the Raja of Malaka desire 

me, let him make for me a bridge of gold and a bridge of silver 

from Malaka to Gunong Ledang: and for a betrothal gift let 

there be seven trays of mosquitos' hearts, seven trays of mites' 

hearts, a vatf 404 of young areca-nut water, a vat of tears, a cup of 

the Raja's blood and a cup of hisf 405 son's blood. On these 

conditions I approve the request of the Raja of Malaka.” After 

she had thus spoken she vanished from sight. According to 

the account we have received the old woman who spoke with 

Tun Mamad was the Princess of Gunong Ledang herself in 

disguise. 


Tun Mamad then went down from the place and returned 

to the Laksamana and Sang Stia, to whom he told all that the 

Princess of Gunong Ledang had said. The Laksamana and his 

companions then descended Gunong Ledang to return to Malaka, 

which they reached after a while. Then the Laksamana, Sang 

Stia and Tun Mamad presented themselves before Sultan Mansur 

and related to him the message they had received from thePrincess 

of Gunong Ledang. And Sultan Mansur Shah said, "All that 

she demands we can provide, save only the blood of our son; that 

we cannot provide, for our heart would not suffer us to take it. 


God knoweth the truth. To him do we return.


Chapter XIII 


The rising in Pasai against Sultan Zainu 1- Abidin, who flees 

to Malacca. Sultan Mansur sends an expedition to reinstate him, 

but after he has been reinstated he rudely refuses to send his 

'obeisance* to Malacca; and when he is again dethroned, the Malacca 

:men leave him to his fate. 


( Shellabear , chapter XXII ) 



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10? 



t 131 — 132 J Here now is a story of the Raja of Pasai, Sultan Zainal-'Abidin 


as he was called. This Raja of Pasai was one of two brothers, and 

the younger desired to supplant the elder as ruler. In this 

treacherous design he had the support of the people of Pasai and 

they were for killing their Raja. Sultan Zainal-'Abidin according¬ 

ly took flight in a small ship and went to Malaka to seek the 

protection of Sultan Mansur Shah. Sultan Mansur Shah had a 

fleet made ready to take Sultan Zainal-'Abidin back to Pasai. And 

when the fleet was ready, Bendahara Paduka Raja, the Sri Bija 

'diraja, the Laksamana and the war-chiefs were all commanded to 

go and take the Raja back to Pasai. 


In due course the expedition reached Pasai, and the men of: 

Malaka fought with the men of Pasai but did not win the day,, 

for the forces of Malaka numbered but twenty thousand whereas 

those of Pasai numbered a hundred and twenty thousand, even if 

reckoned at only one man from each hamlet. The Laksa¬ 

mana, the Sri Bija 'diraja and the war-chiefs accordingly 

foregathered with Bendahara Paduka Raja to consider what should 

be done. And the Bendahara said, "What think you? Here 

we have been a long time at Pasai but have achieved nothing. 

Had we not better return to Malaka so that the Ruler may be 

spared suspense?" Then said Tun Pikrama, the Bendahara’s 

son, "Why would your Highness return? Have we fought a big. 

battle yet? I think we should make another landing. Let us 

land with the Laksamana, the Sri Bija 'diraja and all the war- 

chiefs." And the Laksamana and the Sri Bija 'diraja said to* 

Bendahara Paduka Raja, "Your son is right. Let mef 406 and my 

men land again." And Bendahara Paduka Raja replied, "Very 

well, to-morrow we will land together." 


Early the next morning the chiefs gathered round the Benda¬ 

hara, and the Bendahara ordered rice to be served for the whole 

party. But the cook said, "We have not enough cups and 

platters, for those that are to be fed are more than twenty dishes 

would suffice for." Then said the Bendahara to the chiefs and 

war-chiefs, "We are about to go into battle. Let us therefore- 

eat all together off leaves." The chiefs agreeing, the Bendahara 

ordered that leaves be spread all along the shore and that rice be 

brought there, whereupon the (Bendahara) f 407 , chiefs, war-chiefs 

and rank and file ate all together off leaves. 


When they had fed, Bendahara Paduka Raja, the Sri Bija 

'diraja, the Laksamana, the Sri Akar 'diraja, Tun Pikrama 

(Pekerma), Tun Telanai, Tun Bijaya, Tun Maha Mentri, Tun 

Bija 'diraja. Sang Naya, Sang Stia, Sang Guna, Tun Bijaya Sura,. 

Sang Jaya Pikrama (Pekerma), Sang Surana, Sang Aria ( diraja), 

Sang Rana, Sang Sura Pahlawan, Sang Stia Pahlawan Raja 

Indera Pahlawan, Sri Raja Pahlawan, Raja Dewa Pahlawan 


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[132—133] and the war-chiefs advanced inland from the shore. The 

sound] 408 of the tramp of their feet was like the roll of thunder 

and their weapons flashed like forked lightning. And the army 

of Pasai came out to meet them, (the tramp of their feet) 

sounded like thunder and (terrifying was) their shouting and 

cheering. Like a sea at high tide the army ot Pasai surged forward, 

their standards and pennons like a forest of trees. And when 

the two armies stood face to face, battle was engaged amid in¬ 

describable din; the shouts of the fighting men commingled with 

the noise of the elephants and horses in such deafening clangour 

that a thunderbolt in the heavens would not have been heard. 

The dead lay thick on either side, blood flowed like a river in 

spate and the ground was strewn with corpses. And so fierce 

was the onslaught of the war-chiefs of Pasai that the Malaka line 

was broken] 409 and the troops fled in disorder to the water’s 

edge. The Bendahara stood on the bank and when he looked 

behind him and saw the water, he cried out to his spear-bearer, 

a boy named Kerangkang, “Get me my spear! Old] 410 though I 

am, alone I’ll send them] 411 sprawling!” Now Tun Pikrama was 

standing his ground, along with Hang Isak and Naina Isahak,. 

their weapons being bows of the Persian] 412 (?) type. The Pasai 

men could make no headway against them; any who tried to 

advance were shot dead. The Pasai men accordingly halted. 

But Naina Isahak said to Tun Pikrama, “How can we continue 

to hold out, just the three of us? Those who have fled do not 

know that we are holding out. If you two will stay here, I will 

go and rally the men who have run away.!” Tun Pikrama agreed, 

so Naina Isahak] 413 set forth to rally the fugitives and every 

man that he met he ordered to go back to Tun Pikrama; and they 

all went back. Presently Naina Isahak came up with Hang 

Hamzah, son-in-law of Tun Pikrama, running] 414 hell for leather 

with never a glance behind him or troubling to follow the regular 

path. Naina Isahak hailed] 415 him, saying, “Hang Hamzah! 

Why are you scuttling away on your belly like a lizard? When 

Tun Pikrama took you for son-in-law, wasn’t it because you were 

such a fine strapping young fellow with the curly hair of a hero? 

People thought ‘here’s a brave man’!” And Hang Hamzah 

replied, “What, is Tun Pikrama still back there?” And when 

Naina Isahak said that he was. Hang Hamzah went back, with 

Bis buckler hung with bells and his spear with its handle] 416 

•of mother-of-pearl. And leaping into the air and crying “I am 

the Hamzah of the latter days”] 417 he charged the Pasai host 

that stretched like a sea in front of him. And all the other men 

•of Malaka likewise charged the Pasai troops, killing every man 

they encountered. And the men of Pasai broke and fled in 

disorder, leaving many dead on the field. And the men of 

Malacca (pursued them)] 418 to the Muhammadan bridge (?) 

and then forced their way (? into the palace domain) through the 


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[133—134] outer gate and captured the palace. Thus fell Pasai and Sultan 

Zainal 'Abidin was then installed as Raja by Bendahara Paduka 

Raja. After spending some days organizing the administration 

of Sultan Zainal 'Abidin the Bendahara sought Sultan Zainal 

'Abidin's leave to depart, and he said to him, "What message 

of homage have you to send to your royal father?" And Sultan 

Zainal 'Abidin answered, "Homage donef 419 in Malaka stays in 

Malaka." And Bendahara Paduka Raja was so incensed at this 

reply that he said, "The homage I have done in Pasai stays in 

Pasai then!" He then went aboard his ship and with the other 

Malaka men set out to return. When they reached Jambu Ayer, 

word was brought from the shore that Sultan Zainal 'Abidin had 

been attacked by the people of Pasai. Bendahara Paduka Raja 

then sent for the Sri Bija 'diraja, the Laksamana and the war- 

chiefs; and when they had come, the Bendahara took counsel 

of them. And the Laksamana said, "Let us return to Pasai and 

establish Sultan Zainal 'Abidin once more on the throne." But 

the Bendahara replied, "No, I am no longer prepared to do that r 

for he refuses to do obeisance to the Ruler." Then said all the 

chiefs, "So be it! We follow your decision, Bendahara." Sa 

the Bendahara resumed his homeward voyage. 


And when in due course they reached Malaka, the chiefs 

presented themselves before Sultan Mansur Shah. And Sultan 

Mansur Shah was displeased with the Bendahara for refusing to 

go back to Pasai to established Sultan Zainal 'Abidin on the 

throne, and he sent for the Laksamana. And when the Lak¬ 

samana appeared, Sultan Mansur Shah questioned him as to what 

had happened at Pasai, and the Laksamana spoke disparagingly 

of the Bendahara's conduct. And Sultan Mansur Shah was 

event 419 * more gravely displeased with the Bendahara, whose 

people were all present at the time, and he retired into the palace. 

All those present then went home, and the Bendahara s people 

repaired to his house, where they related to him all that the Laksa¬ 

mana had said in disparagement of the Bendahara s conduct. 

And Bendahara Paduka Raja remained silent. The next 

day Sultan Mansur Shah came out of the palace and 

gave an audience, at which all the officers of state were 

present, save only the Laksamana. Sultan Mansur Shah 


then sent for the Bendahara. And when Bendahara Paduka 

Raja came, Sultan Mansur Shah questioned him as to what had 

passed at Pasai, and the Bendahara paid many compliments to 

the conduct of the Laksamana. Sultan Mansur Shah was greatly 

astonished, and he presented the Bendahara with robes of honour. 

The Laksamana s people were present at the time. When the 

Raja had gone into the palace and all those present had gone 

home, the Laksamana's people returned to his house where they 

told him what the Bendahara had said in compliment to the 


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The Malay Annals 


[134 — 135] Laksamana. Forthwith the Laksamana went to the house of the 

Bendahara, whom he found seated in his public hall with people 

before him, and he prostrated himself at the Bendahara's feet, 

saying, "Verily you are a chief among chiefs/' Tradition has it 

that the Laksamana prostrated himself seven times at the feet of 

the Bendahara. Afterwards Sultan Mansur Shah gave robes of 

honour to Tun Pikrama and Hang Hamzah, and to Tun Pikrama 

he gave the title of Paduka Tuan, at the same time bestowing 

upon him the fief of Buru, in recognition of his services in the 

defeat of Pasai. Buru at that time had a fleet of forty ships. 

Tun Pikrama',s con, Tun Ahmad, was then given the title of Tun 

Pikrama Wira and Hang Hamzah the title of Tun Perpateh 

Kasim. This Tun Perpateh was the father of a daughter who 

became the mother of Sri Pikrama Raja Tun Tahir, or Tun 

Utusan as some peoplef 420 called him. Laksamana Sura 'diraja 

was also the son of this Tun Perpateh. 


God knoweth the truth. To Him do we return


Chapter XIV 


The story of the Raja of Champa; how he discovered a 

child in the blossom of an areca palm and gave the child the 

name of Raja Pau Glang. When he grows up, Raja Pau Glang 

marries the Raja of Champa’s daughter and ultimately succeeds 

him on the throne. Raja Pali Glang’s gandson Pau Gma, 

marries the daughter of the Batara of Majapahit and then 

returns to Champa, leaving his bride behind in Majapahit. 

The son of this marriage, Raja Jakanak, is born at Majapahit 

but goes in due course to visit his father, Pau Gma, in Champa 

and later succeeds him on the throne. Champa is invaded by 

the Raja of Kuchi and the Raja of Champa is killed. His sons 

escape, one to Acheh and one (Shah Indra Berma) to Malacca, 

where he is welcomed by Sultan Mansur and he and his followers 

embrace Islam. From them is sprung the Cham community at 

Malacca. The death of Sultan Mansur. He is succeeded by 

Raja Radin, his son by the Batara of Majapahit’s daughter, 

who takes the title of Sultan Ala’u’d-din Ri’ayat Shah. The 

attempt of Raja Tua, his grandmother,, to take his life so that 

Raja Muhammad (exiled to Pahang in chapter XI) should 

succeed to the throne. 


The whims of Bendahara Paduka Raja. Sultan Ala’u’d- 

din puts down robbery in Malacca by himself acting as police¬ 

man in disguise. The visit of the Raja of the Moluccas and 

his prowess as a sepak raga player. The visit of the Telanai 

of Trengganu ‘without the knowledge of’ the Sultan of Pahang 

results in the murder of the Telanai and vigorous reprisals 

from Malacca. Similarily an execution of an offender by the 

Raja of Siak ‘without the knowledge of’ Malacca earns Sultan 

Ibrahim a stern rebuke. The death of Bendahara Paduka 

Raja. 


(Shelkbeai, chh. XXI, XXIII, XXV and XXVI) 


Here now is a story of the Raja of Champa which according 

to the account we have received is as follows. 


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[ 135 — 136 ] There was a certain Raja of Champa who lived in a city 


named Malapatata. Near the palace of the Raja of Champa 

there was an areca palm, on which there was a blossom of great 

size; but wait as they might for it to unfold, it still did not un¬ 

fold. And the Raja of Champa said to his slave, "Climb the 

palm and see what is the matter with that blossom/' 


And the boy climbed the palm, picked the blossom and 

brought it down. The Raja opened the blossom and beheld 

therein a male child of great beauty. And the sheath of the 

blossom became the state gong known as Jemin g, while the 

stamen of it became the sword known as beladau, which is the 

state sword of the Raja of Champa. And the Raja of Champa was 

delighted with the child, to whom he gave the name of Raja Pau 

Glang. He ordered that the child be suckled by the wives of 

princes and ministers, but it refused to take the breast. Now 

the Raja of Champa had a brindled cow with a young calf. He 

milked the calf and gave the child the milk: and the child took 

it. Which is why to this day the Chams refuse to drink cow's 

milk or to kill a cow. 


Pau Glang grew up. And it happened that the Raja of 

Champa who found Pau Glang had a daughter, called Pau Bia. 

This daughter the Raja of Champa gave in marriage to Pau 

Glang who came forth from the palm blossom. And when in 

the course of time the Raja of Champa died, Pau Glang became 

Raja in succession to his father-in-law. When Pau Glang had 

come to the throne he built a city so great that it encompassed 

sevenf 422 mountains, and its extent was such that one sidef 423 of 

it made a whole day's voyage with a fresh wind. When the city 

was completed, he gave it the name of Yak. After a time Pau 

Glang had a son, called Pau Tri. When Pau Tri had grown up, 

Pau Glang died and Pau Tri became Raja and was duly installed 

as the successor of his father. Pau Tri took to wife a princess 

named Bia Suri, by whom he had a son. He called his son Pau 

Gma; and when in the course of time Pau Gma grew up, Pau 

Tri died and was succeeded on the throne by Pau Gma. And 

Pau Gma had ships made ready to take him to Majapahit to do 

homage, f 424 (And when the ships were ready, he set forth 

to Majapahit and) after a voyage of some days he reached 

Menara(?) When the Batara of Majapahit heard that the Raja 

of Champa was on his way to Majapahit to do homage, he 

commanded his chiefs to welcome him. And when they had 

met Pau Gma, they escorted him into Majapahit with every 

mark of honour and distinction. (And when he reached 

Majapahit) Pau Gma was married by the Batara to his daughter 

Radin Galoh Ajang. After a time Radin Galoh was with child. 

And Pau Gma sought leave to return to his country. The 

Batara of Majapahit agreed, but said, "I cannot consent to your 


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The Malay Annals 


[136—137] taking my daughter with you. ' And Pau Gma answered, “S o 

be it; never would I oppose the wishes of your Highness. I 

myself, all f 425 being well, will soon return hither to present 

myself before your Highness/' Pau Gma then took leave of his 

wife Radin Galoh; and she asked, “If your child is born, what 

shall be his name?" Pau Gma replied, “If my child is born, his 

name shall be Raja Jakanak. When he comes to man's estate, 

send him to me in Champa." And his wife agreed. Pau Gma 

then went aboard his ship and set forth on the return voyage 

to Champa. After he had departed Radin Galoh Ajang brought 

forth a son, to whom she gave the name Raja Jakanak. And 

when the child had grown up, his mother told him of the in* 

junctions his father had left with her. When Raja Jakanak 

heard the words of his mother, he gave orders for planksf 420 to 

be made for fitting to a number of ships: and when the work 

had been completed he sought leave of the Batara of Majapahit 

to go and see his father in Champa. And when after a long 

voyage he reached Champa, he went to the palace and pre¬ 

sented himself before his father, Pau Gma. And Pau Gma was 

overjoyed to see his son and installed him as Raja Jakanak who 

succeeded him as ruler of Champa. And he took as his consort 

one Pau Ji Bat Ji, and by her he had a son, named Pau Kubah.. 


When Pau Kubah had grown up, Raja Jakanak died and 

Pau Kubah became Raja. He took for his consort Pau Mechat, 

by whom he had several sons and daughters. One of the 

daughters was exceedingly beautiful and her hand in marriage 

was sought by the Raja off 427 Kuchi, but Pau Kubah rejected 

his suit. The Raja of Kuchi accordingly invaded Champa: and 

the men of Kuchi fought a fierce battle with the men of Champa. 

One day the Raja of Kuchi sent messengers to the Treasurer of 

Champa to win him over to his side. The Treasurer of 

Champa acquiesced (and undertook to) open the gate. Accord¬ 

ingly when day dawned he opened the gate and the men of 

Kuchi entered the city and fought the men of Champa, some 

of whom resisted, while the others concerned themselves with 

saving their families. And Yak fell and the Raja of Champa 

was killed. And the children of the Raja of Champa together 

with the ministers scattered and fled in all directions. Two 

sons of the Raja, one of them named Indra Berma Shah and 

the other Shah Palembang, escaped by ship, Shah Palembang 

to Acheh and Shah Indra Berma (sic) to Malaka. Sultan Mansur 

Shah was well pleased to see Shah Indra Berma (and his fol¬ 

lowers), and he ordered them all fo embrace Islam. Shah 

Indra Berma, his consort Kini Mertam and all who accompani¬ 

ed them accordingly embraced Islam. And Sultan Mansur 

Shah made Shah Indra Berma one of his ministers and he be¬ 

came one of his great favourites. That was the origin of the 


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[ 137 — 138 ] Chamsf 428 of Malaka, all of whom are sprung from Shah Indra 

Berma and his descendants. 


And when Sultan Mansur Shah had reigned for seventy-three 

years, then in the process of time he fell sick. And summoning 

his children, the Bendahara and the chiefs, he said to them, "Be 

it known to all of you, this world I feel to be slipping from my 

grasp and all that I now yearn for is the City of Eternity. To 

Bendahara Paduka Raja and all the chiefs we commit our son 

Rajaf 429 Radin here; he shall take my place with you all and if he 

does aught that is wrong, you must forgive him, for he is but a 

boy, ignorant of our customs. All the more therefore should 

you instruct him in any and every matter/' Then turning to 

his son Raja Radin he said, "Upon you is laid the duty of faith¬ 

fully cherishing those who are subject to you and of liberally 

forgiving any offences they may commit, as we are bidden by 

Almighty God in the words 'Verily God is with them that shew 

forbearance.' If you are confronted with your own business and 

the business of God, put the business of God before your own: 

and submit yourself utterly to the will of God, for the Prophet 

saith ‘Resign Thyself to the will of God and that shall suffice 

unto thee'. Do "as I am telling you, my son, and assuredly you 

shall receive the blessing of Almighty God and the blessing of his 

Prophet (may God bless him and give him peace)." And when 

they heard these words of Sultan Mansur Shah, they all wept 

bitterly: and Bendahara Paduka Raja and the ministers said, 

"Crush not our hearts, your Highness, with such words. Verily 

do we make a vow that if it shall please Almighty God this time 

to heal your Highness of the sickness that is upon you, all the 

wealth that the treasury holds shall be distributed by us as alms 

to the poor and needy. But—f 430 though God forbid that it 

should be so—if perchance the grass should wither in your 

Highness' mead, then our sole concern shall be to give effect to 

your Highness' bidding." Sultan Mansur Shah then died, and 

he was buried with all the traditional ceremonies accorded to 

princes. And he was succeeded on the throne bv Raja Radin, 

who was installed by Bendahara Paduka Raja with the title of 

Sultan Alau'd-din Ri'ayat Shah.. Now Sultan Ala'u'd-din was a 

man of such strength that he had no rival in those days. And 

it happened that after a time Sultan Ala'u'd-din fell sickf 431 of a 

diarrhoea, sa acute that he was easing himself twelve times a day. 


• Bendahara Paduka Raja and the Laksamana never left the Raja's 

side ,(the Bendahara) feeding him, as one would feed a child, ten 

or twenty times a day and the Laksamana bathing him twentv or 

thirty times a day. Now Sultan Ala'u'd-din had a grandmother, 

who was known as Raja Tua: she was the mother of Raja Mansur 

Shah and her grandson, Sultan Muhammad, who was the ruler 

(of Pahang) was a great favourite of hers. She desired the death 


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[ 138 — 139 ] of Sultan AlaVd-din so that Sultan Muhammad Shah should 

become Raja of Malaka. After a few days Sultan Ala'u'd-din was 

a little better and he had a meal of rice and milk; but he then 

had a relapse and was on the point of death. Bendahara Paduka 

Raja and the Laksamana were informed and came forthwith h> 

the palace. Raja Tua's idea was, “Let me get to the palace and 

I will lay myself down on Sultan AlaVd-din and weep over him, 

so that he may die while I lie upon him'.' When Raja Tua 

arrived and wished to approach the bedside of Sultan AlaVd-din,. 

Bendahara Paduka Raja and the Laksamana forbade her, saying, 

“Go not, your Highness, near to your grandson!" And Raja Tua 

said, “Here am If 342 come to the death bed and Fm not allowed 

to come near?" To which they replied, “If your Highness goes 

near him, we will attack you!" Then said Raja Tua, “Beholdf 433 , 

here are Malays being disloyal!" And the Bendahara and the: 

Laksamana answered, “Yes, thisf 434 once Malays will be disloyal! 

If your Highness persists in going near your grandson, nothing; 

shall stop us attacking you!” Raja Tua accordingly abandoned 

the idea of approaching Sultan AlaVd-din. And Bendahara 

Paduka Raja, the Treasurerf 434a and the Laksamana tended Sultan 

AlaVd-din diligently and he was preserved by God Almighty: 

his alloted span in the Book of Life was not yet rubbedf 434b out. 


And Sultan AlaVd-din recovered. And he gave robes of 

honour to Bendahara Paduka Raja and the Laksamana; and he 

also gave to each of them a litterf 435 in which they were to be 

carried wherever they went, with their people escorting them. 

Now Bendahara Paduka Raja had his litter wrapped in yellow^ 

(and hung) in his public hall. And his people said to him, 

“How is it that you are so simple, sir? The Raja gives you a litter 

but you merely store it! The Laksamana is given a litter by the 

Raja and he is carried in it wherever he goes, escorted by his 

people marching alongside the litter. That makes a fine show. 

But you, sir, if ever you dot 430 go out in your litter, never have 

one of us to escort you!” And Bendahara Paduka Raja answered,. 

“Is it If 437 who am so simple (or is it you)? When the Laksa¬ 

mana goes out in his litter with his people marching alongside, 

strangers who see him ask, 'Who is that in the litter?' and they 

are told 'That is the Laksamana.' Then they ask, ‘Is he a great 

man, this Laksamana?' And people answer, 'Yes, he is.' Then 

they ask, 'Is there any one greater than he?' And people answer,. 

'Yes, Bendahara Paduka Raja is greater than he.' Well then, 

if I go out in my litter, equally people will ask, 'Is he a great man, 

this Bendahara?' And the answer will come, 'Yes, he is.' Then 

they will ask, 'Is there any one greater than he?' And they will 

get the answer, 'No, there is not.” Assuredly those who do not 

know the real position will take me for the Raja himself, for our 

Raja is yet but a boy. And there is another thing. If the Raja 


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[139—140] goes out in his litter, all of you escort the litter. That being so, 


I am likely to be confused with the Raja, and where then would 

be his superiority over me? As for the Laksamana, his people do 

not appear at court, whereas all of you are always in the Raja’s 

audience-hall.” This retort silenced Bendahara Paduka Raja’s 

people. 


Now it was the habit of Bendahara Paduka Raja, if ever he 

obtained a good boat or a good weapon and the Laksamana 

coming to hear of it asked to see it, to refuse to show it to him. 

The Laksamana however would persist with his request to see 

it; and when he became importunate, then at last Bendahara 

Paduka Raja would shew it to him. No sooner had the Laksa¬ 

mana set eyes on the thing than he would take it. This happen¬ 

ed time and again. And the Bendahara’s people said to him, 

“How is it that you are so simple, sir? If ever you have a good 

weapon or a good boat you give it to the Laksamana, with the 

result that your own people get not a thing!” And Bendahara 

Paduka Raja replied, “Is it If 438 who am so simple, or you? If I 

have a good elephant or a good horse, ask me for it if you like. 

But what do any of you know about such things (as weapons and 

boats)? The Laksamana is a great war-chief and that is why, if 

I have a good weapon, I give it to him, so ’that if the Raja’s 

enemies attack we can pit him against them and people will be 

sure to regard him not as the Raja’s war-chief but as our war- 

chief?” And when the Bendahara’s people heard this, they kept 

silent. 


After Sultan Ala’u’d-din had been some years on the throne 

he had a number of sons and daughters by his consort, Tunf 439 

Naja, who was a daughter of the old Sri Nara 'diraja and a sister 

of the Sri Maharaja. Of the sons one was called Sultan Ahmad, 

another Sultan 'Abdu’l-Jamal: and his eldest daughter he gave in 

marriage to (a son of) thef 440 Raja (of Pahang) called Sultan 

Ahmad. By his royal wife Sultan Ala’u’d-din had two sons, Raja 

Menawar Shah and Raja Zainal. Raja Menawar Shah was older 

than Raja Mahmudf 441 , but it was Raja Mahmud that Sultan 

Ala’u’d-din wished should succeed him on the throne. 


Now it happened once that thieves were rife in the city of 

Malaka and people were being robbed night after night. So 

distressed was Sultan Ala’u’d-din to hear of the depredations of 

these thieves that one night having dressed himself like a thief 

he went in disguise with Hang Isak and Hang Siak round the city 

to see what was going on. On reaching a certain spot the king 

came upon five thieves carrying a chest slung on a pole. He 

set upon them and the thieves took fright and bolted, all five 

of them, and they threwf 442 away (?) the chest. And^ Sultan 

Ala’u’d-din said to Hang Isak, “Stand guard over this chest.” And 


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[ 140 — 141 ] Hang Isak answered, "Very well, your Highness/' Sultan Ala'u' d- 

din and Hang Siak then went off in pursuit of the five thieves, 

who fled up the hill. The king followed them up the hill and 

over-took them under a bodi* tree. With a shout Sultan 


Ala'u'd-din slashed at one of them and cut him in half, 

cleaving his waist as though it had been a gourd. The 

other four thieves ran away towards the bridge, pursued 

by the king. And when they came to the entrance of 

the bridgef 443 the king killed another of them; whereupon 

the remaining three dived into the water and swam to the 

other side of the river. Sultan Ala'u'd-din then returned, and 

when he reached the gate where Hang Isak was standing guard 

(? over the chest), he said to Hang Isak, "Take this chest to 

your house." And Hang Isak replied, "Very well, your High¬ 

ness." Sultan Ala'u'd-din then returned to the palace. 


The next morning Sultan Ala'u'd-din appeared in the audience 

hall and Bendahara Paduka Raja, the chiefs, officers, knights, 

courtiers, heralds and war-chiefs all were present. Addressing 

the Sri Maharaja, because he was the Temenggong, Sultan Ala'u 

’d-din asked, "Was there a guard last night?" When the 

Sri Maharaja answered that there was, Sultan Ala'u'd-din said, 

"We hear that a man was killed on the hill and another at the 

entrance to the bridge. Whose! 444 was the man that killed each 

of the two men?" And when the Sri Maharaja answered that 

he did not know, Sultan Ala'u'd-din remarked, "Your guard seems 

to be of little use, Sri Maharaja; we hear that thieves are rampant 

in this city!" He then sent for Hang Isak and Hang Siak, bid¬ 

ding them bring the chest. When in due course they appeared! 445 

with the chest, Sultan Ala'u'd-din asked, "What did you hear 

of! 446 last night? Tell the Bendahara and all the chiefs here 

present." Hang Isak and Hang Siak then related all that had 

happened: whereupon the chiefs did obeisance to Sultan Ala'u'd- 

din with fear in their hearts and their heads bent low in shame. 

Sultan Ala'u'd-in then ordered inquiry to be made for the owner 

of the chest. This was done and a merchant name Ki Tirubalam 

was found to be the owner*. Sultan Ala'u'd*dfri accordingly 

ordered the chest to be restored to him: after which Sultan Ala'u' 

d-din retired into the palace and the chiefs returned each to his 

own house. 


That night the Sri Maharaja kept a very strict guard and he 

came upon a thief, whom he slashed with his sword, severing 

the man's arm from the shoulder: and the severed arm hung on 

the crossbar of a shop. The next morning when the shopkeeper 

was opening her shop she was startled to behold a man's arm 

hanging from the crossbar and she shrieked! 447 aloud. From that 


* Ficus religiosa 



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translated by C. C. Brown 115 


[ 141 — 142 ] day onwards there were no more thieves in Malaka. That was 

how Sultan Ala'u'd-din ruled in Malaka. 


And it happened once that a man had committed some 

offence against Raja Mahmud, the son of Sultan Ala'u'd-din who 

was going to succeed to the throne: and although the man's 

offence was nothing! 448 serious, the Sri Maharaja! 44811 ordered him 

to be put to death, and he was killed. When this came to the 

ears of Bendahara Paduka Raja he said, "Look at the Sri Maharaja, 

he's teaching! 449 a tiger cub to eat flesh. One of these daysf 449a he 

himself will be caught by the tiger!" 


Ere long the Raja of the Moluccas came to Malaka to do 

homage; and it happened that at that time the Telanai! 400 of 

Trengganu and the Raja of Rekan were at Malaka doing homage. 

The Raja of the Moluccas was given robes of honour and other 

presents as befitted his rank. He was an expert at Malay football 

(sepak raga) and the young nobles of Malaka played football with 

him, he being the leader! 431 in each game. When the ball came 

to him, he would kick it himself a hundred or even a 

hundred and fifty times before he passed it to someone else; 

and he would indicate to whomsoever he proposed to give the 

ball and then pass it without once making a a mistake. Then he 

would sit down on a chair to rest and be fanned by men in pairs, 

while the young men went on playing. Then when (? he 

resumed playing and) the ball came to him, the Raja of the 

Moluccas would kick it himself for as long as it takes to cook 

pot! 452 after pot of rice and the ball would stay up in the air 

until he wished to pass! 453 it to someone else: such was his! 454 

skill at the game. And he was posessed of great strength: with 

a single stroke of his sword! 455 he could cut through a coconut 

palm big! 456 enough to be bearing fruit. The Telanai of Treng¬ 

ganu could drive a spear through such a palm, and Sultan Ala'u'd- 

din who was even more powerful still, could shoot it away with 

an arrow! The Raja of the Moluccas* and the Telanai of 

Trengganu were great favourites of Sultan Ala'u'd-din. 


One day the Raja of the Moluccas borrowed a horse from 

Maulana Yusuf: which prompted the following verse 


My lord of Maluka borrowed a horse; 


From the Maulana he borrowed it; 


Of our young men he's the life and soul; 


Yet he's mature in wisdom and wit! 


After they had stayed for some while in Malaka, the Raja of 

the Moluccas and the Telanai of Trengganu took their leave of 

of Sultan Ala'u'd-din and returned each to his own country. And 

when Sultan Muhammad in Pahang heard that Tun Telanai of 

Trengganu had gone to Malaka to pay homage without! 407 his 


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J142—143] consent he ordered the Sri Akar Raja to go to Trengganu and kill 

the Telanai. And when the Sri Akar Raja reached Trengganu, he 

sent for the Telanai. But the Telanai refused to come, saying, 

"Is it in accordance with the custom that onef 458 war-chief should 

summon another?” The Sri Akar Raja then ordered that the 

Telanai should be attacked and killed, and the Telanai was killed. 

The Sri Akar Raja then returned to Pahang and Sultan Muhammad 

gave Trengganu to him as his fief. But when the news reached 

Malaka that the Telanai of Trengganu had been killed on the 

orders of the Sultan of Pahang, Sultan Ala'u'd-din was highly 

enraged and said, "(The Raja of) Pahang has flouted our authority 

.and I am minded to order the invasion of his country/' But 

Bendahara Paduka Raja said, “May your Highness graciously 

pardon his humble servant, my advice is that we should not 

forwith destroy Pahang, for if anything should happen to the 

Rajaf 459 of Pahang, it is your Highness who will suffer loss. I 

suggest that the Laksamana be sent to Pahang." And Sultan 

Ala'u'd-din answered, "Very well, we will be guided by your 

advice." So the Laksamana set about preparing ships: and when 

they were ready, the letter he was to take was borne in procession 

to his ship. He then set sail for Pahang: and when in due course 

arrived there, word was brought to Sultan Muhammad, the Raja 

of Pahang, that "the Laksamana has come, having been com¬ 

manded by your Highness' younger brother to come from Malaka 

and present himself before you." The king then appeared from 

the palace and gave an audience; and he gave orders for the letter 

to be fetched with due ceremony from the ship, this task being 

assigned to Sri Pekerma Raja Pahlawan, Bendahara of Pahang. 

When he reached the Laksamana's ship, the Laksamana dis¬ 

embarked; and the letter he brought was formally received and 

borne by elephant in procession, with two white umbrellas side by 

side, drums, pipe and trumpet. And the Laksamana gave instruc¬ 

tions to one of his men that whenf 460 the letter had been read he 

f 460a was to kill a relative of the Sri Akar Raja, The man duly ac¬ 

cepted the instructions. When the letter was brought into the 

palace precincts, all those present in audience left the hall and the 

Raja of Pahang remained alone. The elephant bearing the letter 

was then brought alongside the hall of audience, the letter was 

taken down from the elephant and it was then read. It was 

worded thus:—"Greetings and prayers to God from the younger 

brother to the elder brother." 


When the letter had been read, all took their appointed seats, 

the Laksamana did obeisance and then seated himself. Hardly 

were they seated when there came the sound as of a tumult 

outside. The Raja of Pahang asked what the tumult was and 

received the answer, "Your Highness, one of the Laksamana of 

Malaka's men has murdered the Sri Akar Raja's cousin." And 


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117 



[143] the Raja of Pahang said to the Laksamana, ‘'one of your men, sir, 

has killed a cousin of the Sri Akar Raja. Please inquire into 

matter, sir/' [For it was the custom of the Raja of Pahang to 

call Malaka chiefsf 461 “sir"] The Laksamana then gave orders for 

the man who had done the killing to be brought in. And the 

man came in, bound. The Laksamana asked him whether it was 

true that he had killed a relative of the Sri Akar Raja. When 

the man admitted that he had, the Laksamana said to the Raja 

of Pahang, “It is true that the man killed a cousin of the Sri 

Akar Raja. Nevertheless I cannot consent to any account being 

taken of this, for the Sri Akar Raja himself offended against the 

Raja of Malaka in killing the Telanai of Trengganu without 

obtaining sanction from Malaka." And the Raja of Pahang was 

silent. After the Laksamana had stayed some time in Pahang he 

sought the Raja's leave to depart. And the Raja of Pahang replied 

to the letter from Malaka to the following effect, “The elder 

brother sends obeisance to his younger brother." The Laksamana 

was then given robes of honour by the king, and the letter was 

borne in procession to the ship in accordance with custom. The 

Laksamana then set forth on his return journey to Malaka: and 

when he arrived there, Sultan Ala'u'd-din gave orders for the 

letter to be brought from the ship and borne by elephant in 

procession, with one white umbrella and one yellow umbrella. 

When the procession reached the outerf 462 gate, the elephant 

was made to kneel f 463 and the letter was carried on foot, the 

drums and pipe remaining outside. When the procession reached 

the palace, the herald on the right hand was ordered to receive 

the letter. Orders were then given for the letter to be read. 

When the letter had been read, the Laksamana went up and did 

homage and then sat down at his appointed place. And when 

Sultan Ala’u'd-din questioned him, the Laksamana told him all 

that had happened. And Sultan Ala'u’d-din was well pleased 

and bountifully rewarded the Laksamana. 


To come now to Sultan Ibrahimf 464 , Raja of Siak. There 

was a man of Siak who had offended against him and 

he ordered Tun Jana Fakil to put the man to death. Tun Jana 

Fakil did as he was ordered, and presently the news reached 

Malaka that the Raja of Siak had put a man to death without 

sanction from Malaka. Sultan Ala'u'd-din accordingly command¬ 

ed the Laksamana to go to Siak. The Laksamana had ships made 

ready, the letter to Siak was taken to the Lasamana's ship and he 

sailed for Siak. When he arrived at Siak, Sultan Ibrahim 

ordered the letter to be received from the ship (and borne in 

procession to the palace) with the same ceremonial as the Rajaf 465 

of Pahang used for having letters brought from a ship. The 

elephant bearing the letter was brought alongside the hall of 

audience, the letter was formally received and was then read. 


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The Malay Annals 


[143—144] When it had been read, the Laksamana said to Tun Jana Fakil r 

“Is it true that you killed Tun (so and so) son of Tun (so and 

so) ?” And Tun Jana Fakil answered, “It is true: I was com¬ 

manded to do it by the Raja.” Then the Laksamana turned 

awayf 460 from Sultan Ibrahim and facing Tun Jana Fakil he 

pointed to him with his left] 400 ” hand and said, “You are a man of 

little] 407 discretion! You must indeed be a jungleman not] 408 

to know the rudiments of proper behaviour! Do you think it is 

permitted to put people to death without sanction from Malaka? 

Are you going to be a law unto yourselves here in Siak?” And 

Sultan Ibrahim and his chiefs were silent and made no answer 

to the Laksamana. 


After the Laksamana had been some time in Siak he sought 

leave to depart. And Sultan Ibrahim gave him robes of honour 

and sent a letter to Malaka, which ran as follows “The elder 

brother has erred, he can only hope for the generous pardon of 

his younger brother.” The letter was taken (to the ship ?) 

and the Laksamana set out on his return voyage. When he 

arrived at Malaka, the letter was taken] 409 (to the palace ?) and 

when it had been brought in to the Raja it was read. After it 

had been read, the Laksamana did homage and went to his seat. 

And when Sultan Ala’u’d-din inquired of the Laksamana, the 

Laksamana told him of all that had happened: and Sultan 

Ala’u’d-din was well pleased and richly rewarded the Laksamana. 


And Bendahara Paduka Raja fell grievously sick. And he sent 

for all his family, including those who lived a whole day’s journey 

or even two day’s journey away. And when they had all 

assembled, he gave to them his dying injunctions, speaking 

thus to them, “Think not, my children, to truck your religion 

for (the attractions of) this world: for this] 470 world will not 

endure, and for those that live there is but one end and that is 

death. In all sincerity of heart do your duty towards God 

Almighty and the Apostle of God (may God bless him and give 

him peace). And do your duty towards your Raja, forgetting 

not what the divines] 471 tell us,' that a just prince] 472 is joined 

with the Prophet of God like two] 473 jewels in one ring. More¬ 

over the Raja is as it were the deputy of God. When you do- 

your duty to the Prophet of God it is as though you were doing 

it to God Himself, as says the Word of God in„ the Koran 

“Ati’u’llaha wa’ ati’u’r-rasula wa’ ulu’I-amri minkum”, that is to 

say 'Do your duty towards God and the Apostle of God’. These 

are my last injunctions. Forget them not, that you may obtain 

the glory of this world and the world to come.” 


The Bendahara then turned his eyes towards (the Sri Nara] 474 

‘diraja) Sri Maharaja Mutahir, to whom he said, “You, Mutahir r 

will be a great man; your greatness will exceed mine. But think 

not to play the part of uncle] 475 of the Raja. If such a thought 


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119 



translated by C. C. Brown 


[ 145 ] comes into your mind, you will be killed/' The Bendahara 

then turned towards Tun Zainal 'Abidin, to whom he said, "Tun 

Zainal-'Abidin, if you fail to obtain officef 470 at court, go and 

dwell in the forest, for shoots and leaves make a good enoughf 477 

meal for a man with a smallf 478 appetite!" And to Tun Pawah 

the Bendahara said, "Dwell not in the city, Pawah! Go dwell 

on some river reach that the scum f 479 which floats down the 

river may turn into gold for you'." And then to Tun Isak he 

said, "Isak, seek not your livelihood in the Raja's audience-hall!" 

Such were the last injunctions of Bendahara Paduka Raja to his 

family; not after the same fashion to all of them but as was 

appropriate to each. 


And when Sultan Ala'u'd-din heard that Bendahara Paduka 

Raja was grievously ill, he went to see him. And Bendahara 

Paduka Raja did obeisance to Sultan Ala'u'd-din and said, "I feel, 

your Highness, that this world is slipping from my grasp; it is 

only on the world to come that my hopesf 480 now repose. 

Hearken not, I pray your Highness, to words that have not the 

truth in them. If your Highness shall listen to such words, you 

cannot but regret "it in the end. And let not your Highness 

yield to the lusts of the flesh, for many are the princes whose 

kingdoms have been brought to nought by Almighty God because 

they yielded to their fleshly lusts." 


Thereupon Bendahara Paduka Raja returned to the Mercy 

of God, and he was buried by Sultan Ala'u'd-din according to the 

custom for bendaharas. And Tun Perpateh Puteh, younger 

brother of Bendahara Paduka Raja, was made Bendahara in his 

stead by Sultan Ala'u'd-din: he was known as Bendahara Puteh. 

Bendahara Puteh had a son, Tun Abu Saiyit, who was a good- 

looking man. This Tun Abu Saiyit had two sons; the elder had 

the title of Sri Amar Bangsa, the younger was called Tun Muham¬ 

mad. He had two sons, Tun Udan and Tun Sulit, and two 

daughters, of whom one was the mother of Tun Hamzah and the 

other was the mother of Dato' Darat. Tun Muhammad was, 

forf 481 a Malay, a learned man; he had a smattering of Arabic 

grammar and syntax and canon law and some slight knowledge 

of doctrinal theology.


Chapter XV 


The quarrel between Haru and Pasai and the cause of it. 

The ruler of Haru (for no specified reason) orders a raid on the 

outlying territories of Malacca. The raiders are defeated, 

thanks to the bravery of the Sri Bija ‘diraja and Tun Isak 

Berakah. Sultan Ala'u’d-din orders an attack on Kampar (here 

also no reason is given). It is successful and Sultan Ala'u’d-din 

puts in his son, Raja Menawar, as ruler of Kampar. The death 

of Sultan Ala'u’d-din. He is succeeded by his son Raja Mamat 

(sic), who becomes Sultan Mahmud Shah. The Sri Bija diraja 

incurs his displeasure and is put to death., The incident of 


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(145—146] 



Tun Bayajit. The Sriwa Raja is a great favourite. His 

oddities. Only the loyalty of Malays, to their rulers saves 

Sultan Mahmud from death at the hands of an injured husband. 

The Sriwa Raja's uncanny power over elephants and horses. 

Handsome Raja Zainu'l-‘Abidin and the debauchery of 

Malacca. The conquest of Kelantan. (Shellabear, chapter XXIV 

as far as the top of page 148; then chapter XVII up to first paragraph 

of page 149; then chapter XXVI). 


Here now is a story of Haru. The Raja of Haru was called 

Maharara ‘diraja: he was a son of Sultan Sajak who traced his 

descent from the Rockf 482 (which seemed to be upstream if one 

was descending the stream and downstream if one was going 

up—Sh.). Maharaja ‘diraja sent an embassy to Pasai: the envoy 

was Raja Pahlawanf 483 . When he reached Pasai, the letter was 

borne in procession and taken to the hall of audience. It was 

duly received by the letter-reader, who then read it. Now what 

was written in the letter was, “the younger brother presents his 

greetings:” but what was read was, “the younger brother presents 

his obeisance to his elder brother.” Raja Pahlawan thereupon 

observed, “The letter says one] 484 thing but you are reading 

another!” The reader however persisted in reading “the younger 

brother presents his obeisance to his elder brother.” Once again 

Raja Pahlawan said, “The letter says one thing but you are reading 

another.” (And he added) Let me die here in Pasai and not 

in Haru! Even if I am to be eaten by the dogs of Pasai, they 

shall] 485 know how to say the right word!” And when yet again 

the man read the letter as before. Raja Pahlawan flew into a 

rage and ran amuck, killing any number of Pasai men. There¬ 

upon the men of Pasai killed Raja Pahlawan and his Haru 

followers: and that was the cause of the feud between Pasai and 

Haru. Afterwards Maharaja ‘diraja ordered hisf 48fi war-chief Sri 

Indra to lay waste the outlying districts of Malaka] 487 . At that 

time from Tanjong Tuan to Jugra there was a continuous line 

of dwelling-houses; this was the stretch of coast that was ravaged 

by the men of Haru. 


When Sultan Ala’u’d-din heard of this, he ordered the Paduka 

Tuan, son of Bendahara Paduka Raja, to intercept the Haru fleet, 

and the Laksamana, the Sri Bijaya (?Bija) ‘diraja and all the 

war-chiefs were ordered to accompany the Paduka Tuan. The 

Paduka Tuan and the war-chiefs accordingly set out and when 

the Malaka fleet reached Tanjong Tuan waters, they encountered 

the fleet of Haru and battle was joined. The din of the fighting 

was like the crack of doom. But the Haru fleet so greatly out¬ 

numbered the fleet of Malaka that for one ship of the Sri Bija 

‘diraja’s there were three ships of Haru: and weapons fell like 

rain. Men of Haru attacked the ship of the Sri Bija ‘diraja and 

the ship of the Sri Bija ‘diraja was worsted and the crew jumped 

overboard. At that moment Tun Isak Berakah, son of Tun 


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121 



[146—147] Pekerma Wira, grandson of the Paduka Tuan and great-grandson 

of Bendahara Paduka Raja, came aboard the Sri Bija 'diraja's 

ship. He and the Sri Bija 'diraja did not jump overboard like 

the crew but stood fast in the ship, though the men of Ilaru 

had boarded it and made themselves masters of half the forepart 

of the vessel. And Tun Isak said to the Sri Bija 'diraja, "Now 

then, chief, let us attack these Haru men!" But the Sri Bija 

'diraja replied, "Wait a while." When the Haru men had advanc¬ 

ed as far as the mainmast, Tun Isak cried, "Come, let us attack!" 

But the Sri Bija 'diraja answered, "It's not the moment yet." 

By this time the men of Haru had come as far as the well (?)f 488 

of the ship, and again Tun Isak cried, "Come, chief, let us attack!" 

But the Sri Bija 'diraja replied, "Wait awhile, my friend, it's 

not yet the right moment", and he went into the cabinf 489 . Then 

said Tun Isak, "For shame! I thought this Sri Bija 'diraja was a 

brave man and that is why I came aboard his ship! Had I but 

known he was a coward, I should have done better to go aboard 

the ship of the Laksamana!" And now the men of Haru had 

penetrated as far as the entrance to the covered part of the ship, 

when the Sri Bija 'diraja came out and said to Tun Isak, "Now 

then, Che’ Isak, come on! The moment has arrived!" Tun 

Isak .agreed, and the two of them fell upon the enemy. The 

men of Haru broke and fled and jumped over board. Some of 

them retreated to their own ship, pursued by the Sri Bija 'diraja 

and Tun Isak who boardedf 490 the ship and captured it. And 

the crew of the Sri Bija 'diraja's ship who had taken to the water 

came back on board. The Sri Bija 'diraja then ordered a general 

attack, and the Haru line of battle was broken and the ships 

fled, to be pursued by the men of Malaka who attacked once 

more. This time the Haru men fled back to their Raja. And 

when Maharaja 'diraja heard of the defeat of his fleet, he flew into 

a rage and cried, "Put me on my elephantf 491 "Betong", then if 

it was Malaka I was fighting, the whole of Malaka (would be no 

match for me): if it was Pasai, the whole of Pasai (would be no 

match for me! Only the powerf 492 of God should prevent me 

from charging down the fort of Malaka with this elephant 

"Betong" of mine!" So saying he ordered another attack on the 

men of Malaka and the men of Haru set out to attack. By this 

time the Malaka fleet had reached Pengkalan Dungun (?), where 

they stopped and the men went ashore to relieve nature. Now 

there was a Malaka Tamil called Mir Duzul who was of the 

party, and he landed like the others. Presently he encountered 

an old he-goat which to him looked like a man. Mir Duzul was 

startled and fled, fell sprawling, got up again and ran panting 

after others. And they were alarmed at the sight of Mir Duzul 

rushingf 493 wildly after them like that, and thev asked him what 

was the matter. And he replied, "I met an old Haru man just 

now. I Iiuduf 494 and he dzufulf" When they heard this, they 


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[147—148] all advanced inland, weapons in hand, and when they came to- 

the place, they saw it was an old he-goat and not a man. And 

they all burst out laughing and said, "Damn this Mir Duzul,. 

what fools he has made of us!” They all then returned to their 

ships. And the Haru fleet appeared and met the fleet of 

Malaka: and battle was engaged, amid unimaginable din and 

with arrows falling like heavy rain. And the men of Malaka 

drove their ships right at the enemy, at the same time pouring 

a streamf 495 of darts on them, and the Haru fleet broke and beat 

a hasty retreat up the river. The Paduka Tuan and the war- 

chiefs then set out for Malaka, and when in due course they 

arrived there, they presented themselves before Sultan AlaVd-din, 

who was well pleased to hear of the Malaka victory and rewarded 

the Paduka Tuan, the Laksamana, the Sri Bija 'diraja and the 

war-chiefs, all of them being given robes of honour. 


Some time afterwards the Sri Bija 'diraja died, leaving two 

sons, one of whom, Tun Kuduf 490 (?) was given the title of 

Sri Bija 'diraja, while the other received the title of Tun Bija 

'diraja: it was he who was the father of Sang Setia: the thirdf 49T 

child (was a daughter). 


And Sultan AlaVd-din ordered a fleet to be made ready for 

the conquest of Kamparf 497a , under the command of the Sri Nara 

'diraja. When it was ready, the Sri Nara 'diraja set forth accom¬ 

panied by Sang Stia, Sang Naya and the war-chiefs. Ikhtiar Muluk 

also accompanied the Sri Nara 'diraja. And when they reached 

Kampar, (word was brought to the Raja?) [Now the Raja of 

Kampar was called Maharaja Jaya: he was descended from the 

Raja of Pagar Ruyong and Pekan Tua was his city.] And when 

the Raja of Kampar heard that the Sri Nara 'diraja was come to 

attack Kampar, he commanded his chief minister, Tun Damang; 

as he was called, to assemble the forces. Tun Damang set forth 

accordingly to do his bidding and the forces were assembled 

complete with weapons. Then the Sri Nara 'diraja arrived and 

the men of Malaka landed. And Maharaja Jaya went out to 

resist the attack; he was mounted on an elephant and Turr 

Damang armed with a spear marched beside the elephant. When 

the men of Malaka met the men of Kampar, some stabbed at 

each other with spears, some hacked at each other with battle- 

axes, some shot at each other with arrows. Many were killed on 

either side and blood flowed like a river over the ground. 


So stronglyf 498 did the men of Malaka attack the men of 

Kampar (that the men of Kampar gave ground). When Maha¬ 

raja Jaya and Tun Damang saw this, they forthwith dashedf 4 "’ 

in and attacked the men of Malaka (? wadingt 500 in blood and) 

leaving mounds of corpses wherever they attacked. The men of 

Malaka retreated to the water's edge, save only the Sri Nara 


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t 148 — 14 ®1 'diraja and Ikhtiar Muluk who stood their ground and refused 

to budge. And when Maharaja Jaya and Tun Damang (? 

attacked! 501 again) together with all the Kampar fighting men 

showering their weapons like rain, the Sri Nara 'diraja cried to 

Maharaja Jaya, "Your Highness, I ask for this piece of ground on 

which I stand. If your Highness persists! 502 in trying to take 

it from me, then I will present (at your heart) this spear which 

your Highness’ elder brother gave me!” Tun Damang then 

stabbed Ikhtiar Muluk through the shoulder with his spear. And 

Ikhtiar Muluk took his headcloth (and handed it) to the Sri 

Nara 'diraja, saying, "I have been wounded, chief”, whereupon 

the Sri Nara 'diraja bandaged the wound. Ikhtiar Muluk, who 

was armed with a bow! 503 of the Persian (?) type (?), then shot 

Tun Damang clean! 504 through the temples and Tun Damang 

fell on his face beside the elephant of Maharaja Jaya. When 

Maharaja Jaya saw that Tun Damang had been killed, he drove 

his elephant at the Sri Nara 'diraja: and the Sri Nara 'diraja with 

the spear he had in his hand stabbed Maharaja Java right through 

the chest, so that Maharaja Jaya fell from his elephant and died. 

When the men of Kampar saw that Maharaja Jaya and Tun 

Damang had been killed, they broke and fled, followed by the 

men of Malaka who killed them as the fled and then! 5 ’ 5 burst 

(?) into the fort. After the men of Malaka had thoroughly 

looted the city, the Sri Nara 'diraja returned crowned with 

victory to Malaka, where he arrived in due course and presented 

himself before Sultan Ala’u’d-din. And the king was well pleased 

to hear of the victory over Kampar, and he gave robes of honour 

to the Sri Nara 'diraja and Ikhtiar Muluk. [Ikhtiar Muluk begat 

(? the father of) Khoja Bulan, who begat Khoja Muhammad Shah; 

and he was appointed to stand on the same step leading up to the 

throne as the heralds] And Kampar was handed over to the Sri 

Nara 'diraja, and it was he who first established a Governor 

of Kampar. 


The king then ordered the Sri Nara 'diraja to go to Kampar 

to install his son Menawarf 500 Shah as Raja, with the Sri Amarf 507 

Miraja as his Bendahara. The Sri Nara 'diraja went accordingly to 

Kampar and installed Sultan Menawar Shah as Raja of Kampar, 

whereafter he returned to Malaka and presented himself before the 

Sultan. 


And when the king had reigned for thirty-three years, then in 

the process of time he fell sick. And when he realised that his 

'days were numbered, he sent for his son Raja Mamatf 508 and his 

■chiefs. And when they had all come, the king asked the women 

attendants to prop him up; and of those who had assembled he 

ordered five—the Bendahara, the Treasurer, the Temenggong, 

Kadli Menawar Shah and the Laksamana—to approach his bedside. 


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E 149 — 15 °] Then he said to them, "I would have you know, my friends, that 

I feel my end to be approaching. If I die, it is my son, Raja Mat 

here, that I wish you to make Raja in my stead. Take good care 

of him and love him as you have loved me. If he is guilty of 

errors and follies, be generous in pardoning them: and watchf 509 

over him, for he is only a child/' 


And when they heard these words of Sultan Ala'u'd-din, tears 

streamed from their eyes, though they were not aware of them; 

and weeping they said “May God lengthen the days of your 

Highness, for we have not yet had our fill of serving you. But if, 

thought 510 God forbid it, the flower in your Highness' grasp should 

wither, then will we carry out the wishes of your Highness, for 

never would wef 511 do obeisance to another Raja." And the king 

was well pleased with what they said, and looking upon the face 

of his son Raja Mamat, he said to him, “Know well, my son, that 

this world will not endure. Yea, my son, all that liveth here upon 

earth cannot butf 512 die in the end; it is only the True Faith 

that endures for all time. When I am gone, be diligent in God's 

service; abstain from taking other men's goods unlawfully, for 

God's poor are all entrusted to your keeping. If they are in 

distress, be swift to help them. If they are victims of injustice, 

inquire diligently into the matter, so that in the day of Judgment 

Almighty God may not lay a heavy burden of responsibility upon 

you, for thus saith the Prophet (may God bless him and give him 

peace) Kulukum ra'in wakullukum mas’ulun min ra'iy-yatihi, 

which means 'all ye who tend will be questioned as to yourf 513 

tending : that is to say, all rulers will be questioned by God as 

to the manner in which they have tended their subjects. There¬ 

fore it is your bounden duty to do justice and be diligent in 

inquiry so that some day in the world to come you may be taken 

into God's loving care for all eternity. See to it that you consult 

with your ministers and chiefs, for no ruler, however great his 

wisdom and understanding, shall prosper or succeed in doing 

justice unless he consults with those in authority under him. 

For rulers are like fire and their ministers are like firewood, and 

fire needs wood to produce a flame: ar-ra'iyyatu jurthum-atun 

sultanun darakht , which means 'subjects are like roots and the 

ruler is like the tree'; without roots the tree cannot stand upright; 

so is it with rulers and their subjects. As for the Malays, however 

grievously they may offend, be not hasty in putting them to death 

except in cases where that penalty is ordered by the law of God, 

for the Malays are your clay] 514 as the Tradition says, 'AI-'abdu 

tinul-murabbi’, which being interpreted is 'the slave is as it 

were (? the clay of) his master'. If you put them to death when 

they have done no wrong, your kingdom will be brought to 

nought. Remember, my son, these my last injunctions to you and 

act upon themf 515 (?) so that God may grant to you the blessing 


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[150—151] 



translated by C. C. Brown 12 5" 


which should be yours as a ruler.” And Sultan Ala’u’d-din then 

died, passing from a perishable world to one that abideth. 'We* 

are God’s and to God we return/ 


And his son; Raja Mamat, reigned in his stead; his 

title as ruler was Sultan Mahmud Shah. He was a finely built 

man, there was none to compare with him. Even a creese of 

Malaka make of three spans’ length was for him but a 

secondary! 510 creese. And Bendahara Puteh said to the Sri 

Bija 'diraja (who had just arrived from Singapore)! 517 , "It was 

Sultan Ala’u’d-din’s dying wish that the Ruler we have now should 

succeed him on the throne.” And the Sri Bija 'diraja replied, "I 

did not hear his dying wish.” When Sultan Mahmud Shah came 

to hear of what the Sri Bija 'diraja had said, he made no comment 

but in his heart! 518 he bore a grudge against the Sri Bija ‘diraja. 

Sultan Mahmud Shah begat three children: the son was called 

Sultan Ahmad! 519 and it was he who was to succeed his father 

on the throne: the other two were daughters. 


Now the Sri Rama had died, and his son was appointed to 

succeed him in the office of Sri Rama and as Master of the King’s 

Elephants, with the same rank as his father. He had two sons r 

of whom one became Sri Nata and the other Tun Aria. Sri 

Nata begat Tun Bijayit Hitam, while Tun Aria begat Tun Mamat, 

who in his turn begat Tun Isahak Tun Pilu. 


It happened once that the Sri Bija ‘diraja did not appear at 

Malaka (on the eve of the Festival). He only arrived on the 

Festival day itself. And Sultan Mahmud Shah reprimanded the 

Sri Bija ‘diraja, saying, ‘‘Why were you not here in time, Sri 

Bija ‘cliraja? Do you not know the custom?” And the Sri Bija 

‘diraja answered, ‘‘I was late in starting. I did not expect the 

new moon would have been seen last night. But I realise that 

I was negligent and I can only ask your Highness to forgive me.” 

And Sultan Mahmud Shah said, ‘‘No, I know what is in your 

mind, Sri Bija ‘diraja, you do not like my being Raja.” He 

thereupon gave orders for the Sri Biija ‘diraja to be put to 

death. And when the men who were to put him to death came, 

the Sri Bija ‘diraja said to them, “What is my offence against the 

Ruler? Can it be that for the trifling offence I have committed 

I am to be put to death!” When Sultan Mahmud Shah was 

informed of what the Sri Bija ‘diraja had said, he replied, “If 

the Sri Bija ‘diraja does not know what his offence is, shew him 


this writing”. The writing set out four or five offences on the 


part of the Sri Bija ‘diraja, and when he had looked.at it he 


was silent. And he was put to death. It was to his son Sang 


Stia Bentayan that the fief of Singapura was given. 


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1151—152] One night Sultan Mahmud Shah went to the house of a 


woman named Tun Dewi: but when he found that Tun ‘Ali was 

already! 520 there he turned back. And looking behind him he 

perceived that among those escorting him was Tun Bayajit, (? 

grandfather of the Datok Muar). [This Tun Biyajit had two 

names: at Klang he was known as Tun Isak, whereas at Tembaga 

he went by the name of Tun Bayajit.] And Sultan Mahmud 

Shah tookf 521 sireh from his betel-caddy and gave it to Tun Bayajit. 

And Tun Bayajit thought to himself, "What might be the mean¬ 

ing of the Ruler giving me sireh like this? It looks as though he 

wants me to kill Tun ‘Ali Sandang!” For in by gone days sireh 

from the Raja's betel-caddy was highly esteemed, it was not given 

by him to all and sundry. Tun Bayajit accordingly went back 

to the house of Tun Dewi, where he stabbed Tun "Ali Sandang 

in the breast and killed him. ,After Tun ‘Ali Sandang had been 

killed Tun Bayajit left Tun Dewi's house and presented himself 

before Sultan Mahmud Shah. And there was great excitement, 

people crying that Tun ‘Ali had been killed by Tun Bayajit. And 

when the Sriwa Raja was informed, for Tun 'Ali was related to 

him, he was furious and ordered his people to waylay Tun Bavajit 

and kill him. Sultan Mahmud Shah thereupon ordered Tun 

Bayajit to make his escape. He did so and went to Pasai, where 

however he refused to do homage to the Raja, saying, "Bayajit 

does homage to none but Sultan Mahmud Shah." From Pasai 

he went to Haru, and there too he refused to do homage to the 

Raja. From there he went to Brunai, where also he refused to 

do homage to the Raja, though he married a daughter of the Raja 

and founded a family: whence comes it that the Datok Muar has 

many kinsmen in Brunai. And Tun Bayajit said, "In Malaka 

was Bayajit born, in Malaka shall he die!" So he returned to 

Malaka where he presented himself before Sultan Mahmud Shah. 

The king was dining at the time, and he ordered food to be 

brought for Tun Bayajit. And when they had eaten, the king 

embraced Tun Bayajit and kissed him. He then ordered him to 

be bound with a headcloth and sent to* the Sriwa Raja, for, 

thought Sultan Mahmud Shah, "If I bind Tun Bayajit and send 

him like that to the Sriwa Raja, he surely will not be killed by the 

Sriwa Raja." When Tun Bayajit was brought, the Sriwa Raja 

was mounted on his elephant; and the Raja's servant said to him, 

"Thus saith the Ruler: 'I send you Tun Bayajit. If he has done 

any wrong, we ask that he be forgiven.'" But when the Sriwa 

Raja saw Tun Bayajit, he drove his elephant-goad clean through 

t 521a the crown of Tun Bayajit's head and killed him. The Raja's 

servant then returned and informed Sultan Mahmud Shah that 

Tun Bayajit had died at the hand of the Sriwa Raja, who had killed 

him with an elephant-goad. But Sultan Mahmud Shah said not a 

word, for the Sriwa Raja was one of the king's chief favourites. At 


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translated by C. C. Brown 127 


[152—153] that time he had four favourites—the Sriwa Raja, Tun 'Omar, 

Hang 'Isa and Hang Husain Chengang. 


Now whenever Sultan Mahmud Shah went out for pleasure 

in the royal barge, he would stop on his way and send for the 

Sriwa Raja to accompany him. And though he would wait 

at the Sriwa Raja's landing-stage as long as it takes to cook 

pot after pot of rice, still the Sriwa Raja did not appear. For it 

was his habit, when a royal summons came, to go into his house 

and have a nap! Not till he was roused by the Raja's messenger 

would he get up, ease himself and have a bath. After his bath 

he would have a meal. After his meal he would don his sarong, 

and he would undo it twelve or thirteen times until he had 

got it to his liking. Then would come the jacket and the head- 

cloth, and the process with the sarong would be repeated with 

them until they too were to his liking. With the scarf also the 

same thing would happen; it would be put on and then undone 

again fourteen or fifteen times until it was to his liking. After 

that he would get as far as the door of the house when he would 

go back to his wife and ask her to tell him if there 

was anything amiss with his clothes. If she said that 

there was something not yet altogether right, he would 

undo the offending thing and set it to rights. Then 

at last he would leave the house, but when he had reach¬ 

ed the garden, he would go back to the house again and 

swing in his hammock if you please! It was not until the 

Raja’s servant bade him hurry that he would leave the house 

and join the Raja. But if the Raja wanted the Sriwa Raja 

to come quickly, he would send Tun Isak Berakah to cab him. 

As soon as Tun Isak reached the house, he would say, “Chief,, 

the Raja calls you." The Sriwa Raja would say "Very well' 

and forthwith go into the house. But Tun Isak knew the Sriwa 

Raja's ways, and he would ask for a mat so that he could lie down 

on the verandah. Then he would shout, "Tell the Chief I would 

like some rice, I'm hungry": and rice would be provided forth¬ 

with by the Sriwa Raja. Then when Tun Isak had eaten he 

would say that he was thirsty and might he have something? 

And the Sriwa Raja would say, "The Raja has only to send Tun 

Isak here and there's no end to what he wants!. Bring me my 

clothes!" The Sriwa Raja would then don forthwith his sarong, 

jacket, headcloth, creese and scarf, leave the house and make his 

way to join Sultan Mahmud Shah, with whom he was such a 

favourite that Sultan Mahmud Shah would tolerate any sort 

of behaviour from him. 


To shew how fond Sultan Mahmud Shah was of the Sriwa 

Raja, one day he sent for him, Tun 'Omar, Hang 'Isa and Hang 

Husain Chengang; and when the four of them presented them- 


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The Malay Annals 



T153—154] selves before him, he said to them, “What would you have of 

us? Ask, that we may give it to you, for whatever it may be I 

(sic) will not refuse it.” The first to prefer a request was the 

Sriwa Raja, who said, “If it please your Highness, I would fain 

ask that I may be made Master of Elephants.” And Sultan 

Mahmud Shah answered, “We would gladly grant your request, 

but what are we to do? The Sri Rama still holds that appoint¬ 

ment and howf 522 should we take it from him when he has done 

nothing to justify our dismissing him? When he dies, it shall 

be you, Sriwa Raja, that we appoint to be Master of Ele¬ 

phants.” Tun 'Omar then made his request, “If it please your 

highness, I would fain ask to be made Sea Lord.” And Sultan 

Mahmud Shah replied, “Very good; but the Laksamana still 

holds that office, how aref 523 we to take it from him? He has 

done nothing to warrant our dismissing him. When the Lak¬ 

samana is gone, it is you, Tun 'Omar, that we shall appoint to 

be Sea Lord.” When Hang 'Isa and Hang Husain Chengang 

saw that neither the Sriwa Raja nor Tun 'Omar had obtained 

his request at the Raja's hands, bo.th of them reflected awhile. 

And Sultan Mahmud Shah said to Hang 'Isa and Hang Husain 

Chengang, “And you, what is it you wish for? Ask it of me.” 

And Hang 'Isa answered, “If it please your Highness, I would 

fain ask for gold to the amount of thirteen tahilsf 524 . and cloth 

to the amount of four packs. (?)” This the king gave him there 

and then. Hang Husain Chengang then preferred his request, 

“If it please your Highness, I would fain ask for about a dozen 

buffaloes with calves and twelve orchards.” This too was granted 

by the king. 


It happened once that Sultan Mahmud Shah was having an 

intrigue with the wife of Tun Bayajit, the Laksamana's son, 

taking advantage of Tun Bayajit's absence from the house on a 

visit to his fief. One night he went to the house of Tun 

Bayajit 7 s wife, and on the morrow at dawn he was hastening back 

when he met Tun Bayajit on his way up from the river with 

a large number of followers whereas Sultan Mahmud Shah had 

but few men with him. Tun Bayajit realised that Sultan Mahmud 

Shah was come from his house and had he wanted to take his 

life there and then, he could have done so. But because 

as a Malay subject he would not waver in his loyalty to the Raja, 

he merely balanced his spear in his hand and said, “So that is how 

you behave, Sultan Mahmud Shah! Alas that you are my master! 

Were you not, assuredly I would, drive this spear of mine through 

your heart!” And when the Raja's servants were for attacking 

Tun Bayajit, the king said to them “Hold your hands! What 

he says is right, I have donef 524a him a wrong for which by the law 

of God he could take my life. It is only because he is a Malay 

subject who refuses to waver in his loyalty that he behaves as he 


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129 



translated by C. C. Brown 


[ 154 — 155 ] is behaving now.” The king then returned to the palace. As 

for Tun Bayajit he divorced his wife and refused to appear at 

court or undertake any further court duties. Sultan Mahmud 

Shah attempted to mollify him by sending him Tun Iram Sendari, 

one of his mistresses. Tun Bayajit accepted her but still refused 

to go to court on publicf 524b occasions. 


It happened once that the Sriwa Raja was going to marry the 

daughter of Kadli Menawar Shah, grandson! 525 (sic) of Maulana 

Yusuf, and the wedding festivities were started. And when 

the propitious moment arrived, the Sriwa Raja went in procession 

to the wedding, mounted on Sultan Mahmud Shah's riding 

elephant Balidamsai. Tun 'Abdu'l-Karim, Kadli Menawar Shah's 

son, was on the elephant’s head, Tun Zainal 'Abidin sat on the 

one side of the packsaddle to balance the Sriwa Raja and the 

Sri Awadanaf 520 sat on the elephant's croup; and the procession 

made its way to the house of Kadli Menawar Shah. Now Kadli 

Menawar Shah was waiting on his land with fireworks and 

maroons, and the gate of the fence round his land was shut. 

And Kadli Menawar Shah said, "If the Sriwa Raja can make his 

way in, he shall have my daughter. If he can't, there'll be no 

wedding, even if I have to lose all that I have spent on it!” 

When the Sriwa Raja's elephant reached the gate, Kadli Menawar 

Shah ordered the fireworks and maroons to be let off; and what 

with that noise, the noise of the shouting and the noise of the 

musical instruments, the din was so terrific that Balidamsai was 

startled and bolted, despite all the efforts of Tun 'Abdul'l-Karim to 

hold him. When the Sriwa Raja saw what was happening, he 

said to Tun ‘Abdul'l-Karim, "Shift to the middle and let me 

mount his head”. So Tun 'AbduTKarim moved to the middle 

and the Sriwa Raja to the elephant's head, whereupon the Sriwa 

Raja turned Balidamsai and drove him at Kadli Menawar Shah s 

gate. In vain did the fireworks and maroons explode, Balidamsai 

took no notice of them and crashed through the gate up to the 

pavilion, where he was brought to a halt. The Sriwa Raja then 

leapt down on to the floor of the pavilion and the wedding took 

place, in the presence of Sultan Mahmud Shah. After the 

wedding came the feast, and Sultan Mahmud Shah then returned 

to his palace. 


Now Kadli Menawar Shah was exceedingly skilled in the use 

of the sword called beladau*, for he had had lessons with the 

weapon from the Rajaf 527 of the Moluccas when the latter came 

to do homage at Malaka in the time of Sultan Ala'u'd-din. When 

Kadli Menawar Shah had company, the verandah on which they 

sat had a trellis and Kadli Menawar Shah would like his visitors 

how many! 528 strips of the trel lis they would like him to cut 


* a curved single-edged dagger (W.), but possibly here a sword 


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130 



The Malay Annals 



[ 155 — 156 ] through with a single cut. If they said two, he would cut 

through two; if they said three, he would cut through three, or 

.as many as they chose to say. 


After the Sriwa Raja had been married for some time to 

Kadli Mena war Shah's daughter, he had a son, Tun 'Omar by 

name: he was given the title of Sri Petam and was known as the 

Chief of Rembat (?). The Sri Petam had many children, of 

whom the eldest was called Tun Daud. It was he who was the 

Chief of the Coastward territory. Another son was called Tun 

'Ali Sandang, he was the father of the woman Chief of 

Muar. Another son was called Tun Bentan, he was the father 

of Tun Mai: another son was called Tun Hamzah, he was the 

father of (Tun) Mandurah: another son was called Tun Tukah, 

he was the father of (Tun) 'Omar who died in Petani: and there 

were many sons besides these; I do not mention them all here. 


The Sriwa Raja had an uncanny knowledge of elephants and 

horses. He had a favourite white pony which he stabled in a 

bay of the gallery of his house. If any one wanted to borrow 

this pony for a ride in the moonlight, the Sriwa Raja would lend 

it: but no sooner had the borrower ridden the pony two or three 

courses than the pony would turn round and bring himf 529 back 

to its stablef 530 . It was only Tun Isak Berakahf 531 that could 

borrow the pony as he wished. When he borrowed it and had 

been brought back to the stable after two or three courses, he 

would say to the Sriwa Raja's attendants, "Tell the Chief I am 

thirsty and will he please give me something." The Sriwa Raja 

would do as he asked. When he had had what he wanted, Tun 

Isak Berakah would say, "Can I take the pony out again for 

another ride?" And when the Sriwa Raja agreed, Tun Isak 

Berakah would ride the pony two or three courses and the pony 

would bring him back again to the Sriwa Raja's house. 

Whereupon Tun Isak Berakalr would say to the Sriwa Raja's 

attendants, "Tell the Chief I am hungry and will he please let me 

have some rice." And the Sriwa Raja would provide rice. After 

he had eaten Tun Isak Berakah would again go out and after he 

had ridden the pony two or three courses, back the pony would 

bring him again. Tun Isak Berakah would then ask for some¬ 

thing which gave the Sriwa Raja some trouble to provide, where¬ 

upon the Sriwa Raja would say, "Tun Isakf 532 has only to come 

here and there's no end to what he wants! Tell him to take 

the pony for as long as he wants and ride it the whole night!" 

TunTsak Berakah would then take the pony and ride it the whole 

f532a night. • 


One day there came to Malaka a Pathan who was an expert 

horseman, and Sultan Mahmud Shah had him sent to the Sriwa 

'Raja with the message that he was a good rider. And the Sriwa 


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[156 157 ] R a j a sa j^ “Can you ride, Khoja?” And when the Pathan replied 


that he could, the Sriwa Raja said to him, "Try this pony of 

mine 0 , and he ordered the pony to be saddled and bridled. The 

Pathan then mounted the pony and applied his spurs. And 

the Sriwa Raja said, "Give him a touch of the whip, Khoja.” So 

the Pathan applied the whip and was promptly thrown head over 

heels. And the Sriwa Raja said, "Hullo, Khoja, what’s happened 

to you?” He then shouted for his son 'Omar, and when 'Omar 

appeared, the Sriwa Raja said to him, "Give the pony a touch of 

the whip, my lad!” Tun 'Omar did so and the pony began to 

dance. And the Pathan was astounded by this display *of the 

Sriwa Raja’s skill with horses. 


The Tun 'Omar whof 533 was a favourite of Sultan Mahmud 

Shah was a son of the Sri Bija 'diraja, the 'Chief with a stoop’, and 

he was a great fighter. It was this Tun 'Omar whose masterf 534 

guaranteed that he would never be killed by an enemy’s weapon, 

and that was why he was utterly reckless and took no account 

of any adversary. As for Hangf 535 'Isa the 'Nimble’, he shewed 

remarkable agility in everything that he did. There was a tree 

trunk that he used as a bridge to get him across the Malaka river, 

rolling it on the surface of the water first this way, then that,, 

though if any one else trod it in that way, the trunk would sink 

so that the man was up to his ankles in water. But if Hang 'Isa 

Pantas was going that way, he would tread the trunk so that it 

rolled from right to left, then he would tread it so that it rolled 

from left to right; and in this way he would get right across the 

river without so much as wetting his instep! As for Hang Husain 

Chengang, when he was being married to the daughter of Hang 

Usoh and when after the wedding the ceremonial rice was 

served and the bride and bridegroom had each taken three 

mouthfuls of rice, the servants then made to remove the dish, but 

he seized it, saying, "Leave it where it is! Yourf 536 daughter may 

have had all the rice she wants, (Hang Usoh,) but I want some 

more, this wedding has cost me a lot of money!” And all the 

women who heard what he said burst out laughing. Hang, 

Husain Chengang went on eating until he had cleared the dish, 

whereupon the dish was removed and Hang Husain went into 

the house and betook himself to the bridal chamber. 


Now Sultan Mahmud Shah wished to receive instruction iir 

the sciences from Maulana Yusuf. [He (Maulanaf 537 Yusuf) 

had become a reclusef 538 . If people flew kites over the roof of 

his house, he would order them to be shotf 539 down: and when 

he got one, he would order the cord of the kite to be wound in, 

saying, "How dare people fly kites over my house!” That was how 

he behaved. He had ceased to be Kadli, having been succeeded 


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132 



The Malay Annals 


[ 157 — 158 ] in that office by his son, Kadli Menawar Shah.] In pursuance 

of this intention Sultan Mahmud Shah set out for the house of 

Maulana Yusuf: he was mounted on his elephant and escorted 

by his retainers. When they reached the fence round Maulana 

Yusuf’s house, the retainers said to the gatekeeper, “Tell Maulana 

Yusuf that Sultan Mahmud Shah, the Ruler, is here.” But when 

this message was brought to Maulana Yusuf, he said, “Shut the 

gate! What business has Sultan Mahmud Shah to come to a 

fakir’s house?” When Sultan Mahmud Shah was told what 

Maulana Yusuf had said, he returned to the palace. But when 

night fell, he dismissed his retainers and when he was alone, 

he set out again for Maulana Yusuf’s house, this time with no 

one but a boy for escort and himself carrying his book. On 

arriving at the gate the king said to the gate-keeper, “Tell 

Maulana Yusuf that Mahmud the fakir is come”. And the gate¬ 

keeper opened the gate, thinking it was only right that onef 540 

fakir should come to another fakir’s house. Forthwith Maulana 

Yusuf came out and brought Sultan Mahmud Shah into the 

house and bade him be seated. Sultan Mahmud Shah then had 

his lesson (? in the sciences) t r,40a with Maulana Yusuf. 


We come now to Raja Zainal-'Abidin, brother of Sultan 

Mahmud Shah, who was so handsome that he had no rival in 

• those days. His looks were flawless and his every movement a 

miracle of beauty and grace] 341 . If he wore] 342 his sarong in 

the overlapping fashion, the overlap was sof 343 adjusted as to 

display its perfection. He had a pony called Ambangan of which 

he was so fond that he cleared a bay of his house adjoining his 

own sleeping-chamber and there he stabled the pony. And he 

would rouse himself two or three times during the night (? to 

visit the pony) f 544 When Raja Zainal-'Abidin was going out riding 

and had dressed, he would rub scent by thef 344a bowlful on the 

pony’s coat before he went out for his ride. And such was the 

excitement which his passing caused in the market that married 

women and even young girls kept in seclusion would rush with 

one accord to get a sight of Sultan (sic) Zainal-’Abidin, some 

looking from their doorways, some looking through the lattices, 

some looking through the windows, some looking from the roof, 

some making peepholes in the house wall, some climbing on to 

the top of the fence. As for the passion of the women for Raja 

Zainal-‘Abidin, it was past concealing: and as for the scores of 

boxes of ripe betel-leaf, some of the leaves rolled into pellets and 

others arranged separately in rows—they can well be imagined. 

The perfumes, the spikenard in caskets by the hundred—the musk 

for bathing, the nosegays of frangipanni, the trayfuls of jasmine, 

the posies—need they be described? Raja Zainal-‘Abidin would 

take any woman that was to his liking, and those that were not 

he would give to the youths around him: and great was the 

debauchery in Malaka in those days. 


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[ 158 — 159 ] 



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When Sultan Mahmud Shah came to hear how Raja Zainal- 

‘ Abidin was behaving, he was grievously displeased with his 

brother; but he nursed his anger in his heart and did not display 

it. Presently however he sent for the retainers he could best 

trust: and when they were come, he said to them, "Which of 

you can I count on to kill Raja ZainaL Abidin so that no one 

shall know of it?” But none of them would undertake the task. 

There was however a gate-keeper, Hang Berkat by name, (who) 

in the presence of the Raja had declared his unwillingness! 545 to 

undertake the task; but when he was sent for privately by Sultan 

Mahmud Shah) he undertook to do it. And Sultan Mahmud 

Shah said! 540 ("If you make good your word, I will own you as a 

brother”).. .and the Kelantan line! 547 was broken (and the fort of 

Kelantan fell), and the men of Malaka entered the fort and 

sacked! 548 it. The three daughters of the Raja of Kelantan were 

captured; one was called Otang Kentang, one Cherpa and the 

third Cherbok: all three were taken to Malaka by the Sri Maha¬ 

raja. When he reached Malaka the Sri Maharaja presented himself 

before Sultan Mahmud Shah and offered the three princesses to 

him. The king was well pleased to hear of the defeat of Kelantan 

and bountifully rewarded the Sri Maharaja and all who had gone 

on the expedition. The three princesses were kept in the place, 

and Sultan Mahmud Shah took one of them, Otang Kentang, as 

consort. By her he had three children, the eldest a daughter, 

the second a son called Raja Nara and the youngest a daughter 

Later Sultan Mahmud Shah took another consort, Tun Birah, 

daughter of the Laksamana, and by her he had a daughter called 

Raja Dewi. 


God knoweth the truth


Chapter XVI 



In Kampar Sultan Menawar (ton of Sultan Ala’u’d-in of 

Malacca) diet and it tucceeded by hit son Abdullah. He comet 

to Malacca to vitit Sultan Mahmud, who marries him to hit 

daughter and makes him Sultan ‘Abdullah of Kampar. . Death 

of Bendahara Puteh. He is tucceeded by Sri Maharaja Tun 

Mutahir, who becomes Bendahara Sri Maharaja and is described 

as the ‘grandest of all the Bendaharas*. The prosperity of 

Malacca under his administration. The affair of Pateh Adam 

and Tun Menida. 


(Shellabear, chapter XXVI) 



Here now is a story of Kampar, where Menawar Shah, Raja 

of Kampar, had died, leaving a son named Raja ‘Abdullah. Raja 

‘Abdullah came to Malaka to do homage and Sultan Mahmud 

Shah took him for his son-in-law, marrying him to his daughter, 

the sister of Raja Ahmad. He then ordered that Raja Abdullah 

should be proclaimed Raja of Kampar (with the title of Sultan 

‘Abdullah). Sultan ‘Abdullah then returned to Kampar. 



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134 



The Malay Annals 



l 159 — 160 1 In the course of time Bendahara Puteh departed this life r 


and Sultan Mahmud Shah carried out the funeral rites customary 

on the death of a Bendahara. After the funeral Sultan Mahmud 

Shah called together those who were eligible to be made Benda¬ 

hara: first Tun Zainal-Abidin, second Tun Telanai, third the 

Padukaf 549 Tuan, fourth the Sri Nara 'diraja, fifth the Sriwa 

Raja, sixth the Sri Maharaja, seventh Abu Sayid, eighth Tun 

'Abdul and ninth Tun Bijaya Maha Mentri. And all nine 

of them stood in a row before the palace of Sultan Mahmud 

Shah. And he said to them, "Which of all you chiefs is to 

become Bendahara? Whichever of you is (?the most)! 550 

eligible ( (?) shall be made Bendahara)/' And the Paduka Tuan 

answered, "Your Highness, all nine of those before you are 

eligible. Whichever is preferred by your Highness, he it is that 

shall be made Bendahara." And the motherf 551 of Sultan 

Mahmud Shah was listening behind the door r and she said 

to him; "Let it be Tun Mutahir." And Sultan Mahmud 

Shah then said to them, "Pa' Mutahir shall be Bendahara": 

and they all agreed. Robes of honour, such as are customary 

for Bendaharas, were then brought: and (in addition) 

he was given a betel-chestf 552 (?) complete! 553 with all 

accessories. It was the custom in ancient times, when a man 

was made Bendahara, or Treasurer or Temenggong or a minister 

of state, for him to be presented with a betel-chest complete with 

all accessories; save that in the case of the Treasurer or the 

Temenggong there was no pounder (?)f 554 , though the Benda¬ 

hara^ chest had a pounder and also an ink-flask. A Temenggong 

on appointment received a lance with a fringe (?)f 555 . 


When the Sri Maharaja had become Bendahara, the city of 

Malaka steadily increased in prosperity and in population, for 

Bendahara Sri Maharaja was exceedingly just and humane, clever 

f 55G in his handling of foreigners and skilled in conciliating 

jr>r>Ga j-] ie good will of the populace. So much so that in ships 

bound for Malaka from above the wind it was the custom, as 

the anchor was being weighed, for the master of the ship, after 

reciting the usual prayer, to say. "May we reach Malaka safely! 556 ® 

and see Pisang Jeram, the stream of Bukit China and Benda¬ 

hara Sri Maharaja!" And the crew would answer, "Ay, ay, sir!" 


Bendahara Sri Maharaja had many children. The eldest 

was a son called Tun Hasan. He was very handsome and well- 

built, and it was he who was made Temenggong in succession! 558 

to his father. It was the custom! 557 for the Temenggong to 

arrange the guests at food in the inner hall, When engaged 

upon this duty Temenggong Tun Hasan wore his sarong in the 

overlap fashion (?): he wore a scarf over his shoulders and his 

headress was of the ?. .. .type, with aigrettes and tassels. As he 

walked along the gangway arranging the guests at food he would 


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1160 — 161 ] point this way and that with his fan after the manner of a fencing 

! 559 master! It was Tun Hasan Temenggong who introduced 

the long! 560 Malay jacket with loose sleeves. He had a son 

named Tun ‘Ali. 


One day when Bendahara Sri Maharaja was seated in his 

public hall with people before him, he asked those present, 

'‘Which is the better looking, Hasan or I ?" But when they 

replied that he was better looking than his son, Bendahara Sri 

Maharaja said, “No, gentlemen, for I have to wear spectacles. 

Hasan is better looking than I am, for he is a young man; but 

I move more gracefully than he does/' And they answered, “It 

may be as you say, Datok!" Bendahara Sri Maharaja was endowed 

by nature with good looks and he was moreover a great dandy. 

He would change his clothes seven times a day; he had a thou¬ 

sand jackets of one sort or another; his headcloths stood ready 

tied on blocks, twenty or thirty of them in constant use; and he 

had a full-length looking-glass. When Bendahara Sri Maharaja 

was dressing, after he had put on sarong, jacket, creese and scarf, 

he would askf 561 his wife, “Which headcloth do you think would 

go best with this suit?" And the Bendahara Perempuan would 

say, “Such and such a headcloth would go best", and her advice 

would be taken by Bendahara Sri Maharaja. 


The Bendahara had another son called Tun Bayajit Rupat, 

and another called Tun Lela Wangsa. His daughter, Tun 

Tanggal (?), was maried to Tun Abu Sayit, son of the Awadana, 

and Tun Hasan was born of that marriage. 


Bendahara Sri Maharaja was the grandest! 502 of all the 

Bendaharas. If he was seated in his public hall with people 

before him and a prince appeared, he would not leave! 563 

his seat but would merely hold out his hand and invite the 

prince to come up into the hall. It was only for an heir-apparent 

to the throne that he would leave his seat, though if the Raja of 

Pahang appeared, Bendahara Sri Maharaja would stand up and 

the Raja of Pahang would come up in to the hall and seat himself 

beside Bendahara Sri Maharaja. Now the Sri Nara ‘diraja, Tun 

Tahir, elder brother of Bendahara Sri Maharaja, who was also 

Treasurer, had five children; three sons, Tun ‘Ali, Tun Hamzah 

and Tun Mahmud, and two daughters, one of whom was called 

Tun Kudu. She was a handsome woman and was one of Sultan 

Mahmud Shah's consorts. He was very fond of her and ordered 

that she be called “Datok Tuan" at court though among all her 

hinsfolk she was known as “Datok Puteh." 


Tun ‘Abdul, the younger brother of Bendahara Sri Maha¬ 

raja, had many children, a number of sons and a number of 


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The Malay Annals 


D 61 — 162 1 daughters; one of the daughters was married to Tun Rana by whom 

she had a son, Tun Hiaap Panjang, who became Datok Jawa; 

and one of the sons was Tun Minda who was adopted by the 

Sri Nara 'diraja. 


Now the Chief of Surabaya, Pateh Adam by name, came 

to Malaka to do homage. He was given robes of honour by 

Sultan Mahmud Shah and in the hall of audience was assigned 

a place on a level with the ministers of state. One day Pateh 

Adam was sitting on the Sri Maharaja (? Sri Nara 'diraja)'s 

balcony and it happened that Tun Sinai, f 5(34 who was still a 

child and could just run a few steps, was toddling about in front 

of the Sri Nara 'diraja. And the Sri Nara 'diraja said to Pateh 

Adam, "Just listen to what my child says! She wants you for a 

husband, it seems!" And Pateh Adam bowed his head and did 

obeisance, saying, "Sof 565 be it." And when the season came 

for the return voyage to Java, Pateh Adam sought leave from 

Sultan Mahmud Shah to depart, and he was given by Sultan 

Mahmud Shah robes of honour appropriate to his rank. Pateh 

Adam then purchased a little girl of the same age and stature 

as Tun Sinai and he took her back with him to Sourabaya, 

where he had her brought up with due care. And when in the 

course of time the girl reached marriageable age, he had her 

married. Thereupon he made ready ships to go to Malaka, 

and he chose out four (? forty) f 566 young men of good family 

(to accompany him): and when the ships were ready he set 

forth. 


On his arrival at Malaka, Pateh Adam went to the Sri Nara 

'diraja: and he said, "I am come to ask you to fulfil your promise 

to give me your daughter in marriage." And the Sri Nara 'diraja 

answered, "But I never made any such promise!" Then said 

Pateh Adam, "Is it not a fact that when your daughter was still 

toddling, you said, 'Pateh Adam, just listen to what my child 

says! She wants you for a husband' ?" And the Sri Nara 'diraja 

answered, "Yes, I did say that, but I was only jesting with you, 

sir!" Then said Pateh Adam, "Is it in accordance with custom 

to jest with gentlementf?" He then went back to his lodging and 

made his plans for the rapef 5G6a of Tun Sinda, who was by now 

full grown and had her own separate house. Pateh Adam 

proceeded to bribe the Sri Nara 'diraja's gate-keeper, saying, "Let 

me and my forty men have access to the house of Tun Sinda." 

And the gate-keeper consented, for his loyalty to his master 

was not proof against bribery. Which shews how true is the 

saying of 'Ali (may God ennoble his countenance) "La Ichaira 

'I-wafa'i 'ala man la asla Iahu" which being interpreted is 'Put 

not your trust in men that have no breeding.' 


One night accordingly Pateh Adam and his chosen forty 

men entered the gate and Pateh Adam made his way to Tun 


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[ 162 — 163 ] Menida’s house. A hubbub arose and word was brought to the 

Sri Nara 'diraja, who was highly enraged and summoned his 

retainers. Straightway they assembled, armed to the teeth, and 

surrounded the house of Tun Menida. There Pateh Adam was 

sitting by the side of Tun Menida, his thigh resting on hers; 

and undoing his waistcloth he fastened one end round Tun 

Menida’s waist and the other round his own. He then drew 

his creese. By this time the house was surrounded by any 

number of men, and there seemed to be row upon row of 

weapons. Pateh Adam’s men fought with them until all forty of 

them were slain; but when he wasf 567 informed punapa karsa 

andeka dening peria’i punika kabeh sanipun pejah (what do 

you propose to do now, for all your followers have been killed?) 

he merely replied dendamene kang sam pun pe/ah ingsun putera 

dalem ikabela nanging paratu (never mind if all of them are 

killed: this girl I have here is all I want). 


And men forced their way into the house and were for killing 

Pateh Adam: but he said, “If I die, this girl dies too!” When the 

Sri Nara 'diraja was told how Pateh Adam was behaving, he said, 

“Kill him not lest he kill my daughter, for the whole of Java 

would not compensate me for my daughter’s death!” So Pateh 

Adam was not killed but was married to Tun Menida, from 

whose side he never moved a finger’s breadth the whole time he 

was in Malaka: wherever she went, he was with her. And when 

the season came for the return voyage to Java, Pateh Adam sought 

leave of the Sri Nara 'diraja to depart and take Tun Menida with 

him. To this the Sri Nara ’diraja agreed, and Pateh Adam then 

presented himself before Sultan Mahmud Shah to seek leave 

from him to depart. The king bestowed upon him robes of honour 

completed with accessories. Pateh Adam thereupon set sail for 

Java and arrived at Sourabaya in due course. By Tun Menida 

he had a son named Tun Husain and it is he who is Chief of 

Sourabaya at the present time.


Chapter XVII 


The Raja of Kedah visits Malacca to obtain recognition as 

Ruler of Kedah. His tacit tribute to the greatness of Bendahara 

Sri Maharaja. The incident of Tun Perpateh Hitam being sum¬ 

moned before the Bendahara by a foreigner and the subsequent 

execution of himself and his son for disrespect to the Bendahara. 


(Shellabear chapter XXXII ) 


Here now is a story of the Raja of Kedah, who in his tumf 568 

went to Malaka to do homage and ask for the drumf 568a of 

sovereignty. When he arrived at Malaka, Sultan Mahmud Shah 

accorded him a seat in the hall of audience on the same level 

as ministers of state, and bestowed rich presents upon him. 


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138 



The Malay Annals 



[ 163 — 164 ] One day Bendahara Sri Maharaja was seated in his own hall 


with people before him, and Temenggong Tun Hasan and the 

ministers of state were present. And food was served. Bendahara 

Sri Maharaja ate by himself and those present waited until he 

should have eaten, for it was the custom f 509 that the Bendahara 

of Malaka should not eat with others, and they could not eat 

until he had finished eating: that was the custom. But that 

day, while Bendahara Sri Maharaja was still eating, the Raja of 

Kedah appeared and was forthwith invited to come in and take 

his seat. He accordingly came in and seated himself beside 

Temenggong Tun Hasan. When the Bendahara had finished 

eating and was taking sireh, Temenggong Tun Hasan and the 

ministers of state drew towards them the food that the Benda¬ 

hara had left on the dishes. And Temenggong Tun Hasan 

invited the Raja of Kedah to partake of the food and the Raja 

of Kedah was about to do so when the Bendahara said to him,. 

"You, sire, must not eat of the' food that I have left!” But the 

Raja of Kedah replied, "No matter, for you are my senior, Benda¬ 

hara, I regard you as my father.” He then ate, with Temeng¬ 

gong Tun Hasan and the ministers of state, of the Bendahara's 

leavings. And when they had eaten, sireh was brought. And 

after the Raja of Kedah had been some while in Malaka, he 

sought leave of Sultan Mahmud Shah to depart for Kedah. And 

Sultan Mahmud Shah accorded to him the drum of sovereignty 

and at the same time presented him with a robes of honour as 

befitted his rank. The Raja of Kedah then returned to Kedah r 

where he had the drum of sovereignty beaten. 


Now there was a minister of Sultan Mahmud Shah, Tun Per- 

pateh Adam. He was a descendant of Tun Jana Buga Dendang 

and he had a son named Tun Husain, who was an extremely 

well-built man. And Tun Husain said, "If ever the conduct! 570 

of my father is called in question, I shall fight!” Now it 

happened by the will of God that Tun Perpateh Hitam had a 

dispute with a foreigner, and he was called upon to appear 

before the Bendahara with the foreigner. The Laksamana was 

present at the time, for it was the custom of the Bendaharas of 

Malaka that if the Bendahara was inquiring into disputes the 

Temenggong and the Laksamana should always be with him. If 

anyone shewed disrespect to the Bendahara, it was the Laksa¬ 

mana who put him to death; and in cases where it was proper 

to arrest anyone and put him in fetters, it was the Temenggong 

who made the arrest. Such was the custom in the days of 

Malaka. When Tun Perpateh Hitam had been summoned to 

appear before the Bendahara, Tun Husain came to join his 

father. And when Tun Perpateh Hitam beheld Tun Husain 

coming armed with his long creese, he thought to himself, "It 

looks as though Tun Husain's going to be as good as his word!”: 

and he rose to his feet and kicked up the mat, saying, "A fine 


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1164 ] sort of minister! 571 this is, to call my conduct in question like 

this!” Thereupon the Laksamana drew his sword, saying, "How 

dare you show disrespect, kicking up the mat in the presence 

of the Bendahara?” And he slashed at Tun Perpateh Hitam 

with his sword while at the same time others drew their weapons 

and stabbed at him. In vain did the Bendahara try to restrain 

them, they heeded him not and Tun Perpateh Hitam was killed. 

When Tun Husain saw this, he drew his creese to fight. But 

the Laksamana said, "You're going to be disloyal, are you, Tun 

Husain, that we may treat yourf 572 as weve treated your father?" 

And Tun Husain was struck down there and then. The Laksa¬ 

mana went forthwith to Sultan Mahmud Shah and related Jo 

him all that had happened. And the king said, "If you had not 

killed them then, Laksamana, assuredly we would have killed 

them ‘later, for we consider disrespect in the presence of the 

Bendahara to be as though it were done in our own presence, 

no less.” And Sultan Mahmud Shah/ rewarded the Laksamana 

with robes of honour. 


God knoweth the truth. 



Chapter XVIII 


The plight of the Indragiri people in Malacca. They ask 

their Raja to take them back to Indragiri. He himself escapes 

and returns to Indragiri, where his cousin Maharaja Isak is 

driven from the throne and flees to Lingga, where subsequently 

he becomes ruler. Sultan Mahmud sends Hang Nadim to India 

to buy special cloth fabrics for him. Hang Nadim draws 

patterns better than any of the Kalinga designers and returns 

with the desired fabrics, but his ship is wrecked as the result of 

a curse laid on the shipmaster by a Saiyid whom the shipmaster 

had insulted. Hang Nadim escapes with four cloths to Ceylon 

where he makes lanterns out of egg-shells for the Raja and 

eventually reaches Malacca, where he incurs the wrath of Sultan 

Mahmud. The death of Laksamana Hang Tuah. 


(Shellbear, chapter XXVIII) 


Here now is a story of Maharaja Merlang, who was Raja of 

Indragiri, thought it was at Malaka that he died. He had a son 

named Raja Nara Singa, born of his consort, the daughter of him 

f 574 who found God's Mercy at Malaka: and it was Raja Nara 

Singa who then became the leader of the Indragiri men in Malaka 

f 575 . Now at that time the young nobles of Malaka were in the 

habit of summoning the young nobles of Indragiri and ordering 

them to carry them pick a-back hither and thither: no sooner had 

one been so carried than another would ask to be. This was more 

than the men of Indragiri could stand, and they presented them¬ 

selves before Raja Nara Singa, saying, "May it please your 

Highness, let us seek leave to return to Indragiri, for we 

have no desire to stay here in Malaka. Tli£ people here do not 

treat usf 575a properly, they turn us into their slaves!” Raja 


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165 ] Nara Singa agreed and presented himself before Sultan Mahmud 

Shah when he was giving an audience. After doing obeisance 

to Sultan Mahmud Shah he said, "Your Highness, by your 

gracious favour I would ask to be allowed to return to Indragiri, 

for although your Highness has of your bounty bestowedj 57a 

Indragiri upon me, I have never yet seen the country/' But 

Sultan Mahmud Shah would not let him go. Raja Nara Singa 

said nothing when he heard Sultan Mahmud Shah's decision. 


But in the course of time he succeeded in escaping from 

Malaka and returned to Indragiri, where he found that Maharaja 

Tuban younger brother of Maharaja Merlang had died also,, 

leaving a son called Maharaja Isak, and it was he who governed 

Indragiri. But when Maharaja Nara Singa arrived, Maharaja 

Isak was driven out by Tun Kechil and Tun Balia, chiefs of 

Indragiri, and fled f 577 to Lingga, where he married a daughter 

of the Raja of Lingga. When the (Maha) Raja of Lingga died, 

Maharaja Isak became Raija of Lingga. He had many children. 

And Raja Nara Singa became Raja of Indragiri. 


Now Sultan Mahmud Shah was desirous of sending an envoy 

to Kalinga to buy cloth for him. He wanted forty varieties of 

cloth and four lengths of each variety, and each length had to 

have forty varieties of floral motif. As his envoy to Kalinga he 

appointed Hang Nadim. A Malaka man by descent, Hang 

Nadim was the son-in-law of the Laksamana and was distantly 

relatedf 578 to Bendahara Sri Maharaja. He embarked in the ship 

of Hang Isak and set sail for Kalinga. When in due course 

he reached Kalinga, he presented himself before the Raja of 

Kalinga, to whom he submitted the wishes of Sultan Mahmud 

Shah. The Raja of Kalinga thereupon ordered that all who 

could design should bef 579 assembled, and there came together 

all the designers of Kalinga, to the number of about five hundred. 

The Raja of Kalinga then ordered them to make designs as Hang 

Nadim wished, and the Kalinga designers set to work in front of 

Hang Nadim. And when they had finished their work, they 

shewed their designs to Hang Nadim, but he did not like them. 

So they drew different designs, but he did not like those either. 

And though the Kalinga craftsmen submitted design after design. 

Hang Nadim still was not satisfied. Then the designers said, 

"This is all that we can do. We can produce no other designs. 

But if Hang Nadim will give us specimens of what he wants, we 

will follow his designs." Hang Nadim asked for paper and ink 

and when these were supplied by the Kalinga men, he drew the 

floral motifs he wanted. When the Kalinga designers saw his 

work they were astounded and their hands shook as they beheld 

his draughtmanship. When Hang Nadim had completed his 

drawings, he shewed them to the designers, saying, "These are 

the motifs If 579a want." But out of the hundreds of Kalinga 


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[ 166 — 167 ] designers there were only two who could copy Hang Nadim’s 

designs, and they copied whatever he drew. The other designers 

then said, "Here in front of Hang Nadim we cannot draw: we 

must returnf 580 to our homes and then we can draw/' When 

Hang Nadim agreed, they went home to do their drawing; and 

when they had completed!f 58;l their designs, they delivered 

to Hang Nadim cloth such as was desired by Sultan Mahmud 

Shah. When presently the season for the return voyage to 

Malaka came round, Hang Nadim departed, travelling in Hang 

Isak’s ship, in which he stowed the cloth he had bought. 


Now Hang Isak had had as passenger in his ship a certain 

Saiyid: and according to the Saiyid’s reckoning of his account 

with Hang Isak, there was some money due to him from Hang 

Isak. And he said to Hang Isak, "There is still some money or 

mine with you, Hang Isak. Please let me have it back/' To 

which Hang Isak replied, "What money of yours have I still? 

What sort of a holy man are you to make false charge against 

people like this? Are you a holy manf 582 of the testicles, by 

any chance? (Like these !).” And the holy man said, "Now 

then, Hang Isak, I am one of God’s servants and you expose 

yourself thus to me ! Woe be to you on this voyage!” Where¬ 

upon Hang Nadim said to the Saiyid "I ask your pardon, sir. Let 

not me, I pray be involvedf 583 in this affair”. And the Saiyid patted 

Hang Nadim on the back, saying, "To youf 584 and yours, Nadim, 

no harm shall come.” The Sharif then went home, and Hang Isak 

set sail. And when they were well out to sea, suddenly the ship 

foundered and Hang Isak and all his crew were drowned, though 

there was neither rain nor storm. But Hang Nadim and several 

of those with him escaped in a boat together with (? some of) f 585 

the cloth and came safely to Selan. When the Raja of Selan 

heard of his arrival, he sent for Hang Nadim and ordered him 

to make him an eggshell lantern. And Hang Nadim fashioned the 

eggshell with rare delicacy and lit a candle in it, so that the effect 

was very striking. And when the lantern was finished, he present¬ 

ed it to the Raja of Selan, who bounteously rewarded him and 

would fain have kept him in Selan but Hang Nadim contrived 

to escape on board a ship bound for Malaka. When he reached 

Malaka, he presented himself straightway before Sultan Mahmud 

Shah, taking with him the four pieces of cloth he had 

savedf 586 (?). These he presented to Sultan Mahmud Shah, 

at the same time relating all that had happened. And Sultan 

Mahmud Shah said, "Once you had known that Hang Isak had 

had a curse laid upon him by the Sharif, why did you still travel 

in his ship?” And Hang Nadim answered, "I went in_Hang 

Isak’s ship because there was no other ship sailing. Had I waited 

for another ship, I should have been late in returning to Malaka ! r 

And Sultan Mahmud Shah was grievously displeased with Hang 

Nadim. 


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142 



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C«7J 



Now Laksamana Hang Tuah had died and his son-in-law 

Khoja Husain, was made Laksamana in his place by Sultan 

Mahmud Shah. Laksamana Hang Tuah had two wives. One 

of them, who was related to the Sri Bija 'diraja (or Datok 

Bongkokf 587 as he was called) had three children; the eldest, a 

daughter, was married to Khoja Husain; the second was a son 

named Tun f 588 Bayajit, and the youngest, a daughter called Tun 

'Sirah, became one of Sultan Mahmud Shah's consorts and was 

the mother of Raja Dewi. The other wife of the Laksamana 

was of the family of Bendahara Paduka Raja .and was related to 

the Paduka Tuan. She had two children; one, a son who was 

given the title of (Sang) f 589 Guna, and the other a daughter 

who was married to Hang Nadim. It was Khoja Husain who 

succeeded his father-in-law as Laksamana. Laksamana Khoja 

Husain had a son named Tun 'Abdullah. 


God knoweth the truth.


Chapter XIX 


The Sriwa Raja is sent to Pahang to install Sultan ‘Abdu’l- 

Jamal as ruler in succession to his father, Sultan Muhammad 

Shah. His adventures in Pahang. He sees Tun Teja, the 

Bendahara of Pahang’s daughter, and brings back to Malacca 

so glowing an account of her that Sultan Mahmud is determined 

to marry her despite the fact that she is already betrothed to 

the new Sultan of Pahang. He offers to reward with even ‘half 

his kingdom 1 whoever will abduct her. This is a chance for 

Hang Nadim to redeem his failure in Kalinga (chapter XVIII) 

and he proceeds to Pahang, bribes all and sundry and success¬ 

fully abducts Tun Teja. Sultan ‘Abdu’l-Jamal is so angry that 

he meditates an attack on Malacca in which he will demolish 

the audience hall with his elephant Beman Chengkobat! Sultan 

Mahmud thereupon offers immunity for all time to whoever will 

capture Beman Chengkobat for him and Laksamana Khoja 

Husain volunteers for the task which, by methods similar to those 

employed by Hang Nadim in the abduction of Tun Teja, he 

successfully accomplishes. 


( Shelkbear , chapter XXIX) 


Here now is a story of Pahang, where Sultan Mahmudf 590 , 

the old Raja, had died and had been succeeded on the throne 

by his son, Sultan 'Abdu’l-Jamal. The Bendahara of Pahang 

at that time, Sri Amar Bangsa as was his title, had a daughter 

called Tun Teja Ratna Benggala, whose beauty was such that f 590a 

throughout Pahang at that time she had no peer and in everything 

that she did there was a charm that none could rival. Hence 

came the verse 


Tun Tejaf 591 Ratna Benggala, 


How well she split the peppercorn! 


If you don't believe my word, 


PH swear it on the Kora'an! 


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145* 



translated by C. C. Brown 


[ 167 — 168 ] Now Sultan 'Abdu'l-Jamal desired Tun Teja for his consort, and' 

the Bendahara of Pahang was agreeable and was merely waiting; 

until the next seasonf 591a to celebrate the wedding. 


And Sultan 'Abdu'l-Jamal commanded the Sri Wangsa 'diraja 

to go to Malaka and take (to Sultan Mahmud Shah) the grave- 

cloth of his father and report his father's death. The letter he 

was to take was borne in procession to the ship and the Sri Wangsa 

'diraja set forth for Malaka, where he arrived in due course. And 

Sultan Mahmud Shah came out to the hall and gave an audience, 

and he ordered the letter from Pahang to be brought from the 

ship with due ceremony. It was borne to the hall and was then 

read, and it ran as follows:—“My humble obeisance to your 

Highness: this is to inform you that your unclef 592 has returned 

to the Mercy of God." When Sultan Mahmud Shah thus heard 

of the death of Sultan Mahmud Shah, Raja of Pahang, for seven 

days the royal bandf 592a was not allowed to play. He then com¬ 

manded the Sriwa Raja to go to Pahang and install Sultan 'Abdu'l- 

Jamal as Raja. The letter to Pahang was borne in procession, 

the Sri Wangsa 'diraja was given f 593 robes of honour by the king 

and the Sriwa Raja then set forth for Pahang accompanied by the 

Sri Wangsa 'diraja. And when they reached Pahang, Sultan 

'Abdu'l-Jamal was well pleased and forthwith ordered the letter 

to be brought ceremonially from the ship in accordance with 

ancient custom. On arrival at the hall of audience it was read, 

and it ran as follows:—“Greetings and good wishes from the 

younger brother to the elder brother. What has come to pass is 

in accordance with God's decree and how should we change it? 

Therefore the younger brother has bidden his servant, the Sriwa 

Raja, go to Pahang to install the elder brother as Raja." And 

Sultan 'Abdu'l-Jamal was well pleased with the wording of the 

letter (from his cousin )f 594 . 


He then inaugurated the installation festivities that lasted 

for seven days and seven nights, and he was duly installed by the 

Sriwa Raja by the beat of the drumf 594a of sovereignty. The Sriwa 

Raja then sought leave to depart; but Sultan 'Abdu'l-Jamal 

said, “Tarry awhile and let us noose elephants, for at this season 

elephants will be coming down from the hills and noosing 

elephants is rare sport!" But the Sriwa Raja replied, “If it please 

your Highness, I would ask to be allowed to depart notwith¬ 

standing, for if I do not put to sea now, the contrary wind will 

assuredly set in and I shall be delayed here, which will bring 

upon me the displeasure of your Highness' younger brother. 

Nevertheless I should greatly like to see some elephant-noosing. 

Would it perchance be possible to release these tame elephants 

here in the city and then have them noosed?" And Sultan 

'Abdu'l-Jamal answered that that could be done, and he sent for 


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144 The Malay Annals 


[ 168 — 169 ] the most experienced elephant-men in Pahang. When they came 

and were told what the oriwa Raja wanted, they said, "If we can 

noose wild elephants, we can certainlyf 595 noose tame ones!” And 

the Sriwa Raja said, "Just noose one for me, I want to see how 

it's done!” Sultan 'Abdu'l-Jamal then ordered that a tame 

elephant should be let loose. Other elephants were made to 

surround it and scores of skilled elephant-men held their nooses 

as though they were noosing wild elephants and pitched them at 

the feet of the tame elephant: but instead of catching the elephant 

that had been let loose they caught other elephants and even 

caught each other by the neck and feet! And the elephant men 

were astounded and said to Sultan 'Abdu'l-Jamal, "The fact is, 

your Highness, we cannot noose that elephant in the presence 

of the Sriwa Raja, for he knowsf 596 too much about elephants!” 

And Sultant 'Abdu'l-Jamal was covered with confusion when he 

saw what had happened, and he withdrew into the palace: where¬ 

upon all those present departed, each one to his house. 


On the following day Sultan 'Abdu’l-Jamal had his elephant 

Merkepal well smeared with oil, and he would not allow the pack- 

saddle to be put on. Merkepal had hind-quarters that sloped very 

steeply, so much so that only two keepers could sit on him at a 

time, a third was sure to fall off. Even two could only sit on his 

back if the pack-saddle were on. Sultan 'Abdu'l-Jamal then mount¬ 

ed Merkepal and made his way to the house of the Sriwa Raja, who 

when he learnt of the Sultan's coming forthwith. . the house and 

stood outside. Sultan 'Abdu'l-Jamal then asked him, "Where is 

your son, sirf 59Ga . I should likef 597 to take him with me on the 

elephant.” And the Sriwa Raja answered, "He is here, your High¬ 

ness”; but he thought to himself "He wants to kill my son, with 

an elephant whose back falls away as steeply as this, unsaddled 

and oiled into the bargain!” So he shouted to his son, "Omar, 

come here! The Raja wants to take you with him on his elephant.” 

When Tun 'Omar came, the Sriwa Raja whisperedj 598 something 

in his ear. Then he said out loud, "Go with the Sultan on his 

elephant!” Sultan 'Abdu'l-Jamal thereupon made the elephant 

kneel and Tun 'Omar quickly mounted the croup. The elephant 

then rose to his feet and set off towards Ayer Hitam. And Sultan 

'Abdu'l-Jamal took him up and down slopes that were steep and 

precipitousf 599 in order that, as he hoped, Tun 'Omar would fall 

off. But Tun 'Omar, when he felt that he was going to slide 

off, climbed backf 600 on to the elephant's middle, laying a charm 

on the beast. In vain then did the Raja of Pahang urge the 

elephant forward, he would'not move! So strongly did the king 

urge him forward that his forefeet pawed the air in the effort to 

advance while his hindlegs stood stock still! As soon as Tun 

'Omar felt sure of his seat he would let the elephant go and it 


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145 



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[*69—*70] would then move forward. This happened two or three times. 


And Sultan 'AbduTJamal was astounded, and finally turned 

round and went back to his palace. 


The Sriwa Raja then sought leave to return to Malaka, and 

Sultan 'Abdu'l-Jamal had a letter written in reply to that which 

he had received from Malaka, and he gave the Sriwa Raja robes 

of honour. The letter was borne in procession to the Sriwa Raja's 

ship, and he then sailed for Malaka. On his arrival there the letter 

was borne in procession to the palace, and Sultan Mahmud Shah 

was well pleased to hear how the letter was worded and also to 

hear of all that the Sriwa Raja had done in Pahang. He compli¬ 

mented him and gave him robes of honour as befitted his rank. 

And the Sriwa Raja told Sultan Mahmud Shah of Tun Teja, 

the Bendahara of Pahang's daughter, whose beauty was such that 

none could rival her at that time: but he added that she was 

betrothed to the Raja of Pahang and that the wedding would 

soon take place. And when Sultan Mahmud Shah heard the 

Sriwa Raja s description, he conceived a great desire for the 

Bendahara of Pahang's daughter, and he said, “Whosoever brings 

hither to me the daughter of the Bendahara of Pahang, to him 

will I give anything that he desires, even to the half of my city and 

my regalia!" When he said that, it happened that Hang Nadim 

was below and heard it, and he thought to himself, “I must go to 

Pahang and see if I can get Tun Teja and bringf 601 her to the 

Ruler." Thus resolved he took passage in a ship bound for 

Pahang. When he reached Pahang he made great friends with 

a Cham there, called Saidi Ahmad. And Hang Nadim said to 

Nakhoda Saidi Ahmad, “Is it true that Tun Teja, the Bendahara 

of Pahang's daughter, is a great beauty? I should dearly like to 

set eyes on her. And Nakhoda Saidi Ahmad answered, “Yes, 

it is true: but she is betrothed to the Ruler of Pahang. What 

chance is there of your seeing her? She's the daughter of a 

chief. Why, even the sun and moon can't get a sight of her, 

let alone people like you and me!" But Hang Nadim thought 

over the matter, and he said, “How can we (?I)f 602 contrive to 

get her?" , 


It happened at that moment that an old woman who gave 

massage passed by, and Hang Nadim calledf 603 her to come in 

and had himself massaged by her. And he asked her of whose 

household she was and she answered that she was one of the 

Bendahara's slaves. Hang Nadim then asked her “Do you go into 

the house of the Bendahara?" And she replied that she did so 

constantly asf 604 the Bendahara's daughter Tun Teja employed 

her to give her massage. Then said Hang Nadim, “Is it true, 

as I hear, that Tun Teja is a great beauty?" To which the old 

woman replied, “The fact is there's no one in Pahang to compare 


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146 



The Malay Annals 



[ 170 — 171 ] with her. She has been betrothed to the Raja of Pahang and is 

to be married this coming season .” And Hang Nadim said to 

the masseuse, "Can I trust you with a secret?” And she answered, 

"Yes, God willing, for many is the time I have been given 

messages to take.” Then Hang Nadim gave her much gold and 

fine clothing: and when she cast her eyes on this profusion of 

precious things, she was conquered by the love of the goods of this 

world and pledged herself to keep Hang Nadim’s secret. Then 

said Hang Nadim, "If it can be contrived, you mustf 605 find 

some way of bringing Tun Teja to me so that I can offer her to 

the Raja of Malaka.” And he gave her some civet (?) f 605a and bade 

her rub it on the skin of Tun Teja. This the masseuse said she 

would do, and she went forthwith into the Bendahara’s close, 

crying, "Who wants massage? I will do it!” And Tun Teja bade 

her attendants call the masseuse as she wished for massage. So 

the masseuse went into the house to massage Tun Teja. 


And when she saw that they were by themselves, she said 

to Tun Teja,” It seemsf 606 a pity to me that a girl of your beauty 

should be marrying this Raja of ours! If a great Raja became 

your husband, lady, how much better that would be!” But Tun 

Teja replied, "Why, who is a greater Raja than this Raja of Pahang 

of ours?” Whereupon the masseuse said, "It isf 606a the Raja of 

Malaka who is the great Raja, and he is a fine-looking man as 

well!” Tun Teja said nothing: and the masseuse rubbed the 

body of Tun Teja with the civet Hang Nadim had given her, 

at the same time saying coaxingly to her "At this very moment 

there is here a servant of the Raja of Malaka. He is called Hang 

Nadim and he is come here to take you at the bidding of his 

master, who cannot send to ask for your hand in the usual way, 

he fears that the Raja of Pahang would not consent. That is why 

he has bidden Hang Nadim take you away secretly. If you are 

willing, lady, he will take you to Malaka. You will then without 

a doubt become the consort of the Raja of Malaka, and as he has 

no consort at present, it is you, lady, who will become Queen. 

But iff you marry the Raja of Pahang, you will have to play second 

fiddle to the Queen of Pahang, whereas if you marry the Raja of 

Malaka, the Queen of Pahang will have to do obeisance to you!” 

And Tun Teja was won over by what the old woman said: as says 

the poet La ta’manunna ‘ajuzatan dakhalatul-khabail, hal ta’ 

manunna asada ma Tghanam, which being interpreted is Trust 

not an old woman that enters thy house: is a tiger to be trusted 

with a herd of goats? 7 


,When the old woman sawf 607 that Tun Teja was won over, 

she went and informed Hang Nadim. He was overjoyed and 

going to Nakhoda Saidi Ahmad he said, "Are we real friends, you 

and I?” And Nakhoda Saidi Ahmad answered, "Of course 


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[* 71 — 172 ] we are! Why, I would risk my life to help you!” Hang Nadim 

then told him how he had made a pact with Tun Teja And he 

said "If you are really my friend, go abroad your ship and wait for 

me at the mouth of the Pahang river, where I will join you at break 

of day. We will then go to Malaka, where I promise you the 

Ruler will raise you to honour.” Nakhoda Saidi Ahmad agreed 

and forthwith called in his crew, bidding them hasten, forf 608 the 

ship was about to sail now that the season was at hand. (?) Now 

Nakhoda Saidi Ahmad! 609 was a man clean out of the ordinary, 

his strength was prodigious. He then boarded his ship and went 

down the Pahang river until he had crossed the bar and there 

he lay to. 


And when it was night, Hang Nadim called the masseuse and 

bade her bribe the Bendahara of Pahang's gate-keepers. And she 

went and bribed them (?) and they agreed! 610 to hel^ (?) Hang 

Nadim. Then when day was about to break, at the time when all 

men are sound asleep, the masseuse brought Tun Teja to the man 

who was guarding the gate, and he opened the gate. Hang 

Nadim was waiting outside and the masseuse delivered Tun Teja 

to him. Hang Nadim wrapped! 611 his hands in cloth, received 

Tun Teja and bore her to a hired boat which was waiting at the 

landing-stage. Hang Nadim took her aboard the boat and then 

paddled off down stream. Now there were two successive booms 

across the Pahang river at that time. Hang Nadim filled the 

sleeves of his jacket with sand and he strewed the sand on the 

water, so that it sounded like a net being cast: and he asked the 

boom-keeper to open the boom. And the boom-keeper, hearing 

what sounded like a man casting a net, opened the boom. The 

same thing happened when they came to the next boom. Having 

passed both booms Hang Nadim paddled with all speed until he 

reached Saidi Ahmad's ship and put Tun Teja aboard. And 

the wind freshening, Nakhoda Saidi Ahmad ordered anchor to be 

weighed and then sailed for Malaka. 


And when it was day, Tun Teja's attendants came to the 

Bendahara and said, "Your daughter! 612 has disappeared: she is 

nowhere to be seen and none of usf 612a know where she is gone!” 

The Bendahara was dumbfounded, and though a thorough search 

was made, Tun Teja was not to be found. And loud was the 

wailing in the Bendahara's house. When Sultan ‘Abdul-Jamal 

came to hear what had happened, he was astounded and filled 

with grief, and lie gave orders for diligent inquiry to be made 

every-where. 


Presently there came a man who was from the mouth of 

the Pahang river to say that at dawn that day he had met Hang 

Nadim with a very beautiful woman whom he took on board the 


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148 



The Malay Annals 



[ 172 — 173 ] ship of Saidi Ahmad and sailed off with to Malaka. When the 



Raja of Pahang heard what the man said, he was very angry and 

ordered ships to be made ready. A fleet of forty sail was accord- 

' - 1 ■ - 1 Sultan ‘Abdu'l- 




And all' the 



Pahang war-chiefs hastened forth, each in his own ship: and when 

they reached Pulau Keban they came up with the ship of Saidi 

Ahmad. And the men of Pahang attacked the ship and there 

was a general melee in the course of which the Pahang war-chiefs 

tried to put a grappling iron on Saidi Ahmad's ship. But Hang 

Nadim shot with his arrows those who tried to do the grappling 

and killed them, and their ship withdrew from the fray. It was 

soon succeeded by another, which however suffered the same fate: 

and when two or three ships had fared likewise, not one of the 

Pahang war-chiefs would make another attempt to approach. 

When Sultan ‘Abdu'l-Jamal saw what was happening, he ordered 

his own ship to be brought in to the attack. When it approach¬ 

ed, Hang Nadim forthwith shot an arrowf 613 and split the top 

of the Raja of Pahang's umbrella. And Hang Nadim cried, “Now 

then, you Pahang men, mark well how I can shoot! If I was 

going to take on the lot of you, I'd shoot the eyeballs out of you, 

man by man!" And the Pahang men were filled with awe by 

Hang Nadim's prowess with the bow, for he was the best shot 

of his day; he could even split a tree with his arrow! 


And a strong wind sprang up and Saidi Ahmad put riqht 

out to sea, but the Pahang snips could not follow him, they 

were too small for the big sea that was running. The Pahang 

men accordingly went back, hugging the shore, while Saidi 

Ahmad sailed for Malaka. 


When in due course the ship arrived in Malaka, word was 

brought to Sultan Mahmud Shah that Hang Nadim was come 

from Pahang in Nakhoda Saidi Ahmad's ship, bringing with him 

Tun Teja, daughter of the Bendahara of Pahang: and Sultan 

Mahmud Shah was well pleased to hear this news. That night 

Hang Nadim went to present himself before Sultan Mahmud 

Shah and offer Tun Teja to him. And the king was so greatly 

amazedf 614 (by her beauty) that he exclaimed ‘May God be exalted 

above what they say!' And he highly commended Hang Nadim 

to whom he gave robes of honour complete with all accessories, 

together with a vast amount of gold and silver. He also had 

Hang Nadim wedded with a daughter of the Paduka^Tuan. 

Nakhoda Saidi Ahmad was given the title of Tun Stia ‘diraja: 

he was presented with a sword and it was ordered that he should 

stand on the step below the throne together with the heralds. 

And Sultan Mahmud Shah married Tun Teja and was deeply 

enamoured of her, and by her he had a daughter, Princess Arma 

(?) Dewi. 



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[ 173 — 174 ] According to one tradition Sultan Mahmud Shah asked Tun 


Teja how she had fared in the company of Hang Nadim: and 

she answered, “Not only did he keep a respectful distance from 

me, he never even fixed his eyes upon me; and when he helped 

me aboard the ship, he wrapped his hands in cloth/' This 

greatly pleased Sultan Mahmud Shah and he became in conse¬ 

quence even more bountiful to Hang Nadim. Now when the 

ship of Saidi Ahmad had sailed from Pahang, the Raja of Pahang 

returned in anger to his capital. And mounting his elephant, 

Beman Chengkobat he said to the Bendahara and the Pahang 

war-chiefs, “Make ready ships, gentlemen, for we are going to 

attack Malaka! And you shall see whether I do not charge the 

Raja of Malaka's hall with Beman Chengkobat!" So saying he 

drove the elephant at his own hall and brought it crashing to the 

ground. “Thus will I charge the Malaka hall with this elephant 

of mine!", said the king. And the war-chiefs bowed their heads 

in fear at this display of the wrath of Sultan 1 'Abdu'l-Jamal: and 

he then retired into the palace. When it wsa known 

in Malaka how the Raja of Pahang was disposed, Sultan Mahmud 

Shah said to his war-chiefs, “Which of you will get me this 

elephant of the Raja of Pahang with which he proposes to 

charge this hall? Undertake this task, one of you, and however 

great be that man's offence against me, never will I take his 

life!" Then said Laksamana Khoja Husain, “May it please your 

Highness to send me to Pahang and, God willing, I will get 

the Raja of Pahang's elephant and present it to your Highness." 

Sultan Mahmud Shah agreed and bade Bendahara Sri Maharaja 

compose a letter to send to Pahang. When the letter was ready 

it was borne in procession (to the ship) and the Laksamana set 

forth for Pahang. 


When in due course the Laksamana arrived in Pahang, word 

was brought to Sultan 'Abdul'l-Jamal, “the Laksamana has come, 

sent to your Highness by your Highness's younger brother.' 

Sultan 'Abdul'l-Jamal then came forth to the hall of audience 

and ordered that the letter be duly fetched from the ship and 

borne in procession! with appropriate ceremony. When it 

reached the hall of audience, it was read: and so pleasingly was 

it worded that the king was delighted. The Laksamana then 

did obeisance and took his seat, above the Sri Akar Raja of 

Pahang. And the Laksamana said to Sultan ‘Abdu'l-Jamal, 

“Your Highness, a report has reached your Highness's younger 

brother that your Highness is grievously offended with him. 

That is why I have been sent hither to present myself before 

your Highness and convey the message he sends to you. 'Why 

should we quarrel, brother with brother? Are not Malaka and 

Pahang but one country?' " And when Sultan 'Abdu'l-Jamal 

heard the words of the Laksamana, he replied, “Who brought 


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150 



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|[ 174 — 175 ] such a story to Malaka? What lies he was telling! What think 

you, Laksamana, is it reasonable that Pahang should fight 

Malaka?” Then ensued a brief conversation, after which Sultan 

'Abdu'l-Jamal withdrew into the palace and all those present in 

audience wentf 614a home. Now the Laksamana had moored his 

ship close to the place where the Raja of Pahang's elephant was 

bathed: and when the men in charge of the elephants brought 

their elephants down to bathe, the Laksamana sent for them and 

gave them food and gold, so that they were all well disposed 

towards Laksamana Khoja Husain, especially the man in charge 

of Beman Chengkobat whose favour the Laksamana took parti¬ 

cular painsf 615 to win. And the Laksamana cleared half his ship 

as a stable for the elephant and put it in order, for he had come 

to Pahang with but four ships. After he had been there some 

days, the Laksamana sought leave from the Raja of Pahang to 

depart for Malaka. Sultan ‘Abdu'l-Jamal then had a letter 

prepared in reply to that which he had received from Malaka, 

and he gave the Laksamana robes of honour. The letter was 

borne in procession to the Laksamana's ship; and when it had 

reached the ship, those who escorted it returned. The Laksa¬ 

mana tarried awhile, waiting until the elephants should be 

brought down to the river to bathe. When the time for the 

bathing of the elephants arrived, all the elephants including 

Beman were brought down to bathe by their keepers. The 

Laksamana then sent for Beman and put him aboard his ship, for 

the man in charge of Beman had a great liking for the Laksamana 

and would do anything he wanted. Once the elephant was 

embarked the Laksamana moved off downstream. And there was 

great excitement among the people of Pahang, the tale going 

round that the Laksamana was carrying off the elephant Beman 

by force. 


When Sultan ‘Abdu'l-Jamal heard the story, he was furious 

and cried, “The Raja of Malaka has treated usf 616 as people 

treat a monkey, putting banana into its mouth with one 

hand and sticking thorns into its rump with the other!” And 

he bade his war-chiefs make ready ships to pursue the Laksa¬ 

mana, and (? they set out with) a fleet of thirty sail under the 

command of Tun Aria. When they reached Sedili they came up 

with the Laksamana, and Tun Aria attacked, supported by the 

Pahang war-chiefs. But the Laksamana shot down with his 

arrows any who came within range and the men of Pahang were 

afraid to approach the Laksamana's ship. When Tun Aria saw 

this, he himself dashed in, but the Laksamana shot an arrow, 

hitf 617 the top of the mast of Tun Aria's ship and split it in 

two. He then sped another arrow and this time shot away the 

top of Tun Aria's umbrella. Tun Aria was standing opposite the 

f 618 mainmast, holding his buckler and taking no notice of the 


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[ 175 — 176 ] Laksamana’s arrows though they split everything like thunderbolts, 

so that those who carriedf 019 bucklers had their bucklers shot 

away, those who carried long shields were transfixed through their 

long shields: and men were killed beyond number. Tun Aria 

however continuedf 619a to attack the Laksamana’s ship until the 

Laksamana shot an arrow which pierced his shield and wounded 

him in the breast. When it was seen that Tun Aria had been 

wounded, the Pahang fleet turned and fled in complete disorder. 

The Laksamana then proceeded on his way hugging the coast and 

finally sailed for Malaka, which he reached in due course. When 

Sultan Mahmud Shah heard that the Laksamana had arrived 

and that he had brought the Raja of Pahang s elephant, he sent 

a party to welcome him. And when the Laksamana presently 

appeared before Sultan Mahmud Shah, the king bestowed upon 

him such presents as are given to princes. The elephant was 

landed from the ship and brought to the palace: and Sultan 

Mahmud was overjoyed to see the elephant and handed him 

over to the Sri Rama, for he was Master of the King's Elephants. 


Meanwhile the Pahang force which had pursued the Laksa¬ 

mana returned to Pahang, and the war-chiefs presented them¬ 

selves before Sultan ‘Abdu’l-Jamal to whom they related all that 

had happened. Ilis fury was as that of a snakef 619b as it rises above 

its coils. Sultan 'Abdu’l-Jamal then made his son Sultan Mansur 

Raja of Pahang in his place and abdicating from the throne, he 

took up his abode at Lubok Peletang, moving upstream until he 

could no longer hear the royal drum, and when he had reached 

that point, there he abode. He then gave himself up wholly 

to religion, wherefore after his death he was known as He who 

found the Mercy of God in Piety. When Sultan Mansur came 

to the throne, Raja Ahmad, the late Raja's father (? uncle), 

(? acted as regent) with Raja Muzaffar as chief minister. 


God knoweth the truth.


Chapter XX 


Chau Sri Bangsa, a Siamese prince, conquers Kota Mahligai 

(Petani), having vowed that he would turn Muhammadan if 

victorious. He fulfils his vow. The origin of the name Petani. 

Chau Sri Bangsa obtains recognition from Malacca and is installed 

as Sultan Ahmad Shah of Petani. The coming of Maulana 

Sadar Jahan to Malacca. Sultan Mahmud becomes his pupil. 

The Maulana’s rather Pecksniffian rebuke of the Sri Rama in 

his cups provokes a surprisingly good retort from the Sri Rama, 

and the Maulana has no success either in a verbal contest with 

Tun Mai Ulat Bulu. The mission to Pasai to pose a problem of 

theology. The message of Pasai is not put in writing but learnt 

by heart by the envoy for a special reason. Pasai gives an 

apparently satisfactory answer to the problem, though (as in 

the case in Chapter X) we are not told what it was. 


(Shellaber, chapter XXXII) 



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152 



The Malay Annals 


1*76—177] Here now is a story of a certain country called Kota Mahligai, 

of which Raja Sulaiman Shah was Raja. When news reached 

Siam that Kota Mahligai was a fine country, a Siamese prince, 

called Chau Sri Bangsa, organized an expedition and attacked 

Kota Mahligai. Raja Sulaiman set out to expel the invader and a 

battle ensued between the two princes. And Chau Sri Bangsa 

said, "If I defeat Raja Sulaiman I will embrace Islam/' And 

by the will of God Kota Mahligai fell, Raja Sulaiman was killed 

by Chau Sri Bangsa and Chau Sri Bangsa became the ruler of 

the people of Kota Mahligai. And he embraced Islam. He 

then gave orders to seek for land that would be a good site for a 

city. 


And people reported to Chau Sri Bangsa that there was a 

fishermanf 020 named Pa' Tani dewelling on the coast and that 

where he dwelt there was a good site, as far as they could judge. 

Chau Sri Bangsa accordingly proceeded to where Pa' Tani lived 

and saw for himself that the site was in fact as good as it had 

been made out to be. So he built a city there to which he gave 

the name of Patani after the fisherman, and it is by that name 

that the place is known (to this day)t 021 . And Chau Sri 

Bangsa sent (? Kum Pal) to Malaka to do homage and crave 

from Sultan Mahmud Shah the drum of sovereignty. Akun 

Pal accordingly set out and in the course of some days reached 

Malaka. When Sultan Mahmud Shah was informed that an 

envoy was come from Patani, he gave orders for the letter from 

Patani to be fetched with ceremony from the ship and brought 

in procession with such honours as were accorded to letters from 

Pahang. On arrival at the hall of audience'the letter was read 

and it was worded as follows:— "The son sends his obeisance 

to his father" and after various compliments it went on, "the 

son has ordered Akun Pal to do homage to the father and the 

son craves from his royal father the drum of sovereignty." 

Sultan Mahmud Shah was well pleased, and Akun Pal was 

given robes of honour befitting his rank and accorded a seat in 

the hall of audience on the same level as the heralds. Sultan 

Mahmud Shah then ordered Kadli Menawar Shah to compose 

an instrument for Chau Sri Bangsa conferring upon him the 

the title of Sultan Ahmad Shah. He then granted a drum of 

sovereignty and this, with complimentary presents to accompany 

the letter to Patani, was delivered to Akun Pal who was given 

robes of honour. The letter and the instrument were borne in 


P rocession to the ship of Akun Pal, who thereupon departed for 

atani. On his arrival at Patani he gave ordersf 621 * for the ruler- 

ship of Chau Sri Bangsa to be duly established and Chau Sri 

Bangsa was then installed as ruler by beat of the drum of so¬ 

vereignty, with the title of Sri Sultan Ahmad Shah. The king 

begat a son named Chau Kam (?) and Chau Kam (?) begat a 

son who became Raja in Siam (?). 


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[ 177 — 178 ] Now there came to Malaka a ship from the regions above 

the wind, and in this ship there was a pundit named Maulana 

Sadar Jahan. He was a great scholar and Sultan Mahmud Shah 

became his pupil and ordered his son, Raja Ahmad, to go to 

him for instruction. Maulana Sadar Jahan was known as “the 

Makhdum" and all the Malaka chiefs went to him for instruc¬ 

tion. And it happened one night that while Bendahara Sri 

Maharaja was conversing with Makhdum Sadar Jahan on points 

of doctrine, the Sri Rama appeared, very much the worse for 

liquor, for he was a great drinker. [When the Sri Rama pre¬ 

sented himself before Sultan Mahmud Shah, the king would 

order his servants to ‘bring the Sri Rama'sf 622 food’, and they 

would bring it on silver trays and present it to the Sri Rama, 

wearing the shoulder-cloth]. When the Sri Rama reached the 

Bendahara's house and perceived that the Bendahara was con¬ 

versing with the Makhdum, he said, “Let me join the class!" 

And Bendahara Sri Maharaja bade him be seated. But when 

Makhdum Sadar Jahan perceived that the Sri Rama was drunk 

and whiffed the smell of alcohol in the Sri Rama's breath, he 

said “Al-khamru ummu’l-kaba’ith” which means “alcohol is 

the mother of evils." To which the Sri Rama retorted 

“Al-hamku ummu ‘ 1-khaba’ith ", which means ‘Worldliness is the 

mother of evils'. Why was it, sir, that you came here from 

above the wind? Was it not to acquire riches? That was the 

result of worldliness!" At that the Makhdum was deeply offended 

and arose to go, and despite all the efforts of Bendahara Sri 

Maharaja to induce him to stay he refused to do so and went 

home. And Bendahara Sri Maharaja said to the Sri Rama, 

“What means this drunkenness? It is a good thing the Ruler 

did not hear what you said to the Makhdum! If he comes to 

know of it, you will be in bad odour!", And the Sri Rama 

replied, “I am in the Ruler's hands. What is to be done? 

What's said is said and can't be recalled." Food was then 


brought and set before the Sri Rama, and he and all the others 

present partook of it. After they had eaten they satf 623 for a 

while and the Sri Rama then took his leave of Bendahara Sri 

Maharaja and returned to his house. 


On the following day the Bendahara went by himself to the 

Makhdum's house, and Makhdum Sadar Jahan was delighted 

to see him. He was at the moment teaching Tun Mai Ulat Bulu 

[Tun Mai Ulat Bulu's real name was Tun Muhyi'ud-din and he 

was the son of Tun Zainu'l-‘Abidin and grandson of Bendahara 

Paduka Raja, but because he was hairy he was known as Tun Mai 

Ulat Bulu] In the course of the lesson it was found that Tun Mai 

Ulat Bulu was quite incapablef 623a of pronouncing what he was 

taught because the tongue of Malays always has been ‘hard'. And 

Makhdum Sadar Jahan was cross with him and said, “What is one 

to do with a tongue like Tun Mai Ulat Bulu's, so ‘hard' that when 


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154 



The Malay Annals 


I 1 78—179] we say one thing he says another?" And Tun Mai Ulat Bulu an¬ 

swered "I find it difficult to pronounce your language because it is 

not my own language. If you tried to pronounce my language, you 

would be in the same plight!" And Makhdum Sadar Jahan said, 

"Why, what is there difficult in this Malay language of yours that 

I cannot pronounce it?" Then said Tun Mai Ulat Bulu, "Please 

say kunyit, sir." The Makhdum pronounced the word as kun-nyit. 

"No, sir, that was wrong," said Tun Mai Ulat Bulu, "now try 

nyiru ." But the Makhdum pronounced the word as niru. Then 

Tun Mai Ulat Bulu said kuching , which the Makhdum pro¬ 

nounced as kusing. And Tun Mai Ulat Bulu said, "How can 

you claim to be able to pronounce our language, sir, any more 

than I can yours?" And Makhdum Sadar Jahan was furious and 

said, "Never again will I attempt to teach this Tun Mai Ulat 

Bulu!" 


It happened once that Sultan Mahmud Shah wished to send 

.an envoy to Pasai to ask for the answer to a question in dispute 

between the divines of the Country ! 624 beyond the River, the 

divines of Khurassan and the divines of Irak. And the king con¬ 

sulted with the Bendahara and the chiefs. "How are we going 

to send our message to Pasai?" he asked. "If we send it in 

writing, we shall certainly come off badly, for the men of Pasai 

have no scruples about altering the text of a letter. Even if the 

letter says 'greetings', they still make it say 'obeisance'! 625 ." Then 

said Bendahara Sri Maharaja, "In that case all we have to do is 

this; we send an envoy but without a letter and we order the 

envoy to commit the message to memory." And Sultan Mahmud 

Shah replied, "Yes, that will do, but Tun Muhammad must be 

the envoy." Tun Muhammad having signified his compliance, 

the letter was borne in procession to the ship; and as presents to 

accompany the letter the king sent a cleaver of Pahang make 

with gold inlay, a white cockatoo and a purple cockatoo. Tun 

Muhammad then set forth and on the voyage he committed the 

contents of the letter to memory. 


When Tun Muhammad reached Pasai, the Raja of Pasai was 

informed that an envoy was come from Malaka. The Raja of 

Pasai gave orders to his chiefs to fetch the letter with ceremony 

from the ship and bring it ! 626 with drum, pipe, clarionet and 

kettledrums. And when they came to Tun Muhammad, the chiefs 

sent to welcome the letter said to him, "Where is the letter? 

Let us take it in procession." But Tun Muhammad answered, 

"I am the letter! Take me in procession!" He was accordingly 

mounted on an elephant and taken in procession to the hall of 

audience. When the procession arrived at the hall, Tun 

Muhammad dismounted from the elephant and standing at the 

place where letters were read he proceeded to recite the letter, 

as follows:— 



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155 



[ 179 — 180 ] “Greetings and prayers to God from the elder brother to his 

younger brother Sri Sultanf 627 the Exalted, the Honoured 

King, Shadow of God in the World. The elder brother's reason 

for sending his chiefs, Tun Muhammad and Tun Bija 

Wangsa, to present themselves before his younger brother is that 

the elder brother wishes to know the explanation of this difficulty— 

first man kala, Inna’llah a taala khalikun warazkun fiTazali iakad 

kaiaxa , that is to say whoever declares God to be the creator and 

preserver to eternity is verily an infidel'; and second man kala . 

Inna’llaha taala lam yakun khalikan warazikan fil-azali iakad 

kaiara. that is to say 'whoever declares that God is not thq 

creator and preserver to eternity is verily an infidel.' It is 

desired that the younger brother should give the explanation." 

The Raja of Pasai assembled all the divines of Pasai and bade 

them give the required explanation but not one of them could do 

so. The Raja of Pasai then bade Tun Muhammad approach 

and when he was close to him the Raja of Pasai told him the 

(? explanation of the) difficulty, saying “Thisf 628 is the explana¬ 

tion that our brother in Malaka desires." This answer satisfied 

Tun Muhammad and he said, "It is as your Highness has said." 

Tun Muhammad then sought leave to return to Malaka and 

the Raja of Pasai had a letter written in reply to that from the 

Raja of Malaka: this letter was borne in procession to Tun 

Muhammad's ship. 


Tuil Muhammad then set out for Malaka, where he arrived 

in due course. The letter from Pasai was borne in procession 

according to ancient custom to the hall of audience where it 

was read, and Tun Muhammad related to the king what the 

Raja of Pasai had said and all that had happened at Pasai. 

Sultan Mahmud Shah was well pleased with Tun Muhammad's 

account, and the answer the Sultan of Pasai had given met with 

his approval. And Tun Muhammad and Tun Bija Wangsa were 

presented by him with robes of honour with accessories such 

as are worn by princess and they received other rich rewards.


Chapter XXI 


Legur invades Pahang, on instructions from Siam, and 

Sultan Mahmud sends a force to help Pahang, under the leader¬ 

ship of Bendahara Sri Maharaja accompanied by the Laksamana* 

Legur is defeated. The prosperity of Malacca. The visit of a 

Portuguese ship from Goa and the Malays* first meeting with 

Europeans whom they described as ‘white Bengalis*! The first 

attack of the Portuguese on Malacca. It is repelled. 


Here now is a story of the Raja of Legur, whose name was 

.Maharaja Dewa Sura. (Having been so commanded^ 29 by the 

Raja of Siam) he was making preparations to attack Pahang. 

When news of this reached Pahang, Sultan Mansur Shah, the 

Raja of Pahang, gave orders that the fort should be put in order 


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156 



The Malay Annals 


[ 180 — 181 ] for defence and that forces be assembled: all were to go into 

the fort and to put their weapons in order. When presently word 

reached Malaka that the Raja of Legur was going to attack 

Pahang on the orders of the Raja of Siam, Sultan Mahmud 

Shah sent for Bendahara Sri Maharaja, the Sri Bija 'diraja and 

the chiefs to consider what should be done about the attack on 

Pahang by the Raja of Legur. And the Sri Nara 'diraja said, 

"May it please your Highness, iff 030 we do not send men to 

assist Pahang (? , it will be unfortunate), for if anything should 

befall Pahang, will not that be to your Highness's detrimentf 031 ?" 

And Sultan Mahmud Shah replied, "In that case the Bendahara 

had better go to Pahang accompanied by the war-chiefs." "Very 

well, your Highness", said Bendahara Sri Maharaja, and he there¬ 

upon had shipsf 032 made ready. When the fleet was ready, 

the Bendahara was presented with robes of honour befitting his 

rank and he then set forth for Pahang, accompanied by the Sri 

Amar Bangsa, the Sri Utama, the Sri Petam (?), the Sri Nata, 

Sang Stia, Sang Naya, Sang Guna and Sang Jaya Pikrama; and 

with them went all the war-chiefs. 


And the ships, small and large, were past counting in number; 

for at that time the Raja's subjects in the city alone numbered 

ninetyf 633 thousand, to say nothing of those that dwelt in the out¬ 

lying territory. The Laksamanaf 634 was still at Sungai Raya, which 

was by custom the fief of the Laksamana; but when he had made 

ready his ship9 (the fleet of Sungai Raya at that time-was forty 

three-masted cruisers), he moved upstream towards Malaka. 

When he reached Batu Pahat, he came up with Bendahara Sri 

Maharaja and he went straightway to him. And Bendahara Sri 

Maharaja said to him. "Let us go to Pahang." But the Laksa¬ 

mana replied, "I have not yet received! 635 the royal command." 

"Even so", said the Bendahara, "I have received it." Then said 

the Laksamana, "I have not yet done homage." And Bendahara 

Sri Maharaja answered, "I have. Come let us go.": and at 

the same time he took the Laksamana's hand. There was 

nothing further the Laksamana could say and he set forth with 

the Bendahara. When they reached Pahang they found that 

one side! 636 of the fort remained unfinished. Bendahara Sri 

Maharaja and the war-chiefs went into the palace to present 

themselves before the Raja, who was well pleased to s'ee them 

and said, "There is one side of the fort still to be completed, 

sir,! 637 and I shall be glad if the men of Malaka will finish it." 

"It shall be done", answered Bendahara Sri Maharaja, and forth¬ 

with he gave orders for the men of Malaka to work on the 

fortifications under the supervision of the Laksamana. The 

Laksamana thereupon set the men of Malaka to work, and of 

himself at that time it could be said that his hands were busy, 

his feet were busy, his eyes were busy and his tongue was busy. 

With his tongue he had continually to be issuing orders; with 


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his eyes he had to see what work was good and what work was 

bad; with his feet he had to go hither and thither, and with his 

hands he had rattans to trim. And by the goodness of God 

the fortifications were completed in three days. 


Presently the Raja of Legur arrived in Pahang with his 

army, in numbers beyond counting, and they fought with the 

men of Pahang. But by the grace of God Pahang was victorious 

and the forces of Legur were heavily punished by the men of 

Pahang and many were killed. And the Raja of Legur fled head¬ 

long to Ulu Pahang and made his way through to Patani and 

thence back to Legur. And Sultan Mansur Shah rewarded 

Bendahara Sri Maharaja and the Malaka war-chiefs, and presented 

them with robes of honour befitting their rank. Thereupon 

Bendahara Sri Maharaja sought leave of Sultan Mansur Shah to 

an< ^ h a d a letter written for submission to 


Malaka. Bendahara Sri Maharaja then set out on his return 

journey and on his arrival in due course at Malaka presented 

himself before Sultan Mahmud Shah, who was well pleased to 

hear of the victory of Pahang. 


Now the city of Malaka at that time flourished exceedingly 

and many foreigners resorted thither; so much so that from 

Ayer Leleh to IIulu Muar there was an unbroken line of habita¬ 

tions, and it was thus too from Kampong Kling to Kuala Penajeh 

People journeying even as far as Jenggra had no need to take 

firmgf 638 with them, for wherever they stopped on the way 

there would be a dwelling-house. Such was the greatness of 

Malaka at that time; in the city alone there were a hundred and 

ninety thousand people, to say nothing of the inhabitants of the 

outlying territories and coastal districts. 


After a while there came a ship of the Franks from Goa 

trading to Malaka: and the Franks perceived how prosperous 

and well populated the port was. The people of Malaka for 

their part came crowding to see what the Franks looked like; and 

they were all astonished and said, “These are white Bengalis!” 

Around each Frank there would be a crowd of Malays, 

some of them twisting his beard, some of them fingering his 

head, some taking off his hat, some grasping his hand. And the 

commander of the ship landed and presented himself before 

Bendahara Sri Maharaja, who adopted him as his son and gave 

him robes of honour, as befitted his rank, while the commander 

t 639 for his part presented Bendahara Sri Maharaja with a gold 

chain. 


And when the season came round (for the return journey) 

the commander went back to Goa, where he described to tne 

Viceroy the greatness of the city of Malaka, the prosperity of the 


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[ 182 — 183 ] port and the number of the inhabitants. The Viceroy at that 

time was one Alfonso cTAlbuquerque. When he realised (? the 

greatness of) Malaka, the Viceroy was seized with desiref 640 to 

possess it, and he ordered a fleet to be made ready consisting of 

seven carracks, ten long galleys and thirteen foysts. When the 

fleet was ready, he ordered it to attack Malaka. On arrival at 

Malaka the ships forthwith opened fire with their cannon. And 

the people of Malaka were bewildered and filled with fear at the 

sound of the cannon, and they said, “What sound is this like 

thunder?” And when presently the cannon balls began to arrive 

and struck the people of Malaka, so that some had their heads 

shot away, some their arms and some their legs, the people of 

Malaka were more and more astonished to see what manner of 

thing this artillery was, and they said, “What may be this round 

weapon that yet is sharp enough to kill us?” The next day the 

Franks landed two thousand men armed with matchlocks apart 

from a vast horde of sailors and sepoys: and the men of Malaka 

under the leadership of Tun Hasan Temenggong went out to 

repel them. And when they encountered the Franks, battle was 

engaged, (the flashes of firef 641 from the cannon being like flashes 

of lightning in the heaven?) and the weapons falling like 

heavy rain. Then Tun Hasan Temenggong and the men of 

Malaka charged; and the line of the Franks was broken and they 

gave ground. Then the men of Malaka charged again, and this 

time the Franks were routed and fled to the waterside, pursued 

by the men of Malaka. They then embarked and sailed for 

Goa. And when they reached Goa, they related to the Viceroy 

all that had happened. The Viceroy was very angry and was for 

ordering a fresh fleet to be made readyf 64la there and then for 

another attack on Malaka. But the commanderf 641a of the Moors 

dissuaded him, saying, “As long as Bendahara Sri Maharaja is alive, 

Malaka will never fall.” To which the Viceroy replied, “That 

beingf 642 so, wait till I am no longer Viceroy and I will go myself 

and attack Malaka!” 


God alone knoweth the truth.


Chapter XXII 


The beauty of Tun Fatimah, daughter of Bendahara Sri 

Maharaja, who did not ‘shew* her to Sultan Mahmud and thereby 

incurred the royal displeasure. The wealth of the Bendahara. 

The lawsuit between Naina Sura Diwana and Raja Mendaliar 

which was to be heard by the Bendahara. One of the parties 

bribes the Bendahara, whereupon the other bribes the Laksa- 

mana to tell Sultan Mahmud Shah that the Bendahara is meditat- 

in a coup d’etat . This is Sultan Mahmud’s chance to work 

off the grudge he bears the Bendahara over Tun Fatimah and 

he orders the execution of the Bendahara, who is accordingly 

put to death along with his brother, the Sri Nara ‘diraja. When 

later Sultan Mahmud learns that the Laksamana s story was 

false, he is stricken with remorse and visits condign punishment 



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159 



[182—183] on the Laksamana and the man who bribed him. The old 


Paduka Tuan is then made Bendahara, much to his astonish¬ 

ment. His habits. Sultan Mahmud marries Tun Fatimah, 

but she mourns the death of her father and ‘never laughed or 

even smiled.’ So unhappy is Sultan Mahmud that he abdicates 

in favour of his son, Sultan Ahmad, and retires into seclusion 

with none to keep him company but his henchman Sang Sura. 


(SheJJabear, chapter XXXI and XXXII). 


Here now is a story of Bendahara Sri Maharaja's daughter. 

Tun Fatimah, whose beauty was such that she had no peer 

at that time. When she had reached marriageable age she had 

become moref 043 beautiful than ever, none could compare with 

her at that time. Moreover being the Bendahara's daughter she 

could wear what royal privilege denied to others. Bendahara 

Sri Maharaja proposed to marry her to Tun 'Ali, son of the Sri 

Nara 'diraja. And when the sireh f 644 was sent, Bendahara Sri 

Maharaja invited to his house the Raja di-Baroh, who was the uncle 

of Sultan Mahmud Shah and the eldest brother of Sultan 

Ala'u'd-din, and he shewed Tun Fatimah to him. When the 

Raja di-Baroh saw Tun Fatimah, he was dumbfounded by her 

beauty and said to Bendahara Sri Maharaja, "The Ruler—has he 

seen this daughter of yours?" When Bendahara Sri Maharaja 

replied that the Ruler had not yet set eyes on her, the Raja di- 

Baroh said, "If you will not be offended, Bendahara, there is 

something I would like to say to you." And Bendahara Sri 

Maharaja replied, "Say on, your Highness ."Then said the Raja di- 

Baroh, "This daughter of yours, Bendahara, is exceptionally 

beautiful, and to me it seems wrong that she should wed a man 

who is not of the blood royal. If you will take my advice, you 

will not give her in marriage yet awhile, for the Raja Perempuan, 

the Raja's consort from Pahang, is now dead and according to 

royal Malay custom, when there is no Raja Perempuan, it is the 

daughter of the Bendahara who becomes Raja Perempuan." But 

Bendahara Sri Maharaja answered, "No r your Highness, I am a 

man of presantf 045 stock and peasant should go with peasant." 

"Very well, Bendahara", said the Raja di-Baroh, "do as you please: 

I was only telling you what I thought." After that Bendahara Sri 

Maharaja proceeded to inaugurate the festivities for the marriage 

of his daughter. 


When the propitious time arrived for celebrating the wedding, 

Sultan Mahmud Shah was invited by Bendahara Sri Maharaja to 

be present at the ceremony, and he went to the Bendahara's 

house. As soon as Sultan Mahmud Shah arrived, the marriage 

of Tun ‘Ali and Tun Fatimah took place. Sultan Mahmud 

Shah then went into the inner room of the house to be present 

at the ceremony off 645a rice-taking, and when he saw Tun Fatimah 

he was astounded by her beauty and conceived a great desire for 


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£ 183 — 184 ] her. And he thought to himself, "What a knave this old Mutahir 

is! He has a daughter as lovely as this' and he has never shewn 

her to me!" There and then Sultan Mahmud bore malice in his 

heart against Bendahara Sri Maharaja. When the wedding was 

over he retired to the palace: but eat he would not, Tun Fatimah 

was never out of his thoughts; and day after day he sought to 

revenge himself on the Bendahara. After Tun ‘Ali had been 

married to Tun Fatimah for a while she bore him a daughter 

called Tunf 64G Trang, quite a pretty girl. 


Here now is the story of a certain man of Kalinga living 

in Malaka at that'time, who had been made Master of the Port, 

with the title of Raja Mendaliar, and was easily the richestf 647 man 

of his time in Malaka. It happened one day that he was present 

before Bendahara Sri Maharaja and the Bendahara said to him, 

"Now then, Raja Mendaliar, let us have the truth from you! 

How much are you worth?" And Raja Mendaliar answered, "I 

am not worth all that amount, your Highness, I have but five 

bahara of gold." To which Bendahara Sri Maharaja replied, 

"Then I am worth only one more bahara than you, Raja Menda¬ 

liar." Bendahara Sri Maharaja was in fact always engaging in 

business and never once did he come to grief in any of his enter¬ 

prises. If he was in a goodf 048 humour (?) he would call the 

children of the household and say to them, "Would you boys 

likef 649 to see some gold?" And when they said they would 

Bendahara Sri Maharaja would say," Go and fetch that chest 

yonderf 650 ." Then they would go and fetch the chest, carrying 

it between them, and lay it before Bendahara Sri Maharaja, who 

would order the contents to be poured out on to the mat and 

measured out with a gallon measure. Then he would say to the 

children, "Take a handful each to play with !" They would 

grasp a handful each and take it to the house which Bendahara 

Sri Maharaja was building. Then they would put the gold 

on the crossbeams or wall-planking which the carpenters were 

shapingf G50ft to go into position; after which they would leave 

the house. But when the men who who were working on the 

house came to work, they would see the gold and take it. Later, 

whent G50b the children remembered their gold, they would go 

back into the house to get the gold they had just put there so 

that they might play with it. Then they would see that the 

gold had disappeared and they would burst into tears. When 

Bendahara Sri Maharaja heard them crying, he would ask what 

they were crying about. And when he was told they had lost 

the gold he had just given them, he would say, "Don't cry! 

Tell me the truth f 051 and you shall have some more gold to 

take its place !" And he would give them another handful each. 


When the Bendahara's young folk went hunting wild 

buffalo or deer, if they had no sport they would stop on their 


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D® 4 — 1 ® 5 1 way at the Bendahara's byre, spear two or three buffaloes, order 

their throats to be cut, take the topside meat and have it sent to 

the Bendahara. And when he asked what meat it was, the men 

who brought it would say, "Buffalo, your Highness. Your sons 

and grandsons went out hunting just now but getting nothing 

they stopped on their way at your Highness's byre at Kayu Ara 

and took a buffalo (? each)! 052 ". Then the Bendahara would 

say, "The naughty young brats. That's what they always do, if 

they go hunting buffalo and get none, they hunt my buffaloes 

in the byre!" 


If a slave of the Bendahara's came (to visit him) from the 

country, all dressed up for the occasion in scarlet jacket and 

rainbow headcloth, he would invite him into his house thinking 

he was a foreigner. And when he had come in, the Bendahara 

would ask him, "And who are you, sir?" Then the man would 

say, "I am your slave, son of so and so, grandson of so and so!" 

Then the Bendahara would say, "Oh, you'ref 653 the son of so and 

so are you? Go down and sit under the house." Such was the 

grandeurf 65 * of Bendahara Sri Maharaja. And he would think 

to himself, "So great is my wealth that even when it goes to mv 

descendants they will not exhaust it!" 


It happened once on a festival day that the Bendahara and 

the chiefs had gone to the palace and were seated jn the hall of 

audience waiting for the Raja to appear. And Raja Mendaliar, 

who had come to presentf 635 himself before thq Raja, did obei¬ 

sance to the Bendahara. But the Bendahara flung aside his hands, 

saying, "That's just what one would expect from a Kling who 

doesn t know how to behave! The idea of paying your, respects 

to me here in the king’s hall! Couldn'tf 030 you come to my 

house to do that?" And Raja Mendaliar said not a word and 

withdrew. 


Subsequently a certain Naina Sura Dewana, the leading 

merchant in the city, had a claim against Raja Mendaliar and the 

two of them went and laid the matterf 657 before the Bendahara. 

But when they appeared it was already near afternoon and the 

Bendahara said, Go home now, gentlemen, for it is afternoon, 

and come back here to-morrow." Raja Mendaliar and Naina 

Dewana accordingly did obeisance to the Bendahara and sought 

his leave to depart, and they then went home. But Naina Sura 

Dewana thought to himself "This Raja Mendaliar is a rich man. 

If he gives the Bendahara a present, I shall certainly lose my 

case. That being so, I had better go and see the Bendahara 

to-night!" Having thus decided, when night fell Naina Sura 

Dewana took a bahara of gold and went with it to the house of 

Bendahara Sri Maharaja. When he came to the Bendahara's 

fence he asked the gate-keeper to tell the Bendahara that Naina 

Sura Dewana would like to see him. The gate-keeper forthwith 


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[185 — 186] informed Bendahara Sri Maharaja, who came out into his public 

hall. Naina Sura Dewana then went in and presented himself 

before Bendahara Sri Maharaja, and besought him to accept the 

bahara of gold, saying, "Your Highness, I crave your acceptance 

of this gold for whatever use you may have for it.” And Benda¬ 

hara Sri Maharaja answered, "Very well, as it is your gift to me, 

sir, I take it.” Naina Sura Dewana then sought the Bendaliara's 

leave to depart and betook himself to his house. 


Now there was a certain man of Kalinga named Kittul, who 

was related to Naina Sura Dewana, and he owed a catty (?)! 658 

of gold to Raja Mendaliar. When Naina Sura Dewana 

returned from the house of Bendahara Sri Maharaja, at midnight, 

Kittul went to the house of Raja Mendaliar and knocked! 659 

loudly on the door. Raja Mendaliar was startled and called out, 

"who's that at the door?” And Kittul answered, "It is I, Kittul.” 

Raja Mendaliar then ordered the door to be opened and Kittul 

came in. When he saw Raja Mendaliar happily in the company 

of his family! 660 , Kittul said, "You do well to be enjoying yourself 

this night, Raja Mendaliar, not knowing the misfortune that is 

coming upon you!” Raja Mendaliar then took Kittul by the 

hand and led him away to a place where they could be alone. 

Then he said, "Now then, Kittul, what is! 661 this that you've 

heard?” And Kittul replied, "This very night Naina Sura 

Dewana went to the Bendahara and gave him a bahara of gold 

to have! 662 you put to death. The Bendahara is now in collusion 

with Naina Sura Dewana and he will make an end! 602a of you!” 

When Raja Mendaliar heard what Kittul told him he took^Kittul's 

bond and tore it in shreds, saying "Your debt to me of a catty 

.of gold is remitted in this world and the next, and I regard you 

as my brother! 6620 .” Kittul then went home. That same night 

Raja Mendaliar took a bahara of gold, fine jewels and rich orna^ 

ments and went with them to the house of Laksamana Khoja 

Husain, because Laksamana Khoja Husain and his kinsmen were 

in high favour with Sultan Mahmud Shah. And when he came 

to the Laksamana's fence he asked for the gate to be opened and 

the Laksamana ordered that it should be opened. Raja Mendaliar 

then went in and presenting himself before the Laksamana sought 

his acceptance of all that he had brought, saying, "I am come into 

your presence, sir, because I have a duty to perform. It is neces¬ 

sary that you inform His Highness the Ruler, so that I may not 

be accused of complicity with him that is set over me, that it 

has come to my knowledge that Bendahara Sri Maharaja intends 

treason and has had a royal! 663 throne made for^ himself, his 

purpose being to make himself Raja here in Malaka. When the 

Laksamana set eyes on all the rich treasure that was being offered 

to him, his discretion forsook him, prey! 664 to the good things of 

this world: and he said to Raja Mendaliar, "Yes, I will inform 


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[186—187] His Highness the Ruler.” He then went into the palace and 

presented himself before Sultan Mahmud Shah, to whom he: 

related what Raja Mendaliar had told him. 


Sultan Mahmud Shah lent] 005 a ready ear to the Laksamana's 

story because lie had long harboured malice against Bendahara 

Sri Maharaja over his daughter: and he accordingly ordered 

Tun Sura 'diraja and Tun Indra Segara to put Bendahara Sri 

Maharaja to death. The two men went therefore (to the Benda- 

hara's house) accompanied by the Raja's slaves. (When they 

arrived) Bendahara Sri Maharaja's people and kinsmen gathered 

round him, all of them fully armed: and Tun Hasan Temenggong, 

the Bendahara's son, was for fighting. But the Bendahara said, 

"What, Hasan, would you be disloyal to your Raja and spoil the 

good namef 0(5(5 of your forebears? It is the custom of Malays that 

they shall never be disloyal to their Raja.'' When he heard 

Bendahara Sri Maharaja's words, Tun Hasan Temenggong threw 

away his weapon and stood with his arms folded. And the 

Bendahara said to his kinsmen and retainers, "If any of you 

resists, I will denounce him in the world to come!'' When they 

heard the words of (Bendahara) Sri Maharaja, all of them threw 

away their weapons and returned each to his house, leaving; 

Bendahara Sri Maharaja with his brother, the Sri Nara 'diraja, 

and his people. Then Tun Sura 'diraja and Tun Indra Segara^ 

came in bearing a creese from Sultan Mahmud Shah which had 

been placed on a salver and covered with a shoulder-cloth. They 

then took the creese out from under its covering (? and laid it) 

before the Bendahara, saying. "His Highness's] 667 greetings and 

prayers to God, verily the Will of Almighty God cometh to pass 

on this day." And" Bendahara Sri Maharaja and the Sri Nara 

'diraja answered, "Whatever cometh to pass in accordance with 

God's decree, I accept." Then were put to death Bendahara Sri 

Maharaja, the Sri Nara 'diraja and all of their people who accepted 

to die with them. At that moment Sang Suraf 068 came running 

from the palace with a royal command for Sang (? Tun) Sura, 

"the Ruler commands that the family be not utterly wiped out 

but that some be left to carry on the line." Then said Tun Sura 

(‘diraja) and Tun (Indra) Segara, “What is to be done? We 

shall incur the Ruler's displeasure, we have killed all butf 009 the 

children (?)!" And Tun Indra Segara said, "This child, Enche" 

Hamzah here, let us tend- him, we mayf 669a still be able to save 

his life." The Tun Hamzah of whom he spoke was the son of 

the Sri Nara 'diraja and he had been gashed] 6696 from the nape of 

his neck to the nipples. Tun Sura 'diraja forthwith took Tun 

Hamzah to Sultan Mahmud Shah who ordered that he be treated 

by- a doctor. By the will of Almighty God the child did not 

die. and he was to become in timef 670 a great favourite of Sultan 

Mahmud Shah's. After the death of Bendahara Sri Maharaja 


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The Malay Annals 


t 1 ® 7 — 18 ®1 all the property that he leftf 671 was taken to the palace, 

and Sultan Mahmud Shah then realised that the story 

about the Bendahara was false. He was prostrated with 

grief and repented bitterly that he had put Bendahara Sri Maha¬ 

raja to death without due inquiry. And he ordered that Raja 

Mendaliar be put to death for having made a false accusation, that 

Kittul be impaled horizontally and the Laksamana castrated. The 

Paduka Tuan, son of Bendahara Paduka Raja, was made Benda¬ 

hara by Sultan Mahmud Shah. The Paduka Tuan was already 

an old man andf 672 paralysed (?) as well, and he had lost all his 

teeth. When he was told that he was being made Bendahara, 

he tumbled himself down from where he sat, saying, "A fine 

sort of Bendahara this will be, crippled and paralysed!” (And he 

begged to be excused from accepting the appointment, but) 

Sultan Mahmud Shah insisted f 073 that he should become Benda¬ 

hara. It was he who was known afterwards as Bendahara Lubok 

Tanah (? Batu) 'the man of many children/ for he had thirty-two 

children, all of them by the same mother, and his grandchildren 

and great-grandchildren numbered seventy-four. 


His eldest son was called Tun Bayazid. Tun Bayazid was 

slightly deranged. If he went to the market he would take any¬ 

thing he saw. When Bendahara Lubok Batu came to hear of 

this, he gave orders that if Tun Bayazid went out for a walk, he 

should be followed by one of the Bendahara s servants bearing 

money. This servant took note of any stall that Tun Bayazid 

stopped at and when Tun Bayazid had gone on, the servant 

would go to the stall and ask, "What did the gentleman take just 

now?” And when the stall-owner replied that he had taken so 

and so, the servant who followed Tun Bayazid would ask what 

was the price of the goods: and when the stall-owner said it was 

such and such a price, the servant would pay accordingly. 


There was an elephant which the Bendahara had given to 

him. This elephant Tun Bayazid had sold fourteen or fifteen 

times. When Bendahara Luook Batu heard that the elephant 

had been sold by Tun Bayazid, he would buy it back again and 

give it to anotherf 674 or his sons. When Tun Bayazid saw 

his brother riding the elephant, he would make him dismount, say¬ 

ing, "This is my elephant, father gave it to me!” Then he would 

take the elephant, but after he had had it for two or three months, 

he would sell it again. When the Bendahara came to know, he 

would buy it back again. This happened time after time. Thrice 

was Tun Bayazid bound by his father for slapping the face of one 

of the Raja's slaves. The Bendahara at last told the Sriwa Raja 

to bind Tun Bayazid and take him to the palace: and he said, 

"Do you, Sriwa Raja, ask the Ruler to put him to death, for what 

use is a gallows-bird like this? I would Killf 674a his myself but the 


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[188—189] Ruler might be displeased' ". The Sriwa Raja accordingly took 

Tun Bayazid to the palace and related to Sultan Mahmud Shah 

what the Bendahara had said. And Sultan Mahmud Shah 

remarked, "What oddf 675 things the Bendahara does! Merely 

on account of a slave he binds his own son! Let him go!" So 

Tun Bayazid was released and was given robes of honour by 

Sultan Mahmud Shah and told to return to the Bendahara. And 

when the Sriwa Raja told the Bendahara what the Raja had said, 

the Bendahara observed, "That's just like the Ruler! Bayazid has 

only to be bound for the Ruler to order his release and give 

him robes of honour! That'll make Bayazid more of a gallows- 

bird than ever!" When the Bendahara’s back was turned, Tun 

Bayazid said to the young men around him, "When my father 

binds me, he shews a nice sense of colour! When I was wearing 

a dark red jacket, he bound me with a cloth that had a green 

ground; when I was wearing a white jacket, he bound me with a 

cloth that had a red ground; and when I was wearing a purple 

jacket, he bound me with a cloth that had a yellow ground! 

And all the young men laughed at this sally of Tun Bayazid s. 


Another son of Bendahara Lubok Batu was called Khojaf 076 

Ahmad; it was he who was given the title of Tun Pikrama (Wira) 

and he was the father of Tunf G77 Isak Berakah. 


Another son of Bendahara Lubok Batu was called Tun Pauh: 

he was the father of Tun Jamal; Tun Jamal had many children. 

The eldest, was called Tun Utusan: then came Tun Bakau, Tun 

Menawar and Tun Sulaiman, who was made Sri Guna 'diraja: 

then came a daughter called Tun Seni, who was married to 

Tun Tiram, son of Sang Stia: then another daughter who was 

married to Tun Bayazid Itam and had a son, Tun Mat 'Ali. Tun 

Bakau had four (?) children; Tun Bayazid Ibrahim, Tun Bentan 

and Tun Abu, who was made Sri Bijaya Pikrama. Tun Menawar 

had four children; Tun Buang, Tun Husain, who was made 

Paduka Sri Raja Muda; Tun Hasan, who was made Sri 

Pikrama Raja; and a daughter who married Tun Bentan. 

The Sri Guna 'diraja too had many children; Tun Mat, 

Tun Boh, Tun Pekoh, 'zid Boh and (? Tun) 'zid. 


Another child of Bendahara Lubok Batu, a daughter, was 

married to Tun Perpateh Kasim, by whom she had a daughter, 

Tun Putri. Tun Putri married Tun Iman 'diraja, by whom 

she had a son Tun Tahir. It was Tun Tahir wno was made 

Sri Pikrama Raja of Batu Sawar. 


Now the daughter of Bendahara Sri Maharaja named Tun 

Fatimah, who was so beautiful, was taken by Sultan Mahmud 

Shah to be his consort, and he was deeply enamoured of her. 


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The Malay Annals 


[*89—190] gut Tun Fatimah sadly mourned her father^ and throughout her 

married life with Sultan Mahmud Shah never once did she 

laugh or even smile. As was her sadness, sof 678 was the 

king's; and he bitterly repented what he had done. And he 

abdicated from the throne in favour of his son Sultan Ahmad, 

to whom he made over his officers and the regalia. And Sultan 

Mahmud Shah (went and) took up his abode at Kayu Ara, with 

no one but Sang Suraf 079 to keep him company. 


According to the account we have received, whenever Sultan 

Mahmud Shah went for a ride to Tanjong Kling or elsewhere, 

it was Sang Sura alone that escorted him, carrying three things: 

first the betel-set, second a package and third a water bottle. If 

Sultan Ahmad heard that his father was going out riding, he 

would order the chiefs to escort him. But no sooner did 

Sultan Mahmud Shah see people coming to escort him than he 

would set spurs to his horse and gallop away, refusing to be 

escorted by the chiefs. And Sang Sura would run at top speed 

keeping up with the kings horse; and as he ran he would place 

his footprints over the hoofmarks of the horse so as to obliterate 

them and prevent their being seen; and at the same time in 

the palm of his hand he made betel quids for his royal master. 

Thus lived Sultan Mahmud Shah in retirement. 


When Sultan Ahmad became Raja he had no great liking 

for the chiefs. His favourites were Tun 'Ali Hati, Tun Mai 'Ulat 

Bulu and Tun Muhammad Rahang together with the young 

men about the court, thirteen of them, and the king's slaves. 

They were his companions in sport and pastime. This Tun Mai 

Ulat Bulu was the son of (Tun) Zainu'UAbidin, who was the 

son of Bendahara Paduka Raja, who lived at Lubok China and was 

known as Datok Lubok China. Tun Zainu'UAbidin had five 

children; three sons, of whom the eldest was Tun Salehu'd-din, 

the second Tun Jalalu'ddin and the youngest Tun Mahaiyi d-din: 

the daughter was married to Bendahara Sri Maharaja. Tun 

Salehu’d-din begat Tun Tahiru'd-din and Tun Tahiru'd-din 

begat Orang Kaya Sogoh and the father of Tun Sulaiman. Tun 

Jalalu'd-din begat Tun Mai; who was known as Tun Mai Ulat 

Bulu. It was he who was a great favourite of Sultan Mahmud 

f (579a Shah's, and he was made Temenggong with the title of Sri 

Awadana. 


Sultan Mahmud Shah was deeply attached to Tun Fatimah 

and he ordered that she should be called Raja Perempuan. But 

if she became pregnant by Sultan Mahmud Shah, she caused 

abortion. When this had happened two or three times Sultan 

Mahmud Shah asked her, "Why is it that when you are with 

child you cause abortion? Is it that you dislike bearing a child 

to me?" And Tun Fatimah answered, "Why should you want 

children of me any longer when you already have a son on the 


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167 



translated by C. C. Brown 


J190—191] throne?” And Sultan Mahmud Shah said> "Even so, if you 

conceive by me, let the child be born: if it be a son, it is 

hef 080 that we will make Raja.” In the course of time Tun 

Fatimah again became pregnant, but she did not cause abortion 

and when the time came, she bore a daughter of great beautv< 

As soon as the daughter was born, Sultan Mahmud Shah took 

her in his arms and kissed her, and he gave her the name of 

Raja Puteh. She was his favourite child, his affection, 

for her was indescribable. Sultan Mahmud Shah had another 

daughter by Tun Fatimah: she was called Raja Khatijah. 

During this time Sultan Mahmud Shah (? Ahmadf 681 ) con- 

.stantly pursued his studies with Makhdum Sadar Jahan.


Chapter XXIII 


d’Albuquerque attacks Malacca. The bravery of Sultan 

Ahmad in the face of an attack which is not to the liking of 

his tutor, Makhdum Sadar Jahan. The incident of the Hikayat 

Muhammad Hanafiah and the Hikayat Hamzah. Sultan Ahmad 

is wounded and the Malacca defenders are stirred to fresh efforts 

but Malacca falls and Sultan Ahmad flees to Pahang and finally 

to Bentan, accompanied by his father. His conduct offends 

Sultan Mahmud who has him murdered and resumes the throne, 

Sultan Mahmud sets up a new administration at Bentan and 

appoints as his successor his son by Tun Fatimah, thereby dis¬ 

placing Raja Muzaffar Shah. 


(SheJlabear, chapter XXXIV) 


Here now is a story of Fongso d’Albuquerque. At the end 

of his term of offipe as viceroy he proceeded to Pertugal and 

presenting himself before the Raja of Pertugal asked for an 

armadaf 082 . The Raja of Pertugal gave him four carracks and 

five long galleys. He then returned from Pertugal and fittedf 683 

out a fleet at Goa, consisting of three carracks, eight galeasses, 

four long galleys and fifteen foysts. There were thus forty 

(sic) craft in all. With this fleet he sailed for Malaka. And 

when he reached Malaka, there was great excitement and word 

was brought to Sultan Ahmad, "The Franks are come to attack 

us! They have seven carracks, eight galeasses, ten long galleys, 

fifteen sloops and five foysts.” Thereupon Sultan Ahmad 

had all his forces assembled and he ordered them to make ready 

their equipment. And the Franks engaged the men of Malaka 

in battle, and they fired their cannon irom their ships so that 

the cannon balls came like rain. And the noise of the cannon 

Avas as the noise of thunder in the heavens and the flashes of 

fire of their guns were like flashes of lightning in the sky: and 

the noise of their matchlocks was like that of ground-nutsf 083a 

popping in the frying-pan. So heavy was the gun-fire that the 

men of Malaka could no longer maintain their position on the 

shore. The Franks then bore down upon the bridge with their 

galleys and foysts. Thereupon Sultan Ahmad came forth, 

mounted on his elephant Jituji, 


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168 



The Malay Annals 


f 191 — 192 I The Sri Awadana was on the elephant's head, and to balance 

him on 4:he packsaddle Sultan Ahmad took him (Makhdum 

Sadar Jahan because he was studying the doctrine of the Unity 

of God with him. On the elephant's croup was Tun ‘Ali Hati. 


And the king went forth on to the bridge and stood there 

amid a hail of bullets. But Makhdum Sadat Jahan clasping the 

pannier with both hands cried out to Sultan Ahmad Shah "Sultan, 

this is no place to study the Unity of God, let us go home!'* 

Sultan Ahmad smiled and returned to the palace. And the 

Franks shouted from their ships, "Take warning, you men of 

Malaka, to-morrow we land!",And the men of Malaka answered* 

"Very well!" 


Sultan Ahmad Shah then sent out men to assemble! 080 all 

his forces and bidf 080a them get ready their arms. That night the 

war-chiefs and the young nobles were waiting in the hall of 

audience, and the young nobles said, "Why do we sit here idly?f G86l> 

It would be well for us to read a tale of war that we may 

profit from it." And Tun Muhammad Unta said, "That is very 

true, sir. Let us ask the Raja to give us the Story of Muhammad 

Hanafiah." Then the young nobles said to Tun Aria, "Go, sir, 

and take this message to the Ruler, that all of us crave from him 

the Storyf 087 of Muhammad Hanafiah, in the hope that we may 

obtain profit from it, for the Franks are attacking tomorrow." 

Tun Aria accordingly went into the palace and presented him¬ 

self before Sultan Ahmad, to whom he addressed the young 

nobles' request. And Sultan Ahmad gave him the Story of 

Hamzahf 088 saying, "We would give you the Story of Muham¬ 

mad Hanafiah did we not fear that the bravery of the gentlemen 

of our court falls short of the bravery of Muhammad Hanafiah! 

But it may be that their bravery is such as was the bravery of 

Hamzah and that is why we give you the Story of Hamzah." 


Tun Aria then left the palace 1 bearing the Story of Hamzah 

and he told the young nobles what Sultan Ahmad had said. At 

first they were silent, but presently Tun Isak Berakah replied to 

Tun Aria, "Represent humbly to the Ruler that he has spoken 

amiss. If he will be as Muhammad Hanafiah, we will be as 

war-chief Bania' (Beniar): if! 089 his bravery is as that of Muham¬ 

mad Hanafiah, ours will be as that of war-chief Bania'." And 

when Tun Aria took this message from Tun Isak Berakah to 

Sultan Ahmad, the king smiled and gave them the Story of 

Muhammad Hanafiah instead. 


When day dawned, the Franks landed and attacked. And 

Sultan Ahmad mounted his elephant Juru Demang, with the Sri 

Awadana on the elephant's head and Tun ‘Ali Hati balancing 

the king on the packsaddle. The Franks then fiercely engaged 

the men of Malaka in battle and so vehement was their onslaught 


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169 



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[192 193 ] that the Malaka line was broken, leaving the king on his elephant 

isolated (?)f C9 °. And the king fought with the Franks pike to 

pike, and he was wounded in the palm of the hand. And he 

shewedf 691 the palm of his hand, saying “See this, Malays!” 

And when they saw that Sultan Ahmad was wounded in the 

hand, the war-chiefs returned to the attack and fought the 

Franks. 


And Tun Salehu’d-din called upon Orang Kaya Sogoh to 

fight with the Franks pike to pike. And Tun SaleWd-din was 

struck in the chest and killed, and twenty of the leadingf 692 war- 

chiefs were killed. The Sri Awadana was wounded in the 

groin, so the elephant was made to kneel and he was put on a 

litter. Sultan Ahmad ordered him to be examined by a doctor, 

who explored the wound with the pointed endf 693 of a sireh 

leaf and said, “All is well, the wound can be treated. But had 

it been half a rice grain deeper, the Sri Awadana would have 

died.” And Malaka fell. The Franks advanced on the King's 

audience hallf 094 (?) and the men of Malaka fled. Bendahara 

Lubok Batu was borne off the field by one Selamat Gagah, closely 

pursued by the Franks. And the Bendahara said to the man 

who was bearing him,” “Hurl me against the Franks!” But his 

family would not allow this. Whereupon the Bendahara cried, 

“What cowards these young men are! If I was still a young 

man, I would die fighting for Malaka!” 


Sultan Ahmad then withdrew to Hulu Muar and thence 

to Pagoh. Sultan Mahmud Shah had taken up his abode at 

Batu Hampar. Sultan Ahmad then established a fort at Ben- 

tayan. Meanwhile the Franks occupied Malaka where they 

turned the royal demesne into a fort; which fort is there to this 

day. Then the Franks advanced to Muar and attacked Pagoh, 

which fell after several days fighting; and Sang Stia was killed. 

Sultan Ahmad then withdrew to Hulu Muar. In Muar the Ben¬ 

dahara died: he was buried at Lubok Batu, whereafter he was 

known as Datok Lubok Batu. After a while Sultan Ahmad and 

his father, Sultan Mahmud Shah, left Hulu Muar and wentf 695 

on to Pahang, where they were welcomed by the Raja of Pahang. 

Sultan Mahmud Shah gave his daughter by his Kelantan consort 

in marriage to the Raja of Pahang whose name was Sultan 

Mansur Shah. From Pahang Sultan Ahmad went to Bentan and 

established a settlement at Kopakf 696 . 


Sultan Ahmad still had no love for his officers and chiefs: 

his favourites were the (young) men of the court of whom we 

have already made mention. When these young gentlemen 

dined at the palace, their food was hand-fed f 697 fowl, rice cooked 

with turmeric, suet. Then when the officers of state and the 


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,170 



The Malay Annals 



£193—194] chiefs came to present themselves before Sultan Ahmad, the 


young men would say, "Where is that turmeric rice we had just 


now? Where are the remains of that hand-fed fowl we ate just 


now?’' When Sultan Mahmud Shah came to hear how his 

son was behaving, he was displeased and gave orders to makef 697a 

away with him. Upon the death of Sultan Ahmad, his father, 

Sultan Mahmud Shah, became Raja. And he called togetherf 698 

all the young nobles and the slaves of Sultan Ahmad and said to 

them, "Let none of you be afraid. As you were with Ahmad, 

so shall you be with me." And they answered, "Very well, your 

Highness. Whatever be your Highness's bidding, there shall 

we be (to do it)." Sultan Mahmud Shah then sent for Tun 'Ali 


Hati. But Tun 'Ali Hati refused to come, saying, "As for me, 


it was your Highness’s son who befriended me. If he had met 


his death at a foeman’s hand, assuredly I would have died with 

him. As it is what am I to do? It is by the will of your 

Highness that the 'heavensf 090 have fallen upon the earth’, and 

as Malay subjects are never disloyal, I can only ask that I be put 

to death." When Sultan Mahmud Shah was informed of what 

Tun 'Ali Hati, had said he replied, "Tell 'Ali Hati, if Ahmadf 699 ® 

was a good friend to him, so will I be. Why does he talk in 

this way? I have no wish to put him to death!" What the 

Raja said was communicated to Tun 'Ali Hati, who replied, "What 

I would ask is that I may be put to death all the same, for I 

have no wish to serve another master." In vain did the king 

endeavour to persuade him not to throw away his life, 

Tun 'Ali Hati refused and only asked to be put to death. 

At last therefore Sultan Mahmud Shah ordered that he be put to 

death. Sultan Mahmud Shah now set about organizing the 

administration of his kingdom. Tun Pekermaf 700 (sic), the 

Bendahara’s son, was made Bendahara, with the title of Paduka 

Raja: the Sri Amarabangsa, grandson of Bendahara Puteh, was 

made Chief Minister and sat (in the hall of audience) opposite 

the Bendahara. [This Sri Amarabangsa was the father of Tun Abu 

Isahak, who was the father of Tun Abu Bakar. Tun Abu Bakar 

under the Johor empire held the title of Sri Amarabangsa. His 

brother was named Orang Kaya Tun Muhammad and he was the 

father of Orang Kaya Tun Undan and Orang Kaya Tun Sulat]. 

Tun Isakf 701 was given the title of Paduka Tuan: and Tun 

Hamzah,f 702 the son of the Sri Nara 'diraja, was made Treasurer, 

with the title of Sri Nara 'diraja. It was he who was a great 

favourite of Sultan Mahmud Shah. Tun Biajit Rupa, son of 

Bendahara Sri Maharaja, was made a minister of state with the 

title of Sri Utama. It was he who was the father of Tun Dolah. 

Tun '!Umar, son of Sri Maharajaf 703 (sic), was also made a 

minister of state, with the title of Sri Petam. Tunf 703a Muhammad, 

the brother of the Sri Nara 'diraja, was made Chief Herald, with 

the title of Tun Nara Wangsa: and the son of the Paduka Tuan 


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translated by C. C. Brown 171 


I 194 — 195 1 who was called Tun Mat was given the title of Tun Pekerma Wira. 


Laksamanaf 704 Khoja Husain had died in sorrow and was 

buried on Bukit Pantau. It was he who was known subsequently 

as 'Laksamana Pantau'. Hang Nadim was then made Laksamana. 

It was he who gained great fame as a warrior and fought in 

thirty-two fights in which blood was shed by the bucketfulf 765 . He 

married a cousinf 70r>a of Bendahara Lubok Batu and by her he had 

a son named Tun Mat 'Ali. (On the death of Sultan Ahmad) 

Sultan Mahmud Shah designated his son Raja Muzaffar Shah 

as his successor on the throne: and he married him with Tun 

Trang, grand-daughter of Bendahara Sri Maharaja and daughter of 

Tun Fatimah by Tun 'Ali. And whenever Raja Muzaffar Shah 

sat in the hall with people before him, there was laid for him 

first a spread-out mat and then a rugf 706 . On the rug there was a 

sitting-mat and on the topf 706a of all the royal cushion. Thereon 

he sat. Now Tun Fatimah was again with child: and when her time 

was accomplished, she brought forth a very good-looking son, 

whom Sultan Mahmud Shah named Raja Ala’u’d-din Shah. No 

sooner was this prince born than the royal cushion of Raja 

Muzaffar Shah was removed. And when Sultan Ala’u’d-din was 

seven days old, his father had his headf 70Gb shaved, whereupon the 

rug of Raja Muzaffar Shah was removed and he was left with 

nothing to sit upon except a mat such as ordinary people use. And 

when he was forty days old Sultan Ala’u’d-din was named by Sultan 

Mahmud Shad as his successor on the throne, to be styled Sultan 

Muda. And when in due course he reached man’s estate Sultan 

Muda shewed himself to be a prince of very kindly disposition (?). 


God knoweth the truth.


Chapter XXIV 


Sultan 4 Abdullah, Raja of Kampar, refuses to visit Sultan 

Mahmud in Bentan or to own allegiance to him any longer: and 

fearing reprisals he seeks the assistance of the Portuguese. 

Sultan Mahmud orders an attack on Kampar, but the Malay 

fleet is worsted by the Portuguese and the Malays seek refuge 

in Indragiri where Tun Biajit beats all comers at cockfighting, 

including the Raja himself. Sultan ‘Abdullah is taken prisoner 

by the Portuguese and sent first to Goa and then to Portugal. 

Sultan Mahmud sends for Sultan ‘Abdullah’s chiefs and vents 

his wrath upon them. (Part of this chapter will be found m 

Shellabear , ch. XXXIV) 


Here now is a story of Sultan 'Abdullah, the Raja of 

Kamparf 707 , who had become disloyal and refused to acknowledge 

Sultan Mahmud as overlord or to present himself before him at 

Bentan. And he sent envoys to Malaka asking for the assistance 

of the Franks. This assistance was given by the Commandant of 

Malaka; which prompted subsequently the verse 


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[ 195 — 196 ] 



172 The Malay Annals 


Tugf 708 and lug, strain every nerve] 709 

To lop a cubit’s length of kandis*: 


How mad must be this petty king 


To leave the sweet and toothsome manggisV 


Because he sees a hartal t ripe! 


When Sultan Mahmud Shah heard about Raja 'Abdullah he was 

very angry and ordered an expedition to be fitted out for an 

attack on Kampar. Those who were appointed to go were forty 

ministers of state; first, the Sri Amarabangsa; second, the Sri 

Utama; third, the Sri Petam; fourth, the Sri Nara; fifth, Tun] 709 * 

Biajit, a son of Laksamana Hang Tuah (? and) the war-chiefs. 

When the fleet was ready, the expedition set out, with the Sri 

Amarabangsa in command. And when they reached Kerumutan,. 

the Franks who were on their way to assist Kampar with ten 

foysts and five brigantines encountered the Malay fleet and battle 

was engaged. After fierce fighting the Malay fleet was routed and 

all aboard the ships took to the water and came ashore at Keru¬ 

mutan, whence they made their way to Indragiri. [When they 

took to the water Tun Biajit’s mistress brought nothing away 

with her but one of Tun Biajit’s cock-spurs. All who had 

mistresses with them bundled them up in matting for the march 

and made the crewt 709b carry them on their shoulders: then when 

they came to a stopping-place on the march, the bundles were 

opened.] 


After a march of some days they reached Indragiri, whereupon 

the Sri Amarabangsa, the Sri Utama, the Sri Petam, the Sri Nara 

Tun Biajit and all the rest of the defeated company presented 

themselves before Sultan Narasinga] 7090 who bestowed bounty 

upon them, to each man according to his rank. Tun Biajit sought 

out the best gamecock he could find and when he had tended] 71 ** 

it he went in for cock-fighting with it. When the men of 

Menangkabau saw Tun Biajit cock-fighting, they challenged him. 

And he accepted their challenges and fought them, sometimes 

winning, sometimes losing but more often winning. The 

Menangkabau people then joined together] 711 to defeat Tun 

Biajit (?). Raja Narasinga had a cock that had been brought 

from Menangkabau. This cock had been taken round thirty cities 

by its owner for a match, but no one would accept the challenge. 

It weighed ten tahils ] 711a and the owner ] 711b would say, “For 

a fight with this cock of mine the challenger must put up its 

weight in gold as the] 711c stakes.” When Raja Narasinga bade 

Tun Biajit pit his cock against this one, Tun Biajit agreed and 

proceeded to look for a-cock. When he had found one to his 

liking, he got it ready for the ring and then challenged the 

Menangkabau owner. A nd Raja Nara Singa said, “You and I, 


* an acid fruit H mangosteen f unidentified. 


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[ 196 — 197 ] 



translated by C. C. Brown 173 


Tun Biajit, will fight for ten tahils, and the owner of the bird 

(I am backing) will put the weight of it in gold as his stake. 

That makesf 711d a catty of gold and people at the ringside will 

put up ten tahils, making thirty tahils as the total stakes/' All 

Tun Bia jit's men then proceeded to wager on Tun Biajit's bird. 


When the birds had been pitted against each other, the 

spurs were put on and Tun Biajit stained the spurs of his cock with 

the blackening oil that gives long life (?) He then said, 

“Stakes, please", and the Menangkabau people put up their stakes, 

some a tahil, some two tahils, some three tahils. When all thirty 

tahils had been put up, Tun Biajit proceeded to divide up the 

gold in parcels, some of two tahils, some of a tahil and some of 

half a tahil. When this was done, he distributed the gold among 

his companions and what was left over he tied up securely into 

a package. The cocks were then released, and no sooner had Raja 

Narasinga's set foot in the ring than it was stabbed in the wattle 

by Tun Bia jit's and lay prostrate. And forthwith the men of 

Ben tan gave a mighty cheer. The men of Menangkabau had 

learnt their lesson and from that day onwardsf 712 refused to cock¬ 

fight again with Tun Biajit! 


After the men of Bentan had stayed some while in Indragiri, 

Raja Singa gave orders for them to be conveyed back to Bentan. 


And the fleet of the Franks that defeated the Bentan fleet 

went up the river to Kampar so that the Franks could present 

themselves before Sultan 'Abdullah. And Sultan 'Abdullah gave 

robes of honour to the Portuguese commander, and he then 

went aboard a foyst of the Franks to see what a foyst was like. 

Forthwith the Franks bound Raja 'Abdullah and the foyst set off 

downstream, to the amazement of the people of Kampar. Sultan 

Abdullah was taken by the Franks to Malaka. And when they 

arrived there, the Portuguese commander stronglyf 713 (bound?) 

Sultan 'Abdullah and sent him to Goa, whence he was taken to 

Portugal. This incident inspired the verse 


To sitf 714 beneath a falling plank 

For chiefs is idiotic: 


To eat of hemp is clearly mad 


When hemp is a narcotic (R.O.W.) 


When Sultan Mahmud Shah heard how Sultan ‘Abdullah 

had been seized by the Franks, he was deeply grieved and he 

sent messengers to Kampar to call Sultan ‘Abdullah s ministers. 

And when they came and presented themselves before Sultan 

Mahmud Shah, he vented his wrath upon them, saying, “Is it true 

that all of you stood by and refused to risk your lives for my son 

f 715 ?“ And all of them bowed their heads in shame, not a man 

daring to look up. And the Bendahara of Kampar, who 


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The Malay Annals. 


the title of Paduka Tuan^ was reduced in rank by the king 

became Sri Amaradiraja. 


God knoweth the truth.


Chapter XXV 


The Raja of Lingga goes to Bentan to pay his respects and 

is warmly received by Sultan Mahmud. The Raja of Indragiri 

sets off to Bentan to pay his respects and hearing that the Raja 

of Lingga is away seizes this opportunity to pay off an old 

score and ravages Lingga. On arrival at Bentan the Raja 

of Indragiri receives a warm welcome, is married to one of 

Sultan Mahmud's daughters and recognized as ruler of 

Indragiri with the title of Sultan ‘Abdul'l-Jalil. When the 

Raja of Lingga gets back to Lingga and finds what has happened 

during his absence he returns to Bentan to lay his grievances 

before Sultan Mahmud. The latter does his best to heal the 

breach between Lingga and Indragiri, but the Raja of Lingga 

returns to his country and taking advantage of Sultan ‘Abdu’l- 

Jalil’s absence attacks and ravages Indragiri. Fearing reprisals 

from Bentan he seeks the help of the Portuguese and when the 

inevitable attack from Bentan comes, the Portuguese repel it. 

Sultan Mahmud then sends an expedition against the Portuguese 

in Malacca, under the command of the Paduka Tuan with Sultan 

‘Abdul’l-Jalil of Indragiri as ‘observer.* It is unsuccessful and 

the Paduka Tuan is recalled. His quarrel with Sultan ‘Abdu’l- 

Jalil. (Not in Shellabear) 


Here now is a story of Lingga, where the old Maharaja had 

died and had been succeeded by Maharaja Isakf 716 as ruler of 

Lingga. (On his accession to the throne) Maharaja Isak ordered 

ships to be made ready to take him to Bentan to do homage. And 

when the ships were ready he (? setf 717 sail for Bentan and on 

arrival there) went up the river to the city to present himself 

before Sultan Mahmud Shah, who received him with the honour 

and distinction befitting his rank and gave him a placet 718 in the 

hall of audien.ee immediately below the Laksamana. For it was 

the custom that the Maharaja of Lingga should sit below the 

Laksamana: on any journey and whenever a halt was called the 

Maharaja of Lingga had to enhancef 719 the dignity of the Laksa¬ 

mana and the Raja of Tungkal that of the Bendahara. Thus was 

the custom of ancient times and it applied particularly in the case 

of this Laksamana, for he was an elder kinsman of Maharaja 

Isakf 720 . 


Now it happened that Raja Narasinga, the Raja of Indragiri, 

had also made ready to go to Bentan to do homage: but when he 

heard that Lingga was deserted, he made straight for Lingga 

and ravaged it, taking captive the wife and children of Maharaja 

Isak and carrying them off to Indragiri. For there was a 

feudf 721 of long standing between Raja Narasinga and the Raja 

of Lingga. Raja Narasinga then went on to Bentan to present 


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174 


I!97] had 

and 



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17 5 



translated by C. C. Brown 


l 1 97—198] himself before Sultan Mahmud Shah, to find that the Maharaja of 

Lingga had returned to Lingga. Raja Narasinga was a great 

favourite of Sultan Mahmud Shah's. When news came to 

Bentan that Sultan Mansur Shah, the Raja of Pahang, had died 

at the hand of his father, having been caught in the act of 

adultery with his father's wife, Sultan Mahmud Shah sent for his 

daughter, the consort of Sultan Mansur Shah and when she 

arrived gave her in marriage to Raja Narasinga, upon whom Sultan 

Mahmud Shah conferred the title of Sultan ‘Abdu'l-Jalil, at the 

same time according to him the drum of sovereignty. And 

Sultan Mahmud Shall shewed great affection for Sultan ‘Abdu'l- 

Jalil, greater than for any other of his sons-in-law. By Sultan 

Mahmud Shah's daughter Sultan tAbdu'l-Jalil had two sons, (the 

elder) Raja Ahmad and the younger Raja Muhammad whose 

pet name was Raja Pang. 


When Maharaja Isak reached Lingga and found that his 

city had been ravaged and his family taken into captivity, he 

returned forthwith to Bentan with the intention of laying his 

case before Sultan Mahmud Shah. But when on arrival at 

Bentan he found Sultan 'Abdu'l-Jalil installed as son-in-law of 

Sultan Mahmud Shah, he was helpless. Sultan Mahmud Shah 

endeavoured to effect a reconciliation between him and Sultan 

'Abdu'l-Jalil and had his family restored to him: but even so 

Maharaja Isak could see that between him and Sultan ‘Abdu'l- 

alil there was a wide gulf fixed by reason of Sultan ‘Abdu'l-Jalil 

)eingt 721a Sultan Mahmud Shah's son-in-law. He therefore sought 

'eave to return to Lingga. When he was back in Lingga, he 

appeared in public before his ministers with his face smeared 

with charcoal or chalk. When his ministers ventured to point 

out to him that he had charcoal on his face, he forthwith wiped 

his face: and the next time that he appeared in public, the same 

thing happened. After this had happened two or three times, 

one day when Maharaja Isak appeared in public with his face 

smeared with charcoal as before, his ministers said to him, "How 

comes it that we see yourf 722 Highness's countenance besmear¬ 

ed?" And Maharaja Isak answered, "Know you not what it signi¬ 

fies? And when they replied that they knew not, Maharaja Isak 

said, "If I can countf 721b on you to remove f 721c these smears 

from my face, I will tell you why they are here." And his ministers 

said, "How should we not be ready to carry out the task? Even if 

it should cost us our lives, we are with your Highness." Then said 

Maharaja Isak, "Know you not how my wife and my children 

were taken captive by the men of Indragiri? The day has now 

come for me to attack Indragiri! Will you, go with me?" And 

the ministers pledged their word. Maharaja Isak then ordered 

ships to be made ready, and when they were ready, he set forth 

to attack Indragiri and he ravaged the country. The men of 


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176 



The Malay Annals 


[ 198 — 199 ] Indrag in could offer no effective resistance, for the war-chiefs 

had all gone with Sultan 'Abdu’l-Jalil to Ben tan: and Maharaja 

Isak captured all that was left in Indragiri of Raja Narasinga's 

family and returned to Lingga. 


And when he was come to Lingga, Maharaja Isak took 

counsel with himself, thinking, “I am certain to be attacked by the 

Ruler”, so he sent envoys to Malaka to ask for assistance. And 

the Portuguese sent three galleys, two foysts, eight brigantines 

and twenty carracks. Meanwhile men from Indragiri came to 

Bentan to inform Sultan ‘Abdu’l-Jalil, who thereupon upon went 

to Sultan Mahmud Shah and sought leave to return to Indragiri, 

as the country had been ravaged bv Maharaja Isak. And Sultan 

Mahmud Shah was highly enraged by the news about Indragiri 

and forthwith ordered that a fleet be made ready for an attack 

upon Lingga. He proposed to put the Laksamana in command 

of the expedition, but the Laksamana was unwilling to go and 

sought to be excused on the ground that Maharaja Isak was 

his kinsman. “If”, he said, “Lingga i$ not defeated, people will 

say that it was through trickery on my part. Let me be sent to 

Malaka.” So the Laksamana made ready a fleet of twelve ships 

to go to Malaka and Sang Stia was put in command of tfie 

expedition against Lingga; and the war-chiefs all set out with 

him. When the fleet reached Lingga, they encountered the 

Franks who were assisting Lingga and had anchored in the (?) 

Den dang roads. Sang Stia and his men thereupon engaged 

the Franks and a fierce battle ensued for the entrance to Lingga. 

but they were foiled because the Franks blocked the way. Sang 

Stia’s fleet then charged the fleet of the Franks and many were 

those who were hit by the fire of the Franks, among them Sang 

Jaya Perkerma whose forearm was shot away so that the sinews 

were left dangling. The ships of the Franks were not defeated, nor 

did Lingga fall: and Sang Stia returned to Bentan, where he 

presented himself before Sultan Mahmud Shah and told him all 

that had happened. And the king was enraged. As for Sang Java 

Pekerma, orders were given for a doctor to treat his wound. 

When the doctor plugged the wound, Sang Jaya Pekerma 

groaned: and Sang Guna said to him, “Why all this groaning? 

Aren't you a man?” When he heard what Sang Guna said. 

Sang Jaya Pekerma held his peace and whatever treatment was 

administered to him he said not a word. But after a few days 

he died. 


Meanwhile the Laksamana and Sang Naya had gone to 

Malaka with twelve ships; and on arriving there they anchored 

for three days at the mouth of the river. The Franks made no 

attempt to attack them, for their fleet was away at Lingga and 

only two foysts remained. Now there was a Frank by the name of 

Gonsalo who was about to succeed to the command of the 


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177 



translated by C. C. Brown 


[ 199 — 200 ] Frankish forces: and he said to the commander whom he was 

succeeding, "If you go out with these two foysts, the Malays 

will not attack them.” But the commander of Malaka replied, 

"If I go out with these two foysts, the Laksamana will attack us, 

for he is no ordinary man!” When Gonsalo heard this, he took 

a trayful(?)f 723 of. .. .and ordered it to be taken to the bridge, 

saying, "Whoever is prepared to go with me and drive off the Lak¬ 

samana, let him take this.? for himself!” The Portuguese 


soldiers forthwith mustered! 724 round him, Gonsalo went abroad 

and made ready and the two foysts then put out, with only white 

Franks to row them, there being no Indian sailors. When the 

Laksamana saw the two foysts approaching, he said to Sang Naya, 

"You attack one of the foysts with your six craft and I will attack 

the other with mine.” When they had thus divided up their 

forces, the Laksamana and Sang Naya rowed out, encountered the 

foysts of the Franks at.? and engaged them. The Laksa¬ 


mana made for the foyst of Gonsalo and came alongside it; and so 

fierce was the fighting that in Gonsalo’s foyst many were killed and 

wounded and the Laksamana’s craft was knee-deep in Tlood, while 


from the... .? and the hanging_? blood dripped like rain. Thus 


was it too in the foyst of the Franks. And as they fought they 

drifted from Malaka island right down to Punggor. Meanwhile 

Sang Naya had attacked the other foyst but was hit by the gunfire 

from the Franks and severely wounded. When Sang Naya was hit, 

his ship drifted and the men of the other ships broke off the 

engagement. And the foyst besought Gonsalo to turn his fire on 

to the Laksamana and if he had not given this assistance, the 

Franks might well have been defeated. By this time the com¬ 

batants had drifted apart and the Franks withdrew as far as 

Hujong Pasir where they were held up! 725 and could not gain an 

entrance into the Malaka river, so Franks from the fort came 

and brought! 720 them in- As the result of the day’s fighting the 

Malaka people made this verse 


Gonsalo’s his name, of Malaka the lord, 


What a fool he felt when he kept not his word! 727 ! 


The Lakasamana and Sang Naya then returned to Bentan 

and presented themselves before Sultan Mahmud Shah. And 

the king was displeased! 728 with the Laksamana for refusing to go 

to Lingga, but he rewarded Sang Naya with robes of honour and 

gave him his concubine, Tun Sadah, whom Sang Naya married. 

By her he had two children, a son named Tun Dolah and a 

daughter named Tun Munah who was subsequently married to 

Tun Bilang, son of Tun ‘Abdul who was the son of the old 

Lakasamana, Hang Tuah. By Tun Munah Tun Bilang had a 

son, Tun Merak. 


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[ 200 — 201 ] 



178 The Malay Annals 


Some while after this Sultan Mahmud Shah gave orders for 

a fleet to be made ready for an attack on Malaka, under the 

leadership of the Paduka Tuan. On this expedition were to go 

Tun Narawangsa, the Laksamana, Sang Stia, Sang Naya, Sang 

Rana,*Sang Sri Stia and all the war-chiefs: and Sultan ‘Abdu'l- 

Jalil, the Raja of Indragiri, was to accompany them as observerf 729 . 

When the fleet was ready, the Paduka Tuan and Sultan ‘Abdu'l- 

Jalil set forth together with all the war-chiefs: only the ministers 

of state remained at Ben tan. And when the expedition reached 

Sawang waters they fell in with a Brunai(?) ship bound for 

Malaka. The Paduka Tuan hailed the master of this ship and 

he came to present himself before the Paduka Tuan. Mean¬ 

while Sang Stia whose ship was nearestf 730 ? went with Tun Krah, 

Tun Menawar and Tun Dolah to the Brunai ship, and Sang Stia 

and the young men with him boarded the ship and pro¬ 

ceeded to loot it. When the master of the Brunai ship saw 

that his ship was being looted, he took leave of the Paduka Tuan 

and returned to his ship. When Sang Stia saw him coming he 

left the ship and embarked in his own boat, but the master of 

the Brunai ship attacked those still there and they jumped over¬ 

board. He then set sail for home, but the Malay ships that 


.? had taken manyf 731 captives. The Laksamana said 


therefore to the Paduka Tuan, "I think it would be as well if, sir, 

you ordered an investigation to be made of those who have taken 

captives, in case the Ruler should inquire/' The Paduka agreed 

and bade the Laksamana go and investigate. “Very well, I will 

go and do so,” said the Laksamana: and he proceeded with his 

investigation. From those who had taken captives, the Laksa¬ 

mana took one from whoever had two and two from whoever 

had four. But when he came to Tun Krah's ship, he found 

Tun Krah regaling his crew with food and drink. The crew had 

gathered in the fore part of the ship, which was accordingly 

down by the bows. When the Laksamana saw that the ship 

was down by the bows, he assumedf 732 that Tun Krah had no 

captives, so he passed on to the ship of Tun Dolah. Tun 

Dolah had two captives, one fair and the other dark; and the 

Laksamana said to him, “Choose the one you want, Tun Dolah.” 

And Tun Dolah said, “When I have but two, are you going to 

take one from me? If you are, take the lot!” And the Laksa¬ 

mana replied, “No, Tun Dolah, you had better choose one.” And 

Tun Dolah said “No, I won't! You can take them all!” Then 

answered the Laksamana, “Very well then, Tun Dolah, if you 

don't want any, put them off your ship.” But when the Lak¬ 

samana was on the point of taking both girls off the ship, Tun 

Dolah said, “Leave the dark one!” And the Laksamana smiled 

and left the dark girl with Tun Dolah. He then went on to the 

ship of Sang Stia, but Sang Stia gathered! 733 all his craft around 

him and said, “If you try and inquire here, I'll fight you! Never 


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179 



[201—202] were the doings of one war-chief inquired into byf 7 ^ 4 anotherf If 

you are a great war-chief, Laksamana, so am If And the Lak- 

samana answered, "I have been sent by the Paduka Tuan, brother, 

to make inquiry, I am not here to quarrel with you. If you agree 

to the inquiry, I will make it. If not, I will go back and inform 

the Chief/' And the Laksamana returned to the Paduka Tuan 

and told him what Sang Stia had said. The Paduka Tuan then 

ordered a boy of his to go and question Sang Stia. And when he 

arrived, Sang Stia said, "For the Paduka Tuan's page boy to 

question me is but right and properf 735 . But the Laksamana— 

no! For he is a war-chief and so am I!" 


After that the Paduka Tuan set forth from Sawang and after 

a voyage of some days reached Malaka and stayed at Pulau Sabat, 

where Sultan ‘Abdu'l-Jalil, the Paduka Tuan and the rest of 

the party went ashore for pleasure. That evening the Indragiri 

men brought the royal drum and were about to sound it when 

Sultan ‘Abdu'l-Jalil forbade them, saying, "Don't beat the drum 

yet, the Paduka Tuan is stillf 735 here." But the Paduka Tuan 

replied, "Beat on, for we go to meet the enemyf 736 !" "Very well, if 

you say so," said Sultan ‘Abdu'l-Jalil, and forthwith the first 

notesf 737 on the royal drum were sounded. Thereupon the Paduka 

Tuan went back to his ship. Then said Sultan ‘Abdu'l-Jalil, "I 

have been insulted by the Paduka Tuan. I realised that he could 

not very well be present when the royal drum was being beaten 

in my honour, and that is why I said it was not to be beaten. 

Why then after telling us to beat the drum did he forthwith 

return to his ship? Was it not because he wished to insult me?" 

When the Paduka Tuan came to hear what Sultan ‘Abdu'l-Jalil 

had said, he observed, "Is it likely that I could with propriety 

attend the beating of the drum for the Raja of Indragiri?" When 

Sultan ‘Abdu'l-Jalil came to hear what the Paduka Tuan had 

said, his comment was, "Of course the Paduka Tuan could not 

assist at a ceremony in my honour. That was why I said the 

drum was not to be beaten. Why then did he tell us to beat it?" 


The expedition then went on to Malaka, where it was agreed 

that an attack should be delivered on Thursday night, Sang Stia 

to attack from the seaward and the Paduka Tuan, the Laksamana 

and the war-chiefs from Ayer Leleh. But that night there was 

a very great storm with heavy rain and it was not possible to 

attack from the landward side. Sang Stia did however attack that 

night and sank one ship. On the following night the Paduka 

Tuan made ready to attack. It happened that Bidam Stia, Sultan 

Mahmud's riding elephant, had been left behind at Muar. The 

Paduka Tuan sent for this elephant and mounted it for the attack 

on Malaka, with the elephant headman! 738 (who bore the title 

of Maharaja Kunjara) on the elephant's head and Tun Mahmud, 


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180 



The Malay Annals 


[ 202 — 203 ] the Paduka Tuan's son, balancing his father on the packsaddle. 


[This Tun Mahmud was known as Datok Legur] By the side 

of the elephant marched the Laksamana and the war-chiefs. And 

the Franks opened fire from the fort, the cannon balls falling 

like rain, and man after man was killed, until no one would carry 

the lanternsf 739 any longer. Presently however two young men 

of the Paduka Tuan's, Hang Hasan and Hang Husain, volunteered 

to carry them. And such was the terror inspired by the gunfire 

that those who marched refused to go far from the side of the 

Paduka Tuan’s elephant. But they said, “We'd better be on 

our guard with this Bidam Stia, he's full of vice, or we shall find 

we've saved our skin's from the cannon balls only to be killed by 

an elephantf 740 !" But Maharaja replied, “Have no fear, gentle¬ 

men! Let Bidam Stia but wrigglef 741 his trunk and get out of 

line and he'll get a kick from me!" 


When they were close to the fort of Malaka the Paduka 

Tuan drove his elephant, Bidam Stia, at the fort and the 

elephant's right tusk was broken. Meanwhile many were killed 

or wounded by the gunfire of the Franks from the fort and when 

day dawned the Malays retreated to the hill. Sultan 'AbduTJalil 

then sent a letter to Bentan giving a full account of the battle, 

highly commending Sang Stia but disparaging the Paduka Tuan. 

When the letter reached Bentan, Sultan Mahmud Shah was 

exceedingly angry and commanded Tun Bijaya Sura to bring the 

Paduka Tuan back. And he gave him two letters, one to Sang 

Stia which was worded thus, “Greeting and prayers to God from 

the elder brother to the younger brother Sang Stia", and one to 

the Paduka Tuan which did not even mention his name but 

merely ran as follows:—“If a man says his valour is greater than 

that of Hamzah and ‘Ali, and if he says his knowledge is greater 

than that of Imam Ghazali, and it is not so then is he a greater 

liar than Saiyid ahHakf 742 !" Tun Bijaya Sura then set out for 

Malaka and on arriving there he conveyed the royal command to 

the Paduka Tuan, handing the letter to him before all those 

present. When the Paduka Tuan heard what was in the letter, 

he realised that it was to himself that the letter applied: and he 

and Sultan 'Abdu'l-Jalil and the war-chiefs ail rerurned to 

Bentan, taking the elephant Bidam Stia with them. 


After a voyage of some days they reached Bentan and went 

to the palace to present themselves: and they found that Sultan 

Mahmud Shah was giving an audience. Raja ‘Abdu'l-Jalil, the 

Paduka Tuan and the war-chiefs then did obeisance and took 

their seats at their appointed places in the hall. When Sultan 

Mahmud Shah asked Sultan ‘Abdu'l-Jalil how the fighting had 

gone, Sultan ‘AbduTJalil gave him a full account of it and said, 

'If only the Paduka Tuan had been willing to attack on that 

Thursday night when Sang Stia delivered his attack, I fancy 


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181 



translated by C. C. Brown 


[ 203 — 204 ] it would have gone hard with Malaka.'' When Sultan 

Mahmud Shah heard the words of Sultan 'Abdu'l-Jalil he was very 

angry with the Paduka Tuan. And the Paduka Tuan knelt and 

did obeisance to Sultan Mahmud Shah. Then he turned and 

confronted Sultan 'Abdu'l-Jalil, and said, "Now then, Sultan 

'Abdu'l-Jalil, here am I come to present myself before the Raja 

and you tell him what is not true. Even if I did agree to attack 

on that Thursday night, there was a great storm that night and 

what was I, an old man, to do? So far from being able to fight, 

it was all I could do to pull my blanket over me! But on that 

Friday night did you not see how Bidam Stia broke a tusk when 

I drove him at Malaka fort? You thinkj 743 that because you are 

the Ruler's favourite son-in-law, you can say anything you please. 

For you I have no fear, however much you may curse me (?) f 744 ! 

The only man I fear is the Ruler, he is my liege lord. The ideaf 744a 

of the Raja of Indragiri also being my master! If you want to 

fight, I am ready!" When Sultan 'Abdu’l-Jalil heard the words 

of the Paduka Tuan he bowed his head in shame, and Sultan 

Mahmud said not a word. After a long audience Sultan Mahmud 

Shah retired and all those present returned, each to his housef 745 . 


God knoweth the truth. To Him do we return.


Chapter XXVI 



Raja ‘Abdul of Siak visits Bentan, is recognized by Sultan 

Mahmud as ruler of Siak with the title of Sultan Khoja Ahmad 

Shah and married to one of Sultan Mahmud’s daughters. 

Sultan Mahmud sends the Paduka Tuan to the Western territo¬ 

ries to call their governor. Tun Aria Bija ‘diraja, who had not 

paid his respects to Sultan Mahmud since the fall of Malacca. 


(Not in Shellabear) 


Here now is a story of Siak, where on the death of the Raja, 

Sultanf 746 Ibrahim, the throne had passed to Raja 'Abdul, his son 

by a daughter of the Raja of Malaka. After his accession Raja 

'Abdul had ships made ready to take him to Bentan to do homage 

to Sultan Mahmud Shah. And when they were ready, Raja 

'Abdul set out. And when after a voyage of some days he 

reached Bentan, he went to the palace and presented himself 

before Sultan Mahmud Shah, who was well pleased to see him 

and had him installed as Raja by beat of drum, bestowing upon 

him the title of Sultan Khoja Ahmad Shah. Sultan Mahmud 

Shah then took him as son-in-law, and by Sultan Mahmud's 

daughter Sultan Khoja Ahmad Shah had two sons, Jamal and Raja 

Biajit. Now Sultan Khoja Ahmad had a brother, named Raja 

Sema'un, and he married a daughter of Raja Kinta (?) at Muar: 

by her he had three daughters and two sons, Raja Isak and Raja 

Kudrat. 


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182 



The Malay Annals 


1204 — 205 ] Now it happened one night that Sultan Mahmud Shah was 


speaking! 74Ga of the vassal states towards the West, viz. Bruas and 

Manj-ong, and was saying how long it was since he had had a 

visit from their rulers (?)., and how even Tun Aria Bija ‘diraja 

had not presented himself before the king sincef 747 the fall of 

Malaka. That same night he sent for the Bendahara and said to 

him, “What think you should be done? The western terri¬ 

tories are slipping from our hands!" And the Bendahara 

answered, “I suggest, your Highness, that the Paduka Tuan be 

sent to the West to summon Tun Aria Bija ‘diraja hither, for the 

Paduka Tuan is hisf 748 brother-in-law." And Sultan Mahmud Shah 

said, “I agree. Inform the Paduka Tuan." And the Bendahara 

replied that he would do so, and he then left the palace and went 

home. Having sent for the Paduka Tuan he conveyed to him 

the commands of Sultan Mahmud Shah, and the Paduka Tuan 

undertook to go. On the following day, when Sultan Mahmud 

Shah gave an audience to princes, ministers,! 748a knights and war- 

chiefs, the Bendahara and the Paduka Tuan presented themselves 

before him and took their customary places in the hall. The 

Bendahara then said to Sultan Mahmud Shah, “Your Highness, 

I have conveyed to the Paduka Tuan what your Highness was 

pleased to say last night, and he has undertaken to go." And Sultan 

Mahmud Shah was well pleased to hear this and said, “Very well, 

if the Paduka Tuan is willing to go, we will appoint him accord¬ 

ingly." Then said the Paduka Tuan, “Very well, your Highness. 

I am your servant. Whatever your Highness may appoint me to 

do, is it conceivable that I should disobey? But if he whom I 

am sent to fetch will not come willingly, I shall bring him before 

your Highness by force!" The Paduka Tuan then had twenty 

ships made ready. 


And when the ships were ready, the Padjjka Tuan set out; 

and he took with him his wife and his son, Tun Mahmud (Shah), 

who was known as Datok Legur. The Paduka Tuan's wife, Tun 

Sebat, was a sister of Tun Aria Bija ‘diraja. When in due course 

the Paduka Tuan reached the Western territory, Tun Aria Bija 

‘diraja came out to welcome him. And when they met, they 

embraced each other. And the Paduka Tuan said, “I have brought 

your sister." To which Tun Aria Bija ‘diraja replied, “Oh, my 

sister has come, has she?" Tun Aria Bija ‘diraja then took them 

to his house: and he asked on what business the Paduka Tuan 

was come. And the Paduka Tuan answered, “I am come here 

with orders to summon you to appear before the Ruler, sir." 

And Tun Aria Bija ‘diraja said, “Even if I had not been summoned 

to appear, I was resolved to go and present myself, for whom else 

(but the Raja) do I regard as my master? To no one but Sultan 

Mahmud Shah do I pay homage! But I shall not go forthwith in 

response to this summons of yours. Even had you come with 


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185 



[205—206] but one ship, it would have been called an 'expedition 7 (sent to 

fetch me): and if I go now to present myself, people will say that 

it is not of my own volition (?) that I am going but because you 

forced me to go! And the Paduka Tuan said, "I understand. 

(Meanwhile now that I am here) let us marry your daughter, Tun 

Mah, with this boy of mine, Mahmud.” And Tun Aria Bija 'diraja 

agreed. 


When the propitious day arrived, the marriage of Tun 

Mahmud and Tun Mah was celebrated. The Paduka Tuan then 

returned to Ben tan, leaving Tun Mahmud with Tun Aria Bija 

'diraja and giving him Selangor as his fief. 


One arriving at Bentan the Paduka Tyan went to the palace 

and presented himself before Sultan Mahmud Shah, to whom 

he related what Tun Aria Bija 'diraja had said. Sultan Mahmud 

Shah was well pleased to hear it. After the Paduka Tuan had 

left the Western territory, Tun Bija 'diraja ordered a fleet of 

thirty sail to be made ready to take him to Bentan: and when 

the fleet was ready, he set out. When he reached Bentan, he 

went to the palace and presented himself before Sultan Mahmud 

Shah, who was well pleased to receive this visit from the Raja 

of the Western territory and bestowed upon him robes of 

honour complete with all accessories. At the same time he 

gave him the drum of sovereignty and ordered that he be installed 

by beat of drum as ruler in the Western territory. Tun Aria 

Bija 'diraja for his part undertook to bring the men of Manjong. 

and the men of the outlying districts of the Western territory 

for an attack upon Malaka. Sultan Mahmud Shah then bade 

Tun Aria Bija 'diraja return to the Western Territory: and draw¬ 

ing the ring from his finger he gave it to Tun Aria Bija 'diraja, 

saying, "You, Tun Aria Bija 'diraja, are like this ringf 748b of ours,, 

we cast itf 748c into the sea in the hope that if fortune favours 

us it may float!” Tun Aria Bija 'diraja then did homage and 

was given robes of honour as befitted his rank. Thereupon he set 

out on his return journey: and when in due course he reached the 

Western territory, his drum of sovereignty was beaten and all the 

war-chiefs were present at the ceremony. When it was concluded, 

all those present did obeisance to Tun Aria Bija diraja, but he 

himself turning towards Bentan did obeisance, saying, "Your 

Majesty, Sultan Mahmud Shah!” Tun Aria Bija 'diraja had three 

sons: one was given the title of Raja Lela, the second that of 

Tun Rana and the third was called Tun Sayid. [After thatf 749 

Sultan 'AbduTJalil sought leave of Sultan Mahmud Shah to return 

to Indragiri, where he arrived in due course] 


God knoweth the truth.


Chapter XXVII 


The story of Sultan Husain, Raja of Haru, and his journey 

to Bentan to seek the hand of Raja Puteh, Sultan Mahmud's 

beautiful daughter. His adventures at Bentan. He marries 

Raja Puteh and returns to Haru vastly impressed with the pomp 

and dignity of the court of Sultan Mahmud in exile. 


. (Not in Shellabear) 


Here now is a story of the Raja of Haru, whose name 

was Sultan Husainf 750 . He was a remarkably handsome, well- 

built man; and such was his strength and valour that he would 

declare, 'Tut me on my elephant Desening, with Tambang 

behind me and Pikang marching at the elephant's side, then if I 

fought f 750 Java, the whole of Java (would be no match for me): 

if I fought China, the whole of China (would be no match for 

me): if I fought the Franks on the mainland, (they would be no 

match for me)!" When Sultan Husain came to hear of the beauty 

of Rajaf 751 Puteh, he conceived a great desire for her: and on 

the strength of the reports he had received of her beauty and 

of the great affection Sultan Mahmud Shah had for her, he 

proposed to go to Bentan and seek her hand. But his mother 

was opposed to this design and said, "Go not, Sultan, to Hujong 

f 7r,la Tanah, for (? the Raja) is ourf 752 enemy." But Sultan Husain 

replied, "Even if I risk death at his hands, I am determined to 

go and present myself before the great Raja at Hujong Tanah!": 

and despite his mother's efforts to dissuade him he insisted on 

going. 


Sultan Husain then set out for Bentan with two shipsf 753 , one 

for himself and one for his retinue, and after a voyage of some 

days they came to Layam, where Sultan Mahmud Shah ordered 

that he be welcomed by the Bendahara and the ministers of 

state. The Bendahara was told to take the Sultan Mudaf 754 

with him on his lap. He set forth accordingly, with a dozen 

or more ships, and met the Haru party at Tekuni (?). When 

Sultan Husain's ship was alongside the ship carrying the Sultan 

Muda, Sultan Husain hastened forth from under the awning of 

his ship and stood out on the deck, and the Bendahara appeared 

on the deck in his ship with the Sultan Muda. Sultan Husain 

then said, "Let me come aboard your ship." And when the 

Bendahara suggested that the Sultan Muda should go aboard 

Sultan Husain's ship, Sultan Husain replied, "What I should 

like is to be paddledf 755 by your Sakai!" Then said the Benda¬ 

hara, "In that case, your Highness, please come on board this 

ship." Sultan Husain accordingly went aboard the Bendahara's 

ship and took the Sultan Muda on his lap. The crew then 

plied their paddles and Sultan Husain's ship was soon left far 

behind. 



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translated by C. C. Brown 


[ 207 — 208 ] When they reached the outer fort the Bendahara ordered 


his crew to stop paddling. And when Sultan Husain asked what 

they were being stopped for, the Bendahara said, "Your Highness's 

ship is still far behind!" And Sultan Husain answered, "Why, 

Bendahara, such was my desire to see our great Raja that I set 

out from Haru with but twof 756 ships. Am I to waste time now 

waiting for my ship? Paddle on, please, that we may tarry not 

in presenting ourselves before the Raja!" So the crew paddled 

on: and when they reached Jambu Ayer, Sultan Mahmud Shah 

himself came out on his elephant to meet Sultan Husain, who 

did obeisance to him. Sultan Mahmud Shah then embraced 

Sultan Husain and put him on his elephant, seating him on the 

other side of the packsaddle with the Sultan Muaa on his lap. 

Thus they proceeded to the palace. 


And when they were come into the palace, they took their 

seats in the hall of audience, and Sultan Mahmud Shah made 

Sultan Husain sit beside him. Food was then brought and Sultan 

Mahmud Shah ate with Sultan Husain. Now Sultan Husain had 

a herald called Sri Indra. He stood beside Sultan Husain, and 

when cock-fighting began on the lawn outside the hall and the 

shouts of the onlookers reached the hall, such was Sultan Husain's 

passion for cock-fighting that he turnedf 7r>7a his back on Sultan 

Mahmud Shah and stretching out f 757b his hand he said (to Sri 

Indra), "Put this on for me!" But Sri Indra pulled him by the 

thigh,f 758 saying, "The Raja, your Highness!" Sultan Hussain forth¬ 

with faced Sultan Mahmud Shah again and did homage. Thus did 

he behave. [Sultan Husain had a war-chief called Din: and it was 

his habit when he had been drinking and was the worse for liquor, 

to sing the praises of his war-chiefs, saying} "Din is a brave man as 

was his father before him. Where do you find a brave son of a 

lily-livered father?" He praised all and sundry but especiallyf 759 

Din] And people told Sultan Husain that Sultan Mahmud Shah 

would not acceptf 700 him (? as a suitor for the hand of Raja 

Puteh.) When he heard this, Sultan Husain said, "If I am not 

accepted, IT1 make war on this land of Bentan!" So saying he 

ripped off f 762 the sleeve of his jacket and so violently did he tug it 

that came away with a sharp rending sound. Then he stuffed the 

sleeve with gravel and whirled it so fiercely round that it rattled 

and crackled! 


We are told that while he was at Bentan, seven times a day 

did Sultan Husain change his jacket and the sheathf 701a of 

his creese! Subsequently Sultan Mahmud Shah accepted him 

(as suitor for the hand of Raja Puteh) to the joy of Sultan 

Husain, whose war-chiefs came continuously from Haru to join 

him: every day brought a ship or two ships. And they all 

gathered together, in number a hundred. Sultan Mahmud 


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186 



The Malay Annals 


[208 209 ] Shah then began the festivities for the wedding of Sultan Husain 


and Raja Puteh,and they went on for three months, day and 

night. At the end of the three months Sultan Husain was 

married to Raja Puteh: but no sooner had the marriage taken 

place than Raja Puteh conceived a dislike for Sultan Husain 

and fled back to her father. Sultan Mahmud Shall then 

bestowed another of his daughters upon Sultan Husain, but he 

would have none of her and said, 'This girl is my sister and I 

want her not. It is my wife that I want and none other/' The 

Bendahara then said to Sultan Mahmud Shah, "Why does your 

Highness indulge your daughter in her refusal to return to Sultan 

Husain? Why, even if your Highness was only an officerf 762 

of state, how bad it would sound!" And Sultan Mahmud Shah 

agreed and gave orders that Raja Puteh be coaxed into returning 

to Sultan Husain. After that Raja Puteh did return to Sultan 

Husain, who was overjoyed, and they became deeply enamoured 

of each other. Ere long Sultan Husain began to think of return¬ 

ing to Haru, "for", said he," there are three things that make life 

here in Bentan impossible for me ! The first is Hang Embong's 

trick of whispering: the second is Tun Rana's tricks of saying 'by 

your leave': and the thirdf 764 is Tun Bija Sura's latah*." As re¬ 

gards Hang Embong's "whisper"—whatever he said, whether good 

or ill, was said in a whisper, which made people suspicious, as 

whispering always suggests secrecy. As for Tun Rana's "by your 

leave"—it was Tun Rana's habit, even when people were sitting 

so close together that their thighs were touching, to make his way 

past, with a 'by your leave', and step over them. As for Tun Bija 

Sura's Iatahf 7G4a — if he had a fit of latah and no one took any 

notice of him, he would pluck (?) at people's sarongs to get him¬ 

self noticed and would go on plucking until he tore them. It 

was by reason of these three people that Sultan Husain found life 

in Bentan impossible, and he sought leave of Sultan Mahmud 

Shah to return to Haru. Sultan Mahmud Shah agreed and Sultan 

Husain had ships made ready accordingly. 


When they were ready, Sultan Husain together with Raja 

Puteh, his wife, did homage to Sultan Mahmud Shah, who 

embraced them both. And there was the sound of lamenting in the 

palace as of mourning for the dead. And Sultan Mahmud Shah 

bestowed upon Raja Puteh jewellery and regalia beyond counting, 

together with a bahara of gold: he gave to her everything that 

he used or wore, so that there remained for the Sultan Muda 


nothing but a bowl of gold alloy.and the bedragoned 


sword of kingship. , And the Bendahara said to Sultan Mahmud 

Shah, "Your Highness's son, the Sultan Muda, will be Raja one 

day, but your Highness has given everything to your Highness's 

daughter who goes to Haru, and there is nothing left for the 


* paroxysmal neurosis 


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187 



translated by C. C. Brown 


[ 209 — 210 ] Sultan Muda!” But Sultan Mahmud Shah answered, '‘If the 

Sultan Muda has but the sword of kingship, he will have gold as 

well.” That is to say, where there is sovereignty, there is gold. 


For his royal daughter in her home in Haru he provided 

a company of young nobles, forty men and forty women. Some 

of them went leaving! 705 wives behind; some of them went leaving 

fathers behind; some of them went as fathers leaving children 

behind. Sultan Husain then moved off downstream and Sultan 

Mahmud Shah accompanied his daughter as far as Dada Ayer, 

nor did he leave his vessel and return to the palace until the 

ship of Sultan Husain had sailed out of sight. After a voyage 

of some days Sultan Husain arrived at Haru where he dis¬ 

embarked and went with f 706 his consort to see his mother, who 

embraced them both, in her joy that the parting was over. And 

she asked her son, "What did you see that impressed you, 

Sultan?” And Sultan Husain replied, "I saw many things that 

impressed me, but two stood out above all others.” "And what 

were they?”, asked the queen-mother. "In the first place”, 

answered Sultan Husain, "if the Raja gave a banquet at which 

twenty or thirty dishfuls of food were served, with sixteen or 

seventeen men serving! 707 them, was there any noise? Not a 

floorboard creaked and lo! and behold, there were the dishes! 

And dishes! 768 mind you, that were four times the size of ours! 

Another thing—every plate, bowl and tray was of silver, gold or 

gold alloy!” And the mother of Sultan Husain listened with 

amazement to her son’s description. 


God knoweth the truth.


Chapter XXVIII 


The visit of the Sultan of Pahang and other Rajas to Bentan. 

Sultan Mahmud marries his daughter Raja Hatijah to the Sultan 

of Pahang and appoints him to be ruler of Pahang. The Portu¬ 

guese attack Bentan, the Malays are defeated and Sultan Mahmud 

has to take to the jungle. Tun Mahmud gets him away to 

Kampar where after reigning for five years he dies and is succed- 

ed by Raja Ala’u’d-din, his son by Tun Fatimah. Raja Muzaffar* 

his brother (see end of chapter XVIII) is driven out and flees to 

Kang (?K!ang), whence he is taken to Perak by a trader and 

proclaimed ruler with the title of Sultan Muzaffar Shah. Tun 

Mahmud, who had been made Sri Agar Raja for his services 

in getting Sultan Mahmud away to Kampar, is made Bendahara 

of Perak. (Passages on pp. 210, 212, 213 and 215 will be found 

with considerable variations in chapter XXXIV of Shellabear) 


Here now is a story of how the Sultan of Pahangt™ 9 (? 

with other Rajas) came to present himself before Sultan 

Mahmucl Shah. And Sultan Mahmud Shah took him as his 

son-in-law, marrying him with his daughter Raja Hatijah, and 

had him at the same time proclaimed as Ruler to the beat of 


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1210 — 211 ] 



188 



The Malay Annals 



the drum of sovereignty. After they had stayed awhile at Bentan, 

the Rajas took their leave of Sultan Mahmud Shah and returned, 

each to his country. 



And word was brought to Sultan Mahmud Shah "an expe¬ 

dition from Goa is now at Malaka, consisting of thirty carracks, 

four galeasses, five long galleys, eight foysts and two brigantines 

and they are coming to attack us here.” Sultan Mahmud Shah 

thereupon commanded the Bendahara to put the forts in order 

and assemble the forces: and he commanded the Sri Awadana, 

as Temenggong, to call out men to strengthen the outer fort. A 

list was to be madef 770 of the duties to be performed by the slaves. 

The Sri Awadanaf 771 made a list for himself, which ran as 

follows:— Slaves of the Sri Awadana—(1) Tandaf 772 , to perform 

executions and carry the lance (2) Selamat, to steer and carry the 

betel-casef 773 (3) Tua, to paddle and carry the sword (4) Teki (?), 

to accompany me and carry the water-bottlef 774 .” This list he 

submitted to Sultan Mahmud Shah, who when he saw how it was 

worded was very angry and said, “If it should come to the turn of 

the bn Awadana to be Bendahara, mayf 774a God take our life!” 



When the work on the outer fort was completed. Sang Stia 

volunteered for the defence of it, saying to Sultan Mahmud Shah, 


the fort is taken! Let the Fr anks come, what 

k a f t . ter ‘ * hese two cannon we will send their ships to the 


bottom! Of the two cannon, which carried balls the size of 

oranges, one was called Dragon of the Waves and the other The 

Swimming Frog: to such were they likened. When the Franks 

were nearing Bentan, Sultan Mahmud Shah commanded Pateh 

Suradana *o reconnoitre. He found the Franks at Layam, where¬ 

upon he paddled back with all speed. When asked what he had 


to report, he replied, “Their canacks are at Lubok, their 

grabs f' 7il —i-:i- — j .i--- i - 


where!” 



V t W-I , , ’-‘““WKS are at laiDOK, their 


at 1 engkiiu and their sloops are here, there and every- 



When he reached Kopak, he told the Ruler of all that he had 

seen: and the Ruler forthwith commissioned! 77,5 the Paduka Tuan 

saying, “The Franks are at Kuala Tebing Tinggi ” The Sri Nara 

‘diraja then went aboard the Paduka Tuan’s ship to confer with 

him. At that moment the Franks came up the river, in four 

galleys, and surrounded the ship of the Paduka Tuan, two of them 

on either side: and the rest of Frankish fleet followed, ship 

after ship. And the Paduka Tuan was asked what should be 

done, “for the Franks are approaching and in great strength.” 

And the Paduka Tuan reflected, saying to himself, “If I attack 

now that I have the Sri Nara ‘diraja on board, he is bound to get 

the credit, being such a favourite of the Ruler’s!” So he called 

Hang Aji Maras who was in charge of the crew, and whispered 

something in his ear, whereupon Hang Aji Maras went to the bows 


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189 



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[211—21?] of the ship. The Sri Nara 'diraja now said to the Paduka Tuan, 

"Come, chief, let us attack the Franks!” The Paduka Tuan 

pretended to agree, but from the bows Hang Aji Maras called out, 

"We're agroundf 770 (?) !” To which the Paduka Tuan replied, 

"Shift back then!” Hang Aji Maras accordingly ordered his men 

to row upstream, and upstream they all went. The Franks 

advanced to the attack, but by now the tide had begun to ebb, 

so they tied up their galleys to the outer fort. As soon as the 

tide began to flow, they pulledf 777 up the mooring stakes; and 

though their ships were hit by the fire from the land, they took 

no notice of it and attacked the fort of Sang Stia. 


Then ensued a fierce battle, in which the number of those 

killed or wounded was very large: and Sang Stia appealed for 

help from the other side of the river, so persistently that Sultan 

Mahmud Shah commanded Tun Narawangsa to go to his assis¬ 

tance. Tun Narawangsa did obeisance and then set out; but the 

Paduka Tuan, perceiving that all who crossed over to Sang Stia’s 

side of the river were either killed or had to swim back naked, 

said to Sultan Mahmud Shah, "Your Highness, I pray that my 

son-in-law may be excused this duty, for the enemy is formidable 

and if my son-in-law is lost, I shall be left with no one on whom 

to rely.” Sultan Mahmud Shah accordingly recalled Tun Nara¬ 

wangsa, and Tun Narawangsa came back. 


And the fighting waxed ever more fierce: Sang Stia was 

killed, the Laksamana was wounded and the men of Bentan broke 

and fled. But Sultan Mahmud Shah refused to leave the palace: 

his intention was "if the Franks come, I will fight them here.” 

The Sri Nara 'diraja urged him to leave Bentan now that the city 

had fallen. But he replied, "When I came here, Sri Nara 'diraja, 


I knew full well that Bentan was an island; and it was because 

I was determined that there should be no retreating that I took up 

my abode here! If I had thought of retreating, I should have done 

better to stay on the mainland. (But I did not do that,) for 

it is the custom of Rajas that when their country falls to the 

foe, they die.” And the Sri Nara 'diraja said, "Your Highness 

is mistaken! 778 . Every country has a Raja, and if your Highness 

is granted length of days, we can find ten countries for you! 

But Sultan Mahmud Shah answered, "Say no more, Sri Nara 

'diraja. Retreat from here I do not!” Thereupon the Sri Nara 

'diraja seized the hand of Sultan Mahmud Shah and dragged 

him away from the palace. And Sultan Mahmud Shah cried, 

"Behold,! 779 ,the Sri Nara 'diraja makes me a runaway!” "Yes, 

your Highness,” answered the Sri Nara 'diraja, "and I have no 

compunctionf 779a in doing so!” Then said Sultan Mahmud 

Shah, “But what of all the valuables and gold I am leaving 

behind? How shall I fare without them?” And the Sri Nara 

'diraja replied, “Leave it to me, your Highness, to get them 


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190 



The Malay Annals 


C 212—213] away:" and turning to the Bendahara he said, "(? Come, let us) 

save the Ruler's possessions in the palace!" And the Bendahara 

agreed and forthwith he stopped the fugitives and ordered them 

to rescue the valuables and gold, assigning to each what he was 

to carry. And all the property was go away: not a thing was 

left behind. 


The Franks then entered the city and began to loot it, while 

the populace scattered in all directions. Meanwhile Sultan 

Mahmud Shah was making his way through the forest. He was 

accompanied by many womenfolk, but the only man with him 

was the Sri Nara 'diraja who would not leave his side. And when 

they came to a certain place, they fell in with Tun Nara 

wangsa and his men searching for his wife. When the Sri Nara 

■diraja saw him, he said, "So there you are, Mahmudf 780 ! Where 

are you going?" and Tun Narawangsa answered, "I am going to 

find my wife." Then said the Sri Nara 'diraja, "Come with me, 

for the Ruler is here," And Tun Narawangsa answered, "The 

Ruler we have with us; well and good. But if my wife falls into 

the hands of the Franks, is that good?" "You talk like that", 

replied the Sri Nara 'diraja, "because it is the custom of us Malays 

to want children and wives. But can they ever rank with 

our masters? The more so in this case because who was it that 

put our father to death? Was it not this Raja here? Now is our 

chance to return good for evil! Moreover am I not your brother? 

Have you the heart to abandon me?" When he heard these words 

Tun Nara Wangsa came back and accompanied Sultan Mahmud 

Shah through the forest, slipping and slithering as he was and 

making no progress because he had not the strength!' 81 . It was 

not until they had put cloth round round the soles of his feet that 

he was able to advance. Presently Sultan Mahmud Shah said 

to the Sri Nara 'diraja, "I have had no food since the morning." 

When the Sri Nara 'diraja heard these words, he bade Tun Nara¬ 

wangsa go and seek rice for the Ruler to eat. Tun Narawangsa 

set off and ere long he met a woman carrying cooked rice in a 

basket. "Give me a little rice, lady", said Tun Narawangsa, 

and when the woman bade him take some, he topk several 

b'alek adap* leaves and put rice on them. These he bore forth¬ 

with to Sultan Mahmud Shah, who ate the rice. 


And when he had eaten, Sultan Mahmud Shah said, "What 

think you should be done, Sri Nara 'diraja? I haven't a penny f 782 

And the Sri Nara 'diraja bade Tun Nara Wangsa go and obtain 

some money for the Ruler. Tun Narawangsa set out according¬ 

ly and presently he saw a man carrying a cofferf 783 (?) of two 

catties' weight. He snatched! 784 it out of the marl's hands 


*Mussanda sp. 


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191 



[ 213 — 214 ] and ran away with it. The man cried out "Here's Tun Nara- 

wangsa committing highway robbery; 7 ', but Tun Narawangsa took 

no notice, put a cloth over the coffer and took it to Sultan 

Mahmud Shah who said, "It's not much but it will do!" They 

then went on their way until they reached Dempok (?). The 

Bendahara was following Sultan Mahmud Shah, while the Paduka 

Tuan with his family went behind Bentan and thence to Sayong. 

And the Paduka Tuan said to his son, Tun Pekerma, "Go and 

collect all the people living on the coast, and we will then go and 

fetchf 785 the Ruler." Tun Pekerma went accordingly and called 

the coast tribesmen who thereupon assembled. 


Meanwhile Tun Mahmud, a son of the Paduka Tuan, who 

had come from Selangorf 785a with a fleet of twenty sail, met Tun 

Pekerma at Buru. And Tun Pekerma said to Tun Mahmud, 

"Let us go and fetch the Ruler." Tun Mahmud agreed and 

together they went to join Sultan Mahmud Shah at Dempok. 

[It was by this time just fifteen days since the Franks had retired] 

And when they fell in with Sultan Mahmud Shah, he was delight¬ 

ed to see Tun Mahmud and he went aboard the ship Tun Pekerma 

had brought for him. He then said to the Bendahara, "What 

think you should be done now, Bendahara? Whither shall we 

go?" And the Bendahara answered, "I remember my fatherf 786 

saying that if any evil should befall the state, the Raja should 

be taken to Kampar." "Then let us go to Kampar," said Sultan 

Mahmud Shah, and he proceeded forthwith to Kampar, where he 

took up his abode. Wishing to confer a title upon Tun 

Mahmud for his services in coming so speedily to his assistance 

Sultan Mahmud Shah bade the Bendahara make his choice 

between these titles for Tun Mahmud—Tun Talanif 788 (? 

Telanai), Tun Bijaya Mahamentri, Tun Aria Bija 'diraja and 

Sri Naraf 789 (? Sura) 'diraija. And the Bendahara answered, "The 

title Tun Telanai', traditional though it may be, is a title of the 

backwoodsf 790 . Tun Bijaya Mahamenteri' is admittedly a minister's 

title but it is inappropriate for Tun Mahmud. As for Tun Aria 

Bija 'diraja', although it is the titlef 790u of his father-in-law, yet it 

is a Hujong Karang title. 'Sri Sura 'diraja' is an important title 

but it is too much of an old man's title. As Tun Mahmud came 

so speedilyf 790b to your Highness let him have the title 'Sri Agar 

Raja.' " The king accordingly conferred upon Tun Mahmud the 

title of Sri Agar Raja. And the Paduka Tuan, the chiefs and the 

officers of state all then came to present themselves before Sultan 

Mahmud Shah. 


When the news reached Haru that Bentan had fallen, 

Sultan Husain came to Kampar to see Sultan Mahmud Shah, 

who was well pleased that he should come. Sultan Husain was 

accompanied by Raja Pahlawanf 791 , his chief minister. [Raja 


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- 215 ] Pahlawan was Raja of Sri.(?) and was a prince of high 


standing in Haru. It was the customf 792 in Haru that at 

banquets the chiefs had precedence as regards food, while the 

men of valour had precedence as regards drink (?). Raja Pah¬ 

lawan had precedence in both respects, for he was not only a 

chief but a man of valour as well] 


After Sultan Husain had stayed for a while at Kampar, he 

sought leave to depart and returned to Haru. And after some 

time the Bendahara returned to the Mercy of God and was 

buried at Tambak. It is he who after his death was known as 

Bendahara Tambak. And the Paduka Tuan f 793 was made 

Bendahara. 


The Sri Awadana too had died, and it was Tun Nara- 

wangsa who became Temenggong. One day Sultan Mahmud 

Shah said to the Sri Nara 'diraja, ‘Tour services to me, Sri Nara 

'diraja, have been such that I can never requite them. But if 

you would like to marry one of my daughters, I will gladly take 

you as my son-in-law/' But the Sri Nara 'diraja answered, "I 

ask to be excused, your Highness, for I am but a slave and your 

Highness's daughter is my master." And Sultan Mahmud Shah 

said, "Why do you talk thus, Sri Nara 'diraja? Unless I thought 

the marriage fitting, would I have you for son-in-law?" And 

the Sri Nara 'diraja answered "That is very true, your 

Highness. But all mankind is sprung from the Prophet Adam 

(on him be peace). There is none of other stock: yet some 

are born in Islam, some as unbelievers: such distinctions are 

characteristic of all mankind. Seeing that all my forebears in 

bygone days were slaves of the Rajas of those times, the good 

name of Malays of those days would be impaired iff 793a I should 

now marry your Highness's daughter." Then said Sultan 

Mahmud Shah, "If you refuse to do what I wish you to do, you 

will be guilty of disloyalty to me!" 


And the Sri Nara 'diraja answered, "Your Highness is 

my liege lord! Heap curses upon me if you will, but never let 

me lose my good name or be disloyal to you!" Then said 

Sultan Mahmud Shah, "Does that mean that you are in earnest 

in your refusal, Sri Nara 'diraja? If that were so, I would find 

another husband for my daughter." And the Sri Nara 'diraja 

replied, "That is just what I would prefer, your Highness, that 

your daughter be married to another." Sultan Mahmud Shah 

accordingly gave his daughter in marriage to a son of the Raja of 

Pahang, who was a prince of ancient lineage. 


Some while after this Sultan Mahmud Shah fell sick, and he 

sent for Bendahara Paduka Tuan, the Sri Nara 'diraja and 

several of the chiefs. Then, leaning on the shoulder of the 


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[ 215 — 216 ] Sri Nara 'diraja so that his forehead rested on the forehead of 

the Sri Nara 'diraja, he said, "I feel that this sickness which 

has come upon me is the sickness of death. To your care I 

commit the Sultan Muda, for he is yet but a child/' Then 

answered the Bendahara and the chiefs, "Your Highness, may 

God avert all evil from your Highness! But if the grass in your 

Highness's garden should wither, be sure that we will faithfully 

carry out your Highness' bidding." And Sultan Mahmud Shah 

was well pleased to hear the words of his chiefs. And ere long; 

he returned to the presence of Almighty God, departing from 

this perishable world to one that abideth: and he was buried with 

all the ceremony decreed by custom on the death! 79 , 4 of Rajas: 

and he was known after his death as 'He who found God's Mercy 

at Kampar'. He had reigned thirty years in Malaka and when 

Malaka fell to the enemy he went from Muar to Pahang where 

he reigned for a year. He then reigned in Bentan for twelve 

years and in Kampar for five years. He was thus on the throne 

for forty-eight years in all. 


On the death of 'Him who found God's Mercy at Kampar' 

the Sultan Muda came to the throne, with the title of Sultan 

Ala'u'd-din Ri'ayat Shah. Thereupon the Raja Mudaf 795 was 

ordered by the Bendahara and the chiefs to depart. And when he 

said, "Wherefore am I being driven away? Is it conceivable that I 

should try and wrest the throne from the Sultan Muda?", the 

chiefs merely replied, "Begonef 796 from this country, Raja Muda!" 

And he said, "Wait a while, my rice is still in the kitchen cooking!" 

But the chiefs answered, "We wait for nothing. Leave the palace 

forthwith!" The Raja Muda accordingly left the palace with his 

wife, Tunf 79Ca Trang, and a son of his named Raja Mansur: and 

said, "Tell Enche' Lemanf 797 (?) that if I should die, I look 

to her to guard the interests! 798 of (my son) Mansur Shah." 

This the chiefs agreed to do, and the Raja Muda then took 

passage in a merchantman and! 798a went to Siak. From Siak he 

went to Kang (? Klang). Now there was a man! 799 from Manjong, 

Tumi by name, who traded regularly between Perak and Klang. 

When he saw the Raja Muda at Klang he took him to Perak and 

had him installed as Raja with the title of Sultan Muzaffar Shah. 


Now the Sri Agar Rajaf 799a who had been sent by Bendahara 

Paduka Tuan to live in Selangor, was as it were Ra*ja of 

Selangor. It happened that the Sultan of Kedah had a daughter 

and the Sri Agar 'diraja went to Kedah and married her: he then 

brought her to Selangor. And Sultan Muzaffar Shah sent 

messengers to fetch the Sri Agar 'diraja from Selangor. And 

the Sri Agar 'diraja came to Perak where he was made 

Bendahara by Sultan Muzaffar Shah. Sultan Muzaffar Shah 

then had (after Mansur Shah) a daughter named Raja Dewi. 

She was followed by a son, Raja Ahmad, another son, Raja 


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[ 216 — 217 ] AbduTJalil, and daughters named Raja Fatimah, Raja Hatijah and 

Raja Tengah. In all Sultan Muzaffar Shah had sixteen children 

by Tun Trang. He also had a son named Raja Muhammad by 

a secondary wife.


Chapter XXIX. 


Sultan Ala’u’d-clin on succeeding Sultan Mahmud goes to 

to Pahang and marries the Sultan of Pahang’s sister. The 

wording of the letters sent to Siam. On his return to Ujong 

Tanah, where by this time he has established himself, Sultan 

Ala’ud-din is furious to hear that the Sri Agar Raja has been 

made Bendahara of Perak and sends for him. The Adipati of 

Kampa^ brings tribute to Ujong Tanah and is shrewdly reminded 

that the traditional etiquette for the presentation of it still exists. 

Sultan Ala’u-din for no specified reason orders an attack on 

Merbedang, which is successfully carried out by Tun Pekerma. 


(Not in Shellabeai) 


Here now is a story of Sultan AlaVd-din Ri’ayat Shah. 

After he had come to the throne, he proposed to marry a Pahang 

wife: and he commanded Bendahara Paduka Tuan to have ships 

made ready. When this was done, he set forth for Pahang, 

where he arrived in due course. And when the Raja of Pahang, 

who at that time was Sultan Mahlmudf 800 Shah, heard of the 

coming of Sultan AlaVd-din Ri’ayat Shah, he went out to 

welcome him. And when the two Sultans met, Sultan Mahmud 

did obeisance to Sultan Ala’-u’d-din Shah, took him into the 

city, seated him upon the royal throne and entertained him. 


When the propitious moment arrived, the wedding took 

place of Sultan Ala’u’d-din Ri’ayat Shah with the sister of Sultan 

Mahmud Shah. Later on, when the time came for the Raja 

of Pahang to send the gold and silver flowersf 801 to Siam, he 

began making arrangements to send an envoy with them and 

ordered ships to be made ready. When they were ready Sultan 

Mahmud ordered letters to be composed for sending to the Raja 

of Siam and to his Foreign! 802 Minister. Now it was customary in 

letters from Pahang to the Foreign Minister of Siam to use the 

word "obeisance’. It happened that when the letters were being 

composed for this Occasion Bendahara Paduka Tuan was present, 

and Sultan Mahmud asked him whether Sultan AlaVd-din sent 

"obeisance’, to thd Foreign Minister of, Siam. And Bendahara 

Paduka Tuan answered, “So far from his Highness sending "obei¬ 

sance’ to him, even I myself would not do so!” And Tun Derah- 

manf 803 said, ""Now that the men of' Pahang are sending a letter 

to the Foreign Minister, (are you not sending one,) Datok?” And 

Bendahara Paduka Tuan replied, ""I would send one but I have no 

present to send with it.” And when Sultan Mahmud offered to 

provide the present, the Bendahara accepted the offer and 

proceeded to write a letter to the Foreign Minister which began 


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195 



as follows:—“A letter of friendship from the Bendahara to His 

Honour the Foreign Minister”, after which followed other matters. 

Sultan Mahmud then altered the wording of his letter, sending 

'friendship' as had the Bendahara. When the letters were ready, 

the envoy departed for Siam. When the Foreign Minister of Siam 

was informed of the arrival of an envoy bearing letters from the 

Raja of Pahang and the Bendahara of Ujong Tanah, he inquired 

how the letters were wordedf 8u3a . Whenthe envoy answered that 

the letter from the Bendahara was described as a 'letter of 

friendship, as was that from the Raja of Pahang, the Foreign 

Minister said, "Let the letter from the Bendahara of Ujong 

Tanah be admitted, but tell the envoy to take back the letter 

from the Raja of Pahang, for it is not customary for the Raja of 

Pahang to send 'friendship' to the Foreign Minister of Siam.” And 

the envoy answered, "How comes it that the letter from the Ben¬ 

dahara of Ujong Tanah is accepted? For the Raja of Pahang ranks 

with the Bendahara as master with servant!” To which the Foreign 

Minister rejoined "How things are done there how should we 

know? Here it is established that the Bendahara of Ujong 

Tanah ranks higher than the Raja of Pahang. If you do not 

believe me, see for yourself in the Record of Precedence! 804 . 

Order the letter from the Raja of Pahang to be altered or I will 

not accept it” A fresh copy copy of the letter was therefore 

made by the envoy, in which 'obeisance'' was substituted for 

'friendship', and the letter was accepted by the Forein Minister. 

The envoy then departed for Pahang and on his arrival there he 

related to Sultan Mahmud all that had taken place. 


After Sultan Ala'u’d-din Ri'ayat Shah had stayed for some 

time in Pahang, he departed for Hujong Tanahf 805 . On his 

arrival there Sultan Ala'u'd-din Ri'ayat Shah took up his abode 

at Pekan Tua and built an outerfort in the upper reaches of the 

Telor river. And when news reached Hujong Tanah of the 

appointment of the Sri Agar 'diraja to be Bendahara in Perak, 

Sultan Ala'u'jdi-din Ri'ayat Shah was very angry: and when 

Bendahara Paduka Tuan heard the news, he threw off his head- 

cloth, saying, "I wear no headcloth until I have brought the Sri 

Agar Raja before the Ruler!” He then went to the palace 

wearing creese and jacket but no headcloth and said, "Your 

Highness, I seek your leave—to go to Perak and call the Sri Agar 

Raja.” And Sultan Ala'u'd-din Ri'ayat Shah replied, "I would 

not have you go, Bendahara. I will send Tun Narawangsa.” 

And turning to Tun Narawangsa he asked whether he was willing 

to be sent to Perak. And Tun Narawangsa answered. "If your 

Highness sends me to conquer Perak, I will go; but if it is to call 

the Sri Agar Raja I ask to be excused, for the Raja Perempuan 

of Perak is myf 806 niece; with her I am but a servant!” Then 

said the Sultan, "In that case, it shall be Tun Pekerma to go to 


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1218 — 219 ] Perak and call the Sri Agar ‘diraja.” And Tun Pekerma said, 

"“Very well, your Highness,” and proceeded to make ready ships. 


When they were ready, he set out for Perak, where he 

arrived after a voyage of some days and went up the river as far 

as Labohan Jong. When news reached Perak that Tun Pekerma 

was come to call Bendahara Sri Agar ‘diraja, the Bendahara 

ordered that rice be sent to Tun Pekerma in the potf 806a in which 

it was cooked, together with curry in a bamboo. When this 

reached Tun Pekerma he was so much enraged by the way he 

had been treated that he departed there and then for Hujong 

Tanah. On his arrival there he went to the palace and presented 

himself before Sultan Ala’u’d-din Ri’ayat Shah who was giving 

an audience. Tun Pekerma did obeisance and took his seat. He 

then related to Sultan AlaVd-din Ri’ayat Shah what had taken 

place in Perak. When Bendahara Paduka Tuan heard the story, 

he said, “Your Highness, if any other than I is sent to Perak, the 

Sri Agar Raja will not come. Let me go to Perak. Once I am 

there I will seize him by the hand and lead him to my ship. If 

he refuses to come with me, I will draw my creese and stab him! 

It he falls to the left, I fall to the right!”! 807 . And Sultan AlaVd- 

din Ri’ayat Shah replied, “Very well then, as youf 808 please. 

Bendahara.” The Bendahara then set out for Perak. 


When he reached Perak, orders were given by Sultan Muzaffar 

Shah for him to be welcome. And when he was come into the 

palace, the king took him. into the innermost apartments and 

the royal rice was served. Then said Sultan Muzaffar Shah, “Come 

let us eat.” But the Bendahara answered, “I beg to be excused, 

your Highness: for your Highness is the son of him who was my 

master. Fall to, your Highness, and let me be given other! 809 

food.” And Sultan Muzaffar Shah said, “Why do you (? 

speakf 809a ) thus, Bendahara? Unless I thought! 810 you entitled to 

eat with me, would I have asked you to?” And Bendahara Paduka 

Raja replied, “I am entitled to eat with your Highness, and that is 

precisely why I do not wish to. Those who are not entitled 

to eat with princes hanker after doing so, that they may gain 

prestige thereby. For me however there would be no such 

acquired prestige! 811 , for I am already entitled to eat with your 

Highness. But I ask to be excused because your Highness is 

the son of him who was my master. Eat, your Highness, and 

let me feed elsewhere.” But Sultan Muzaffar Shah said, “Come, 

Bendahara, eat with me all the same, for we have long been 

parted and I have sorely missed you.” And the Bendahara 

answered, “Why is it that your Highness persists in asking 

me to eat with your Highness? I can see that your Highness 

thinks! 812 ‘if I have the Bendahara to dine with me, I 

shall have hisf 812a allegiance’. But let no such thought 


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197 



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£ 219 —220] crossf 813 your Highness's mind! As long as Sultan AlaVd-din 

Riayat Shah is ruler in Hujong Tanah for me another master— 

no!" “What strangef 814 things you say, Bendahara", said 

Sultan Muzaffar Shah, and laying hold of the Bendahara's hand 

he put it to the rice, saying, “Let us hear no more, Bendahara, 

but come, let us eat!" The Bendahara accordingly took some rice 

and put it on a sireh leaf. Then he said, “Eat, your Highness." 

And when Sultan Muzaffar Shah ate, Bendahara Paduka Tuan 

also ate: and when he had finished! 815 the rice on the sireh leaf, 

he put some more on it but he took no more meat. 


When the king had eaten, Bendahara Paduka Tuan took 

his leave and departed to the house of the Sri Agar Raja. The 

Sri Agar Raja hastened to meet him and the Bendahara seized 

his hand and took him to his ship. He then went down the river 

taking the Sri Agar Raja with him and returned to Hujong Tanah. 

And Sultan AlaVd-din was well pleased that the Bendahara had 

brought the Sri Agar Raja. 


Ere long the Adipati of Kampar came to pay tribute as was 

customary: and he went to the Sri Nara ‘diraja, for the custom 

was that whenever the Adipati of Kampar, the Raja of Tungkal, 

the Mandulikaf 810 of Klang or other administrators of territory 

that paid revenue came to present the revenue they had collected, 

they went first to the Treasurer and it was hef 81Ga who took them 

to the palace. The Adipati of Kampar accordingly went to the Sri 

Nara ‘diraja because he was the Treasurer. .But it happened that 

the Sri Nara ‘diraja was ill, so he said to the Adipati of Kampar, 

“Go to the palace along with Sang Bijaya Ratna to present your¬ 

self before the Ruler, for I am not yet recovered from my sickness." 

So the Adipati of Kampar went to the palace with Sang Bijaya 

Ratna (for he was Harbour Master of Kampar) to present the 

tribute. Sultan AlaVd-din Ri‘ayat Shah was giving an audience 

at which all the chiefs were present, and when he saw the Adipati 

of Kampar approaching with the tribute, he said, “Where is the 

Sri Nara ‘diraja that the Adipati of Kampar and Sang Bijaya Ratna 

are presenting themselves unaccompanied like this?" And the 

Adipati of Kampar and Sang Bijaya Ratna answered, “Your 

Highness, the Sri Nara ‘diraja is not yet recovered from his sickness, 

that is why he is not presenting himself. It is by his direction 

that we are come thus before your Highness." And Sultan 

AlaVd-din Ri‘ayat Shah said, “Take away what! 817 you are come 

to present to me! If the Sri Nara ‘diraja is still sick, why could 

you not wait! 818 ? Merely to gratifv your desire to talk with us you 

have ignored! 819 the custom of this court" 


The Adipati of Kampar and Sang Bijaya Ratna accordingly 

took to the Sri Nara ‘diraja what they had brought to offer to 

the Ruler, and they told him what had happened. And he said, 


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[ 220 — 221 ] 



'That being the case, let us go together to the palace/' He set 

off accordingly, taking. with him the tribute of the Adipati of 

Kampar. When he was come into the palace the Sri Nara 

'diraja said, "Your Highness, the reason that I did not appear 

just now is that I was sick. It was on my direction that they 

came here without me to accompany them/' And Sultan 

AlaVd-din Riayat Shah answered, "It is no great matter, but 

what they did was not in accordance with the custom. If people 

come into the palace without your accompanying them, a blow 

is struck at the custom of this court!” The tribute was then 

delivered to the Bendahara by each Raja for the territory he 

administered. 


Not long after that Sultan Ala’u'd-din Riayat Shah sent 

Tun Pekerma to attack Merbedang. Tun Pekerma set out 

with a fleet of sixty ships, and when he reached Merbedang,. 

there was fighting tor several days, at the end of which- Mer¬ 

bedang was defeated and considerable booty was taken. Tun 

Pekerma then returned victorious to Hujong Tanah and went 

up river to Pekan Tua to present himself before Sultan 

Ala'u'd-din Ri ayat Shah, who was well pleased and bountiful¬ 

ly rewarded Tun Pekerma. 


God knoweth the truth.


Chapter XXX 


The attempted revolution of the Malays in Malacca under 

Sang Naya against the Portuguese. Sang Naya is executed by 

the Portuguese and Sultan Ala’u'd-din executes the Portuguese 

envoy sent to inform him of Sang Naya’s death. The Portu¬ 

guese forthwith attack Ujong Tanah, the Malays are defeated 

and Sultan Ala’u’d-din sues for a truce. (Not in Shellabca^) 


Here* now is the story of Sang Naya, who had long been 

living in Malaka and had a Malaka wife—for in ancient times 

there were many Malays (there ?). Sang Naya conspired with 

the Malays living in Malaka to attack the Franks when they 

went into the church; for in ancient times whenever the Franks 

went into a church, they carried no weapons. And all those who 

were in the conspiracy with Sang Naya handed over their creeses 

to him and he hid them in his Bandanf 820 chest. 


One day one of the Franks came to the house of Sang Naya 

and asked for sireh. Sang Naya pushed the Bandan chest towards 

him and the Frank took sireh: after he had had his sireh, he 

opened the lidf 821 of the chest and beheld a large number of 

creeses in it. The Frank forthwith reported the matter to the 

Commander, saying, "Senor, Sang Naya has a large number of 

creeses concealed in a chest. What might be his object?” The 

Commander ordered Sang Naya to be sent for. When Sang Naya 


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1221—222] appeared, the Commander ordered his creese to be taken from his 

waist and said to him, “Wherefore did you conceal many creeses 

in your chest. Sang Naya?” And Sang Naya replied, “Beacause I 

was going to kill you all!” When the Commander heard this, he 

took Sang Naya to the top of the fort and pushed him over the 

parapet. Sang Naya fell upright, then collapsed and died. 


The Franks then sent an envoy to Pekan Tua to report that 

Sang Naya had died because he was intending to run amuckf 821a in 

Malaka. Sultan Ala’u’d-din Ri'ayat Shah thereupon ordered the 

Frankish envoy to be arrested, hoisted to the top of a high tree 

and dropped to the ground. (This was done and) the Frank 

was killed. When the news reached Malaka that the Frankish 

envoy had been put to death by Sultan AlaVd-din Ri'ayat Shah, 

the Commander was highly enraged and gave orders for ships to 

be made ready for an attack, the tieet to consist of three galeasses, 

two long galleys, ten foysts and twenty-five brigantines. As soon 

as they were ready, the expedition set out for Hujong Tanah. 

When news of this reached Sultan AlaVd-din Ri'ayat Shah, he 

ordered the outer fort to be manned, under the command of Tun 

Narawangsa and Tun Pekerma: They accordingly went and put 

the fort in good order, and they disposed the twelve cannon, of 

which the ballsf 822 were shaped like limes and were the size of 

oranges. And when the Franks arrived, they brought their 

galeasses up the river until they were abreast of the outer fort, 

whereupon both sides fired at each other continuously and the 

din was terrific. The Franks failed however to carry the fort, so 

they landed and made a fort on the point of the river bend. Here 

they landed a number of cannon and opened fire, and the sound 

of the cannon fire was like a continuous peal of thunder. 


And the Laksamana came to see Tun Narawangsa and Tun 

Pekerma, for at that time he was in disgracef 823 at court and 

held no office. He was wearing a green jacket, black sarong and 

black headcloth, and he said to Tun Narawangsa, “It is because 

you are here that I am come hither.” And Tun Narawangsa 

gave him a suit of clothes. And the Laksamana said to him, 

“Three years have I been under the Ruler’s displeasure and 

have never had a new suit of clothes, it is only now that I have 

one.” Meanwhile the Franks kept up their cannonade and 

cannon balls fell like heavy rain, causing unbearable affliction to 

the victims: some had their arms shot away, some their legs, some 

their heads: and the outer fort became no longer tenable. And 

Tun Pekerma said to Narawangsa, “What is to be done? Let us 

fell this big kempas* tree and make a barricade of it to enable us 

to hold our ground.” Tim Narawangsa answered, “If we fell this 

kempas, it will fall towards the land and how then shall we be 

able to get it? If it falls towards the sea, we can get it.” Then 


* Coompassia malaccensis 


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The-Malay Annals 



[ 222 — 223 ] said the Laksamana, "Give me a bowf 824 ." He then secured some 



fine fishing line, to the notch on the arrow and he shot the 

arrow at the kempas tree so that the line would itself round the 

upperf 825 part of the tree. Then to the fishing line was fastened 

a piece of towf 826 -rope which was then drawn upward and to that 

was fastened some fine braid (?). As itf 827 would now fall 

towards the river, orders were given for the tree to be felled. It 

fell towards the river and was then cut into three portions and 

made into a barricade. So thick was the trunk of the kempas 

that men could stand behind it, though elsewhere not a soul 

could stand. For three days and three nights the Franks 

bombarded the fort without ceasing, and men were killed in 

numbers beyond counting. 


Meanwhile as for Bendahara Paduka Tuan, the Sri Nara 


'diraja and Sultan AlaVd-din Ri'ayat Shah-the Bendahara said 


to Sultan AlaVd-din Ri'ayat Shah, "Your Highness, I ask to be 

allowed to go down stream and see how it goes with the fighting 

men.” He then went down to the outer fort and perceiving how 

heavy was the fighting he thought to himself "This fort will 

fall, but if it does, Tun Narawangsa and Tun Pekerma 

will be killed." He accordin 




speed and reported to Sultan 



Highness, it looks to me as though the fort will fall, in which 

case your servants Tun Narawangsa and Tun Pekerma are bound 

to be killed. It will be hard for your Highness to find such 

faithful servants as they, and I suggest that they be recalled." 

Sultan AlaVd-din Ri ayat Shah then sent Hang Alamat to call 

Tun Narawangsa and Tun Pekerma back. Hang Alamat set 

off and when he reached the outer fort, he said to Tun Nara¬ 

wangsa and Tun Pekerma, "Chiefs, you are summoned." When 

the others heard this, there was the sound of scurrying feet as 

they fled, heedless of any attempt to stop them. And Tun Nara¬ 

wangsa said to Tun Pekerma, "What are we to do? The weapons 

of the Raja are many and if we go upstream, they will be lost." 

And Tun Pekerma answered, "Let us pitch them into the river." 

So the weapons and the cannon were thrown into the river and 

Tun Narawangsa and Tun Pekerma went upstream and presented 

themselves before Sultan AlaVd-din Ri'ayat Shah. And Benda¬ 

hara Paduka Tuan said, "Your Highness had better proceed to 

Sayong." And Sultan AlaVd-din Ri'ayat Shah replied, "What 

of my medang serai* vessel with its tortoiseshell bamboo wains- 

cotting? Alas that it should be taken by the Franks!"! 828 But Tun 

Narawangsa said, "Let your Highness start forthwith: I will get 

the ship away." The king therefore went up the river to Sayong, 

as did Bendahara Paduka Tuan and all the chiefs, pursued by the 

Franks. And Tun Narawangsa put a crew of twenty tribesment 82> 


* Pent ace triptera 



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translated by C. C. Brown 201 


\ — 224 ] an d at the same time he ordered twenty men with adzes to wait 

abovef 829 * 1 Batu Belah. Tun Narawangsa then went up the river 

with the kings ship, hotly pursued by the Franks. When they had 

passed Batu Belah, trees were felled and a boom laid across the 

rivers: whencef 830 the place is known as the Place of the 

Boomf 830a . The Franks went up as far as Pekan Tua with tw r o 

galeasses. 


Sultan Ala’u’d-din Ri'ayat Shah then gave orders for a letter 

to be taken to the commander of the Franks; but whoever was 

sent with the letter always came back, having failed to get through 

because of the heavy fire from the galeasses. Tun 'Ali, son of the 

Laksamana, was then ordered to take the letter. And when he 

was seen approaching by the Franks in the galeasses they turned 

their guns on him so that the bullets fell like rain, and the crew 

of Tun 'Ali’s boat said to him, “Let us go back, sir, the fire of the 

enemy is too heavy!” But Tun Amat 'Ali answered, “Turn back? 

Neverf 831 ! What would be my reputation as the Laksamana’s 

son if I was given a letter to take and failed to get through with 

it? Paddle on and get me there!” The crew accordingly paddled 

on but the fire from the Franks never slackened and the crew 

leapt overboardf 832 leaving Tun Amat 'Ali standing alone in the 

boat. Then, amid cannon balls falling like rain, the boat of Tun 

Amat 'Ali drifted and finally ran aground in front of the Franks. 

Their commander ordered a rope of flowered cloth to be lowered 

and he brought Tun Amat 'Ali aboard his ship, seated him on 

a carpet and treated him with every mark of distinction. He 

then sent a messenger to Malaka with the letter that Tun Amat 

'Ali had brought. When the letter reached Malaka, the Com¬ 

mander ordered it to be duly borne in procession and read in his 

presence. When it had been translated to him, the Commander 

of Malaka sent word to the commander in the field bidding him 

accept the offer of a truce. When Tun Amat 'Ali reached 

Pekan Tua on his return journey, he was given by the Frankish 

commander robes of honour as befitted his rank and was told to 

return to Sayong with a letter of truce. On reaching Sarong he 

presented himself before Sultan AlaVd-din Ri'ayat Shah to 

whom he related all that had happened. And Sultan AlaVd-din 

Ri'ayat Shah was well pleased and gave Tun Amat 'Ali robes of 

honour. Thereafter there was a truce with the Franks and they 

returned to Malaka. 


Some time after this the Sri Nara 'diraja returned to the 

Mercy of God and was buried, with the ceremony customary for 

the burial of a chief, at Sayong: it was he who was known 

thereafter as the Chief with the Big Gravestone. Tun 

Narawangsa was then made Treasurer, Tun Pekerma became 

Temenggong and Tun Amat 'Ali, son of Temenggong Hasan, was 

made Chief Herald. This Tun Amat 'Ali was exceedingly well- 


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202 



The Malay Annals 


[ 224 — 225 ] built and handsome: no one of that time could rival him in 

anything that he did. 


God alone knoweth the truth. To Him do we return


Chapter XXXI 


The incident of Pateh Ludang, who was brought to Ujong 

Tanah by the Sultan-designate of Pahang and was promptly 

murdered by Sultan Ala’u’d-din’s chief Sang Stia, as the result 

of an old feud. Sultan Muzaffar Shah (as he had become) 

pardons Sang Stia when sent to him bound on Sultan Ala’u’d-din’s 

orders, and mollified by being allowed to take Pateh Ludang’s 

Sakai back with him returns to Pahang. (Not in Shellabear ) 


Here now is the story of a Singapore headman, named Pateh 

Adang (? Ludang). He had offended Sang Stia and Sang Stia 

would have killed him had not Pateh Ludang fled to Pahang 

with his tribesmen, just at the time when Sultan Muhammad 

Shah, the Raja of Pahang, had died and been succeeded on the 

throne by his brother, Raja Jainad. Raja Jainad proposed to go 

to Hujong Tanah to present himself before the Ruler and he 

had ships made ready accordingly. He took Ludang (and his 

men) with him to paddle the royal barge, thinking that if he took 

them for that purpose the Ruler would give them to him. 

When he reached Hujong Tanah, he went up the river to Sayong 

and Sultan Ala'u'd-din Ri'ayat Shah gave orders for him to be 

welcomed. Raja Jainad then presented himself with the greatest 

respect before the Ruler, who gave to him the title of Sultan 

Muzaffar Shah. And Sang Stia sent for Pateh Ludang, who 

obeyed the summons thinking, "Sang Stia will not put me to 

death now that I am in Sultan Muzaffar Shah's royal barge." 

When however Pateh Ludang came to Sang Stia, Sang Stia 

killed him; On hearing that Pateh Ludang had met his death 

at the hand of Sang Stia Sultan Muzaffar Shah was very angry 

and said, "There's a vife deedf 823a if ever there was one! I thought 

that in coming here to present myself I was doing my duty, but it 

looks as though my coming was not to the liking of the Ruler's 

officers! Was it right that Pateh Ludang should have 

been taken off my barge and put to death by Sang Stia? 

Whatever they might have wanted to do, could they not have 

waited a day or two?" When Sultan Ala'u'd-din Ri'ayat 

Shah came to hear that Sang Stia had killed Pateh Ludang 

after summoning him from the barge of Sultan Muzaffar 

Shah and that Sultan Muzaffar Shah was so angry that he 

proposed to return to Pahang, he said to the Laksamana, "Go, 

Laksamana, and bind Sang Stia and take him to my brother." 


The Laksamana went forthwith to the house of Sang Stia 

to do as he was bidden. But when Sang Stia heard that the 

Laksamana was coming with orders to bind him, he ordered 

that the gate of his fence should be closed. When the Lak- 


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203 



1224 — 225 ] samana arrived and asked that the gate be opened as lie had 

been sent by the Ruler, Sang Stia said, “If, Laksamana, you 

had been sent by the Ruler to me to kill me, I would have 

allowed you to enter: but if it is to bind me, I will not allow 

you to enter. The Ruler’s command I obey, but you, Lak¬ 

samana, I will resist, for never was it heard that onef 834 war 

chief bound another!” And the Laksamana answered, “I have 

been sent here, brother, not to quarrel with you but only to 

bind you. If you consent, I will bind you. If you refuse, 


I will return and inform the Sultan.” And Sang Stia replied, 

“If you try to bind me, Laksamana, I will certainly object, 

for if you are a war-chief of high, so am I.” The Laksamana 

then went back and presented himself before Sultan Ala’u’d-din 

Ri ayat Shah, to whom he related what Sang Stia had said. 


When Sultan Ala’u’d-din Ri'ayat Shah heard the Laksamana’s 

story, he was very angry and said to the Bendahara, “Bind Sang 

Stia.” The Bendahara answered, “Very well, your Highness” 

and went to the house of Sang Stia. And when Sang Stia heard 

of the coming of the Bendahara, he hastened from his the house 

to meet him, and he did obeisance to him, saying, “For you, 

Bendahara, to bind me is but right and proper, for you are set in 

authority over me. Even your page-boy would have the right to 

do it, let alone yourself! But the Laksamana—no, I will not 

have that!” The Bendahara then took Sang Stia before Sultan 

Ala’u’d-din Ri'ayat Shah, who said, “Take him, Bendahara, to my 

brother.” And the Bendahara answered, “Very well, your High¬ 

ness.” The Laksamana and the war chiefs were commanded to 

accompany the Bendahara, and the Bendahara ordered that Sang 

Stia be bound with a headcloth. And Sang Stia said to Sang 

Jaya Pekerma, “Bind me loosely and let Sang Guna stand close 

by me: and you brother, edge your creese towards me. Iff 835 

the Pahang people begin! 836 to look nasty, give me a wink. I 

own but one master and that is our Ruler. As though any 

other Raja should be my master!” 


The Bendahara then led Sang Stia away. And when they were 

come to Sultan Muzaffar Shah, Sang Stia stood in the court-yard 

with the war-chiefs while the Bendahara went into the house to 

communicate to Sultan Muzaffar Shah the message from Sultan 

Ala’u’d-din, and he said, “Greetings from your Highness’s younger 

brother. He sends Sang Stia for whatever it may be your 

Highness’s pleasure to do with him because he killed! 831 your 

Highness’s officer.” Sultan Muzaffar Shah refused to look up and 

said not a word, so great was his anger. Then the Bendahara 

ordered Sang Stia’s bonds to be loosed, and this was done. The 

Bendahara then told Sang Stia to go into the house and do homage 

to Sultan Mazaffar Shah. Sang Stia accordingly went in and did 


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204 



The Malay Annals 


[ 225 ] homage. He then sat down, as did the other war-chiefs. Then 

said the Bendahara to Sultan Muzaffar Shah, “Why does your 

Highness keep silence? When your Highness's younger brotherf 838 

ordered Sang Stia to be bound and me to bring him to you, was 

that right? Again, your Highness, seeing that Sang Stia was a 

war-chief subject to your Highness's younger brother according to 

law, when your Highness heard that I was coming hither with 

Sang Stia, would it not have been better, while I was still some 

distance away, if your Highness had hastened out to meet us and 

ordered Sang Stia's bonds to be loosed? If I had not ordered his 

release your Highness would not have ordered it—would that 

have been right? Henceforward may there be nothing more like 

that!" 



And Sultan Muzaffar Shah answered, “I am the servant of the 

Ruler, and no servantf 839 ever disobeys the will of his master, even 

if he has to suffer thereby: by how much the less should he disobey 

a master who loads him with benefits!" And the Bendahara said, 

“That is indeed the truth. Never again let the mouth say one 

thing and the heart feel another!" Then the Bendahara turned 

to Sang Stia and said, “Hereafter let there be no more of this 

conduct, for is the Sultan of Pahang or the Sultan of Perak 

different from our Ruler? All of them are our masters—when 

all is well: in time of trouble the Ruler alone is our master." 

Then said Bendahara Paduka Tuan to SultanMuzaffar Shah, “I am 

going back. What message has your Highness for your Highness's 

younger brother?" And Sultan Muzaffar Shah replied, “Say that 

I do obeisance to him and am the recipient of his bounty. But 

if of his grace he will grant me this boon, I would ask that Pateh 

Ludang's tribesmen may be given to me." The Bendahara then 

took leave of Sultan Muzaffar Shah, and when he was come 

before Sultan Ala'u'd-din Ri ayat Shah he related to him all 

that Sultan Muzaffar Shah had said. Then said Sultan Ala'u' 

d-din Ri'ayat Shah, “Very well, we grant to him the tribesmen 

for whom he asks." And after Sultan Muzaffar Shah had stayed 

some while at Sayong, he took his leave of Sultan Ala u d-din 

Ri'ayat Shah who presented him with robes of honour as befitted 

his rank: and he thereupon departed for Pahang, where he arrived 

in due course. 


God alone knoweth the truth. To Him do we return.. 

The writer of the book is Raja Bongsu.


COMMENTARY 


1. sĕgala : generally, if not always, in the S.M. sĕgala merely' indicates that the word it qualifies is in the plural: it does not mean: “all”, which is sakalian or sĕmua. For a good illustration of this meaning of sĕgala cf. Hang Tuah I, p.2 bĕbĕrapa sĕgala anak raja hĕndak mĕminang tuan putĕri . 
l a . pada Bĕndahara: (? should have been omitted, see R.O.W. corrigenda in JMBRAS, 18, pt. 2). The MS has but 
pada hari makes no sense here. Might J3 have been’ 
intended, i.e. Sultan AlaVd-din gave orders to the Treasury to have the chronicle made, just as Sultan Mansur had given orders to the Treasury to issue rice to the defenders of Singapore (p.81,. 
1.31) ? Bĕndahari means in effect the State Treasury or Secreta¬ riat. 'Treasurer' in the S.M. is always Pĕngbulu Bĕndahari (on p.219, 1.42 Bĕndahari should read Pĕnghulu Bĕndahari) 
2 . pĕraturan : MS (? pĕtuturan). This word also ; 
occurs in 1.36 below, where R.O.W. has again conjectured pĕrturan, and again on p. 165, 1.26 where however R.O.W. has allowed pĕtu- turan to stand. Is there in each case a copyist’s error for o ; y / the old spelling of present day : or did petuturan in 
15th century Malay, mean 'descent' ? The meaning of pĕraturan here is defined in 1.36 below, viz. Salalu’s-Salatina (descent of kings). It looks as though peri has been omitted in error in the MS< before pĕraturan : Sh. has pĕri pĕrsĕtua dan pĕraturan. 
3 . (di) chĕritĕrakan oleb yang ĕmpunya chĕtĕra : Sh. kata yang ĕmpunya chĕrita (cf. di-hikayatkan oleh orang yang ĕmpunya hikayat ini on p. 56, 1 . 6 ). According to W. this phrase means ‘the author: we’. It may sometimes have that meaning but certainly not always. It probably does not mean much more than ‘tradition has it’; but it may be more specific, viz. according to the account we have received. ’ 
4 . di-keluari-nya : not noted by W. though it occurs passim in- 
the S.M. The precise meaning is not aways clear. Here it may mean simply ‘Raja K.H. went out' (cf. tiada di4uruni~nya=tiada dia turun on p. 62, 1 . 8 ) But in tiada berani orang mengeluari dia on 
p. 126, I.21 the word clearly means 'repel' and I think that is the 
usual meaning of keluari in the S.M. 
5 . Maka Raja Kida Hindi . imandab : evidently a copyist's * 
error: should read Maka Raja K. H. pun membawa iman-lab. Sa- telab sudah Raja K . H. membawa iman jadi Islam . 
6 . di-persalini : lit. given a change of raiment. A custom copied from the Moguls’ court. “There were (among the later Moguls) 
References in this Commentary to page and line numbers are to the* romanised Malay text prepared by Sir Richard Winstedt from Raffles M.S. 18, and published by the present Society in 1938 UMBRAS , 16 , pt. 
3, pp. 1—225). The notes on this page refer to page 42 and 43 of this- 
edition. 
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206 The Malay Annals (Translator's Commentary) 
four degrees of khfflat i.e. dresses of honour presented by a superior on a ceremonial occasion; these consisted of 3, 5, 6 or 7 pieces; or they might as a special mark of favour consist of clothes the emperor had actually worn” (W. Irvine in JRAS luly 1806, p. 533). Recipients of^this honour in the S.M. are inter alios chiefs on first appointment (p. 86), visiting rulers (e.g.p.163), envoys (e.g. p. 113) and leaders of successful military expeditions (e. g. p. 127) Sometimes des¬ cribed simply as di-persalin baginda or memberi per satin akan....: but more often the words ( dengan ) sa4engkap-nya to denote the completeness of the per satin, as described on p. 86, or (dengan) saperti-nya 'appropriate to his rank are added. 
7 . saperti pakaian diri-nya : the word pakaian = 'things worn', e.g. ‘clothes’ as pakaian baginda sendiri at the foot of p. 45, or ‘ornaments’ ‘jewellery’ (as habitually in Kelantan now) e.g. persalin 
. dari-pada pakaian yang nmlia-mulia _ manikam on p. 45, I.19 
The ‘ornaments’ would be such as are described in App. G of Win- stedt and Wilkinson’s History of Perak (JMBRAS, 12, 1934). 
8. sembah: as a verb stands simply* for anything ‘said’ or ‘sub¬ mitted’ by a subject to a Raja: for brevity’s sake I have merely translated as ‘say’ ‘reply’ etc. 
9 . tiada ada . kehendak : should read tiada ada tara-nya 
lagi, kehendak . 
10. keluar-lah ka-penghadapan: in this context keluar means ‘come out of the (inner apartments of the) palace’, ‘appear in public’ in fact (the converse of ?nasok ‘go into the (inner apartments of the) palace or ‘retire’) ancj receive company in the hall of audience ( balai ); the place of each person in the balai being very carefully determined and in the case of distinguished visitors a matter of considerable political importance. Not only had the Raja his ‘hall of audience’, but so had his ministers from the Bendahara (see 
p. 163) downwards (cf. Seri Nara ‘diraja .on p. 120, I.42). 
There is no real English equivalent for di-adap orang. In the case of the Raja I have translated ‘give an audience’, but this is not entirely satisfactory. 
11. dengar-nya : should read di-dengar-nya as in Sh. 
12. anak hamba . mengerjakan dia . yang ada ini : the 
words in brackets in this passage have been interpolated from Sh, They can, I think, be omitted, in which case yang ada ini refers to sahaya-nya. A sahaya as a household worker ranked higher than a hamba who worked in the fields. 
13. s udahdah hamba kahwinkan: odd, considering that the necessary consent had not yet been given? 
13 a . mas: so Sh., but the MS has atas-nya , i.e. to be paid by Raja Iskandar. 
14. segala perdana menteri: should read segala para - 
menteri : there was only one perdana menteri. 
14a. hulubalang : see R.O.W., The Malays, p. 51 for the account given in ‘Adat Raja-Raia Melayu of the meaning of the terms biduanda , kshatriya (S.M. cheteria ), periai y perwira , sida (S.M. sida- sida) and hulubalang. There is little evidence from the S.M. to corroborate that account, except possibly as regards kshatriya (1 cheteria ) and sida {sida) 
These notes refer to pages 43—45 of Winstedt’s romanised text: see footnote on p. 205, antea. 
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207 

translated by C. C. Brown 
Biduanda : mentioned on p.68, I.36 as being present with ra/a- ra/a, menteri etc. at a royal audience, but they come last in the list and may well have been nothing more than pages or palace- orderlies (see W. sub voc.) Cf. Hang Tuah I, p.19 anak menteri.. akan jadi biduanda di-dalam istana. The biduanda Chinz on p.118, I.31 and the anak biduanda Muar on p.127, I.34 were certainly not biduanda such as are described in the ‘ Adat Raja-Raja Melayu 
Cheteria : on p.85, 1.2 and p.86, I.14 they are classed with anak raja-raja (in Kedah Laws, R.O.W., JMBRAS, 6 pt. 2, p. 42 cheteria are defined as anak raja-raja ) : and the references to Sri Rama on on pp. 121, I.45 and 177, I.33 shew how high was his standing at the Malacca court as a cheteria 
Sida-sida: mentioned passim as attending royal audiences: they have a place of honour in the balai (p.84, last line). On p.115, I.16 Tun Indra Segara is described as asal sida-sida (see note thereon). 
Periai : the only mention is on p.162, first line 
Pewira: mention is on p.104, L25 as perwira yang asal-blrasal . See also note perawangan on p.56, I.45 
Hulubalang : on p.67, I.5 Badang is made a hulubalang (cf. also 
Hang Tua 4 h I, p.18_ di-jadtkan hulubalang) on p.75, l.n we read 
of Siamese hulubalang. In the S.M. the term seems merely to con¬ note a ‘fighting-man’ (Skeat in his Malay Magic translates huluba¬ lang as 'war-chief’ and I can think of nothing better). Cf. the definition in Pahang Laws (R.Q.W. and J. E. Kempe, JMBRAS , 21, pt 1, p.26) di-jadikan oleh segala raja-raja itu hulubalang akan per - hiasan kerajaan-nya dan bagi menolakkan mar a bahaya raja ia-lah akan mendinding segala seteru musoh __ 
15. di-kenalkan-nya akan pegawai : the MS has di-katakan-nya 
akan pegawai and Sh. has di-kenakan-nya akan pakaian. Surely 
pakaian must be right? The MS di-katakan-nya makes good sense "he declared them to be the jewellery of his daughter.” 
16. di-anugerabi: after this the MS has persalin and there 
must be an omission of some conjunction before sa-ratus 
17. sa-akan-akan rupa: the MS has tersalin akan rupa-nya. 
Cf. the expression salin tak tumpah when used of the resemblance of one person to another, 'the very spit of.’ 
18. tersebut-lah perkataan: the Malay translation of Al-kesah . 
W.does not quote this phrase. The clue to its meaning will be 
found in Awang Sulong y p. 27 hilang cherita baginda . tersebut 
perkataan tuan puteri ‘leaving for the moment the story of the king we come now to the (tale of) the princess’, i.e. tersebut perkataan means not so much 'it is . related’ as 'the story is now set out/ 
negeri: more often used in the S.M. to mean 'city’ than ‘country’. It was an Indian concept centring on a ruler’s capital. 
19. Raja Shulan : see R.O.W., Kingship and Enthronement (JMBRAS , 20, pt. I) p.129 
20. mengempong: the copyist has sadly confused himself in the 
MS over the words kampong and kepong (old form kempong ) Thus on p.49, I.23 and on p. 199, I.43 what obviously should be ber- kampong he writes a^ anc * what appears correctly as kam- 

These notes refer to pages 45—48 of Winstedt’s romanised text: see footnote on p. 205, antea. 
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208 The Malay Annals (Translator's Commentary) 
pong on p. 51, I.24 is written in the MS. Conversely what 
appears as di-kepongkan-nya following the MS on p. 201, I.37 should clearly be di-kampong-kan-nya ! 
21 . batu hitam : black hornblende, see Q. Wales, Archaeological Researches, JMBRAS, 18, pt. I, pp. 78—9. 
21 «. berjuangkan gajah-nya . pedang-nya : the meaning 
conveyed by ber....kan in this passage is not the same in each in¬ stance. Berjuangkan gajah-nya evidently = ' made their elephants fight the elephants of the enemy’, as juang is iproperiy applied to the 'fighting’ of elephants with each other. But bergigit-kan kuda- nya may mean 'made their horses fight with their teeth.’ Bertikam- kan lembing (-nya MS) should mean ’ thrust at each other with their lances’: but it is doubtful whether any reciprocal action is express¬ ed in berpetekkan panah-nya 
22 . maka segera ia tampil: MS maka Raja Simian pun segera 
tampil fmenguchap seru 'hurl a challenge’ ? 
23. rampasan : the story on p.201 of the looting of the Brunei (?) ship suggests that female captives constituted an important part of any rampasan . Cf. also p. 158 I.33 where merampas is immmediately followed by a mention <bf the capture of three daughters of the Raja. 
24. tujoh buah gunong : cf. the description of the city of Yak (?) on p. 135. 
25. pelbagai . di-sana: should read, following the MS, 
pelbagai kayu-kayuan, dan segala bunga-bungaan dan segala buah- buahan yang di-dalam dunia ini ada-lah di-sana and I have translated accordingly. The meaning of buah-buahan here is 'fruit-trees’, not ‘fruits of all sorts’ (W.): cf. segala buah-buahan yang sudah berbuah on p.51, last line. 

26. berburu atau menjerat gajah : so Sh. and the MS ly y 
may be only a copyist’s error for berburu atau. It may on the other hand represent berbiiat ra(n ) tau : in Kelantan the word ra(n)tau is commonly used for 'ground’ or\ ‘place’ for sport 
27. Hikayat Ham^ah: see R.O.W., Malay Literature ( JMBRAS , 17 , Pt. 3 ) ? P. 59 . 
28. peti sa-buah kacha : an error for sa-buah peti kacha as in I.34 below 
29. termasa melihat : W. does not note this adjectival use of termasa , though Marsden does. Cf. main termasa on p. 60, I.20 
30 . Moga-moga : W. under moga-moga I does not cover the whole ground. Neither here nor in muga-muga dengan Pakdir Allah ta’dla on p. 114, I.3 nor on p.99, last line has the word any optative sense, and it merely means ‘presently’: while in Hang Tuah I, p.40 we find muga-muga-lah ada anak H.M. berdiri di-hadapan kita tadi where it obviously=ww;wr 'fortunately.’ 
31 . indah-indah : not so much 'fine: precious: fair’ (W;) as ‘impressive’: cf. apa-apa yang di-lihat Sultan yang endah-endah on p.210, l.i 
These notes refer to pages 48-—54 of Winstedt’s romanised text: see footnote on p. 205, antea. 
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translated by C. C. Brown 

209 

32 . terbampir : more likely, I think, terhampar (the stage in padi growth known in Perak as padi tengah mengampar) lit. ‘there was a carpet of ripe rice.’ 
33 . Chahaya apa gerangan: more probably cbahayta apt gerangan. Api is written ^J\ in old Malay spelling 
34 . bernyala-lah: MS here and on p. 55, 1 . 6 , <)L y Bernyala-lab may be correct here but it cannot be on p.55. Possibly what was in¬ tended in both cases was > (bernyala-nyala), the V* having been attached by error to the J 
35 . sa-rasa: omitted by Sh. and is used oddly here if the MS is correct. Sa-rasa melihat should mean ‘as though I saw it’ (cf. minum ayer sa-rasa duri) y but it seems here to have the same mean¬ ing as rasa-nya. 
36 . ketiga-nya dudok di-alas gajab puteh : how many ‘white elephants’? R.O.W. (p. 18) says one. I should have said three, ketiga- nya in this sentence having the same meaning as in ketiga-nya memakai pakaian kerajaan two lines above 
37 . karna kami . ka-mari ini: I suspect the text here, as the 
sentence manusia . ka-mari ini comes in awkwardly and abruptly. 
The Sh. version karna kami pun lama-lab di-sini y tiada kami meli¬ hat sa-orang pun manusia datang ka-mari ini is what should have been written here. 
38 . dari Bukit .: Sh. ka-bukit y which is what the con¬ 
text seems to require, the point being, one would have thought, that they were come down from heaven, not fromi Bukit G.M. But dari Bukit G. AL is repeated on p. 101, l.n; and on p.123, I.31 we have turun daripada Bukit G.M. : otherwise one might have taken dari here as= di (cf. dari-atas bubongan-nya on p.157, I.20, where dart = di) 
39 . di-jemput : according to W. jemput means ‘greet’ ‘invite/ and this seems to be the meaning in di-jemput oleh bonda tuan-ku on p.59, I.40. Elsewhere in the S.M. the usual meaning seems to be fetch with ceremony’, e.g. menjemput surat Raja Perlak on p. 
p.68, I.38 or baginda nunyurohkan . menjemput saudara-nya 
ka-Manjong on p.79, l.n. (I fancy that in datang tak berjemput 7 pulang tak berhantar which W. quotes, the real meaning is ‘coming without being fetched—see p.85 herein, I.39—and going back with no escort’) The word used in the S.M. for ‘greeting’ in the sense of ‘welcoming’ is alu-alu. 
39 . a Tanjong Pura: north of Deli in N. E. Sumatra 
40 . muntahkan bueh : hence the family of Muntah Lembu, see p.96, I.45 
41 . Abo . permaisuri : see Appendix A 
42 . chiri : see R.O.W., History of Perak ( JMBRAS y 12, pt. I, p.175) and R.O.W., Kingship and Enthronement, JMBRAS , 20, pt. 1 , p. 135) See also note on mengenakan dia on p.86, 1.8 
42 a . perawangan dan perdaraan: so Sh. See p.105, I.17 of this text where perawangan empat puloh itu are apparently the same people as perwira yang asal-berasal empat puloh mentioned on p. 

These notes refer to pages 54—56 of Winstedt’s romanised text: see footnote on p. 205, antea. 
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210 The Malay Annals (Translator's Commentary) 
104, 1*25. We may have there the explanation of the term pera v wangan used here, viz. a sort of Corps of Noble Youths established for personal attendance on the Ruler? Perdaraan may represent a similar institution—young girls chosen as Maids of Honour for at* tendance on the Raja Perempuan ? 
43. barang di-mana-mana: Sh., better, barang di-mana-mana raja-raja yang ada beranak perempuan yang baik paras 
44 . isteri : MS anak isteri , a good example of anak isteri standing for wife’ only and not ‘wife and children’ which is the meaning it seems to have on p.186, I.3 
45 . oleh di-jamah: should read di-jamah oleh. 
46 . ada sa-orang anak-nya : would read better ada sa-orang 
anak-nya perempuan , terlalu baik . 
47 . diqqad : MS cJi In the other MSS there is the un¬ 
intelligible di-persembahkan. Sh. has di-suroh pinang oleh Sang Si-Perba. In this text on p.no diqqad appears twice but the MS there has Could here be an error for ( di-pinta ) ? 
48 . tiada di-ikat-nya : this undertaking seems to have been easily forgotten cf. e.g. p. 225, I.3 
49 . memberi e aib . di-binasakan: cf. the story of Sang 
Ranjuna Tapa on p. 81. 1 .18 et sqq. Pada has been omitted by error here before sa-orang hamba Melayu 
50 . suka-chita: the MS adds melihat anak-nya selamat tiada berbahaya 
51 . berlengkap : one of the few instances in which this word is used in the S.M. without reference to ships. It generally means (in the S.M.) 'get ready ships’: in one instance the ships are actually mentioned (p.73, I.23). memandikan ; for a description of this cere¬ mony see R.O.W., Kingship and Enthronement, p.132. 
52 . perdana me’nteri: see note 14 referring to p.45, l.i. Sida - sida: see note 14 a on builubalang. 
52 a . dari peti Darmani _ berdaimai: Sh. has darapati darmani 
buru daimani . A Telugu scholar tells me that these may represent Telugu words, viz. darapata dermai and burudai-mani . He says that darapata is a garment like a dhoti, made of silk and probably bejewelled, while dermani is derived from derma and meansi ‘a person who is derma i.e. ‘virtuous’. Burudai is a female’s garment like a sari and burudai-mani would mean ‘a jewelled burudai .’ 
53 . berangkat^lah . berangkat-lah : evidently an error in 
copying; the first berangkat-lah is out of place and should be omitted 
54 . berkira-kira: hot noted by W. and the word seems to be used with two shades of meaning in the S.M. Thus in berkira- kira hendak menyerang on p.51, 1.8 immediate action follows and the word seems to mean ‘took steps to’, whereas in this instance advice is first sought and the meaning seems to be ‘propose’, ‘meditate’. 

These notes refer to,pages 56—58 of Winstedt’s romanised text: see footnote on p. 205, antea. 
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translated by C. C. Brown 211 
55. lanchang pemujangan: Sh. has lanchang mas p. and the mention of lancblang perak in this line suggests that mas has been omitted by error here. For pemujangan see W. under bujang II. C & S. say 'bachelors quarters'. ? a yacht carrying S.T.B. and the menfolk only. pf. P.2D7, I.14. R.O.W. conjectures *an old cor¬ ruption of perbujangan = a dragon - boat, i.e. a boat with a dragon as figurehead' 
56. Bentan: now generally known as Riau. For the geography of the S.M. see the map at the end of this journal, based on that •given on p.261 of Winstedt’s 'History of Malaya’ ( JMBRAS , 13*, pt. 1, 1935 )- 
57. nobat\ references to nobat in the S.M. may be grouped as follows:— 
(a) rulers of neighbouring countries coming to Malaka hendak memohonkan nobat , pp. 163, 176 and 197: cf. also p.206; 
(b) ruler installed ( di-nobatkan ) 7 pp. 59, 120, 168 and 204; 
(c) the ceremony described as mengadap nobat pp. 87 and 202; 
(d) as a sign of mourning baginda tiada nobat y pp. 93 and 168. 
In (a), (b) and (c) it looks as though the' reference is to the big drum ( gendang nobat ) only—originating probably with the drum of the pawang , see R.O.W., Malay Magician, p. 10; and all that we are told of what happened at a mengadap nobat is contained in the jangan nobat di-palu dahulu on p. 202, 1.10. 
The accuracy of W.’s definition {< nobat (Pers. nau-bat: nine items) means ‘Royal band of nine items' " is doubtful: but that nobat in the S.M. may have included other (instruments than the gendang is in¬ dicated by di-anugerahi Sultan Mansur Shah payong , gendang 7 seruai dan nafiri on p.120, I.32 the text may be corrupt, see note on maka seri Bija *diraja ibid.): and it is likely that in (d) above there may be a reference to a royal orchestra such as is described on pp. 159-60 of W. and W’s History of Perak (JMBRAS, 12, pt. 1): see also Linehan's article on nobat (JMBRAS , 24, pt. 3). 
57 a . sembah . salam : see notes 211 referring to p. 93. 
I.36 and 244 referring to p.98, I.34. 
58. pergi-lah dari T. Ruas : Sh. pergi-lah y maka dari Tanjong Ruas y which is clearly right 
59. ka-dalam negeri : the MS has masok ka-dalam pada Wan Seri Benian nama-nya 
60. ka-Tanjong bermain: ?ka-Tanjong Bemian, as stated in I.18. Sh., ka-Tanjong Bemban . 
61. Apa kerja . ka-Bentan: Sh. apa kerja anak kita pergi 
bermain ka-sana ? As this conversation took place in Bentan, the text as it stands cannot be right. Either (a) Bentaii is an error for Bemain or (b) the word jauh has been omitted after bermain (cf. hendak bermain jauh in I.7 below) and the passage should read thus:— 
Apa kerja anak kita pergi bermain jauhf Ka-Bentan tiada-kah 
rusa pelandok .I prefer (b) and have translated accordingly. 
Pergi bermain is undertood before Bentan, hence the ka- 

These notes refer to pages 59—60 of Winstedt’s romanised text: see footnote on p. 205, antea . 
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212 The Malay Annals (Translator's Commentary) 
61 a . kandang . kurongan : the context requires that these 
words should mean enclosures into which wild animals are driven for capture’ as elephants are driven into kubu (see W. sub voc.) 
62 . perburu: ? berburu as Sh. 
63 . kain ; \jU y : unidentifiable Sh. kain terhampar 
64 . menyaberang : ‘started to cross’: the verb here is used to describe the initiation of an action not completed. So. kembali often in the S.M. means ‘set out on the return journey’ rather than ‘return’. Cf. di-angkat-nya-lah (batu itu ) oleh pablawan Keling itu tiada terangkat on p. 67, last 2 lines. 
64 a . Wan Seri Benian telah hilangdah \ Sh. adds Maka anak Demang Lebar Daun di-rajakan baginda di-B.entan, bergelar Tun Telanai. For Tun Telanai see note on p.214, 1.2 
65 . datang-lah peridaran dunia : Spenser’s 
“ever-whirling wlheele. Of change, the which all mortal things doth sway.” 
66. tiada di-turuni-nya : = tiada ia turun : Cf. di-banguni-nya =dia bangun on p. 158, I.4 and see note thereon which applies mutatis mutandis here. The precedent set by T.P.P. Berjajar was followed by Bendahara Sri Maharaja, see p. 160, last line 
67 . di-jadikan... .Ferdana Menteri . Dendang : the text is 
confused here. There are four appointments in question, viz. 
(1) Ferdana Menteri , given to Demang Lebar Daun’s son, with the title of Perpateh Permuka Sekalar 
(2) PengJmlu Bendahari , with the title of Tun Jana Buga Dedang 
(3) Temenggong y with the title of Tun Jana Petra_(?) 
(4) principal hulubalang f with the title of Tun Tempuong G. 
I have suggested in the translation how I think the passage should 
be read. 
68. segala ferdana menteri : see note 14 referring to p.45, l.i. 
69 . cheteria : see note 14 a on lmlubalang referring to p. 45 
70 . dengan f adat-nya -- .kola: not Malay as it stands: should 
read as in Sh. ( masing-masing pada mertabat-nya 7 demiki/m-lahj ‘adat'-nya pada zaman purba kola. 
71 . raja di-Tanjong Pura : Paludatani, see pp‘. 55—6. 
72 . Lebeh daripada itu : the MS has the more emphatic lebeb daripada ini pun 
m 72 a . hisab: W. under hisab does not note a use of this word which is common in the S.M., viz. with the meaning “(take) ac¬ count (of),” whether as a substantive as here or as in hisab pun ia tiada p.211, I.35 or in verbal form kata orang itu tiada di-hisab-kan-nya p.213, I.24 
72 . k terhisabkan : so Sh. The MS has terkatakan 
73 . terlalu ramai: in Hang Tuah II, p.184 we read terlalu ramai gelak-gelak antara lima orang itu. Five people can hardly be described as terlalu ramai in the sense of ‘in large (numbers’: in that context the meaning of terlalu ramai must surely be ‘heartily’, and I have a feeling that in the majority of instances in which terlalu ramai is used in the S.M. the meaning is ‘strongly’ ‘fiercely’ and not ‘in large numbers.’ 
These notes refer to pages 60—63 of Winstedt’s romanised text: see footnote on p. 205, antea. 
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translated by C. C. Brown 

213 

tiada sangka ... .mati: I suggest re-punctuating as follows:— 
tiada sangka bunyi (- nya ) lagi: daripada kedua pihak . mati 
Cf. daripada kedua pihak pun banyak-lah-mati on p.148, I.23 
74. maka kami .: should read maka kami simpan-kan, see 
. R.O.W. corriggenda loc. cit. Cf. Risalat Hukum Kanun, 6 telah kami simpankan pada hukum kanun itu 
75. bangsa-ku : MS which should be 5* — kupu- 
kuf See W. under kupu 
75 a . menitahkan\ the word titahkan is used throughout the S.M. with the meaning ‘appoint for a special duty' ‘commission’ or in fact practically ‘send’, cf. p.68, I.22 titahkan ka-Singapura 
76. Sa-telah surat... herti-nya : it is unlikely that Raja J.R.M. either read the letter himself or understood its contents uninter¬ preted. Sh. has telah sampai kapada baginda , maka di-suroh\ bacha 
pada jurubahasa : satelah di-ketahui .which is obviously the 
correct account of what happened. 
77. di-alu-aluk.an\ just as Sultan Maliku’s-Saleh himself wel¬ comed the Raja of Perlak’s daughter on p. 73-. This was a courtesy that Sultan* Mansur did not extend even to the daughter of the Raja of China: she was merely welcomed by chiefs! (p. 118) 
78. maka . kebesaran : ? add, as in Sh., di-sambut baginda , 
di-bawa ka-Singapura. 
79. ntusan : was this the Jmlubalang who escorted the princess? Ordinarily the mention cf utusari postulates a surat , but we are not told of any surat from Kalinga. 
80. mangkat : MS (Fmenangkat). On p. 90 there is 
another odd spelling of what should be mangkat , see note 202 on maka anakanda on that p., line 26. See also p.215, I.40. 
81. di-chapak-nya : not known to W. or Marden. The MS has 
? di-chepok-nya. C. & S. give chepok with the meaning 
‘dabble with the hand in the water (so as to make noise)’ Omit the words I have enclosed in' brackets and di-chepok-nya would fit here. 
82. riding : MS ^j, ; ? redang 7 see W. sub voc. Leyden- 
translates ‘among the reeds’ and I think he is right. Riding ‘noose’ is unsuitable here. 
83. ^ / may stand for the Perak word terkemamar-mamir 
(‘confused’) 
84. jangan-lah }aku kau-bunoh : should mean ‘dont kill me (kill some one else if you like)’ The MS has jangan-lah engkau ku-bunoh which is even more puzzling. 
85. di-penggang: for this old spelling of pegang cf. berpeng- gang on p.89, I.20 (note 199 a ). 
86. dengan tangan-nya juga : should read dengan sa-belah tangan-nya juga. 
87. menembang: old spelling of menebang. Cf. me - 
ngempong ( mengepong ) on p. 148, I.38 and penggang ( pengang ) 
These notes refer to pages 64—66 of Winstedt’s romanised text: seer footnote on p. 205, antea. 
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214 The Malay Annals (Translator's Commentary) 
on this p., 1.3-3. Bangat amat suchi : Sh., better, maka bangat . 
See note on maka tiada tabu on p. 144, Li 
88 . di-jadikan... hulubalang: see note 14 a on hulubalang . 
89 . Sa-telab : ? sc. itu f otherwise the sentence has no main verb 
90 . tarob-nya: = the stakes of it. i.e. of the match Cf. 
timbang-nya ini-lab akan taroh-nya on p. 196, I.4 
91 . titabkan : see note 75 a above 
92 . biduanda : see note on hulubalang on p. 45. 
93 . menjemput : see note on di-jemput on p.56 
94 . m:embawa gajab a letter from Perlak was evidently 
deemed patut bergajab , see p. 85, I.31 
95 . bunyi-nya: see p.119, 1.2 and p.217, 11 .20-31 where it is clear that the bunyi of a letter was its opening words, and I fancy that this is the meaning in most instances in the S.M. 
96 . menchuba kuat Badang: should read menchuba kuat 
dengan Badang as in Sh. 
97 . kelakuan-nya: ‘how he shapes’ in fact. 
98 . kelawan : MS 5 " Fan error for ( kelakuan) 
as in Sh. 
99 . sa-jam malam: Sh. sa-jam lama-nva, but would the envoys have become drunk in an hour? I suggest sa-jamu malam ‘a night’s feasting.’ 
100 . takut mengadu : the semi-nlay on words of this mengadu is more effective than Sh. menjadi beseliseb 
101 . batu rantai : is this the same as the rantai yany menjadi batu rantai on p. 67, 1.6 ? If so, this parenthesis about Benderang* comes in oddlv. Sh. omits the earlier mention of the batu rantai (on p. 67) and describes the laying of this boom as a joint effort of Benderang and Badang ! 
102 . di-arak : should read di-surok arak 
103 . bergaiah) y di-kepilkan di-balai: the highest honours that could be accorded, see p. 85, I.27 (note 173 a refers). 
103 a . Pasai: in Acheh, N. Sumatra, to the south of the Jambu Ayer river 
104 . kerja-nya : 50 Sh. (the MS has 0^-^ )• The use 
of kerja-nya followed later by sa-telab berapa lama-nya demikian juga suggests that the trap was set, and gelang-ge<lang caught, a number of times. According to the Hkt. Raja-raja Pasai however this only happened twice. 
105 . di-rebus-nya : this version of the storv omits the explana¬ tion given^ in H . R. Pasai , viz. Maka Merab Silu pun pikir dalam hati-nya , “ Babwa gelang-gelang ini kurnia Allah] ta’ala akan aku rupa-nya , whereafter he proceeded to boil them. 
106 . hendak di-bunob-nya : probably not to be interpreted literally. The phrase does not occur in the H.R.P. version, accord- 
These notes to refer pages 67 — 70 of Winstedt’s romanised text: see footnote on p. 205, antea . 

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translated by C. C. Brown 

215 

ing to which Merah Chaga (Hasum—H.R.P.)’s grievance against his brother was in regard to the catching of buffaloes and % is expressed as ia memberi aku main juga ... .nyab-lah ia dari negeri ini . 
107. di-emasi-nya : not noted by W., C. & S. or Marsden. Used later to describe the ‘sweetening' necessary to the successful abduction of Tun Teja and the Sultan of Pahang's elephant, pp. 160-75 
107 a . Semudra : in N. Sumatra, on the north side of the Jambu Ayer river 
107 b . sudah : MS oju (muda-mudahan) . Here 
as on p.76, I.23, the word mudah-mudahan has the meaning of gerangan (‘perchance’) rather than its usual optative sense. 
107 c . Fansuri : in N. W. Sumatra : presumably the birthplace of Hamzah Pansuri, see R.O.W., Malay Lit., p.96 
107 d . Lamiri : on the northernmost tip of Sumatra 
107 e . Ham : appears in the map in R.O.W., History of Malaya, as Aru Bay in Acheh, Sumatra 
107 f . Yang bernama : should read Di-mana yang bernama..,. as in Sh. 
107 «. Perlak : presumably the place which appears in some maps as Porolak, to the north of Aru Bay 
108. mengupas . saudara-nya : a better punctuation wouid 
be mengupas pinang akan saudara-nya 7 berkain.. .It is Puteri 
Gengga.ng’s dress and beauty, not that of her sisters, that is sub¬ sequently described. (This accords with the relevant passage in the H. R. Pasai) 
109. Maka sembab Saidi A .: according to the H. R. 
Pasai the choice of Puteri Genggang was only made after Saidi A. had reported to Sultan Maliku’l-Saleh and the latter had consulted the astrologers ! % ' 
110. dan akan Tun P. P. : there must be an omission here: we are not told what Tun P.P. received 
111 . di-negeri Perlak : evidently inserted in error. Why should 
they have grown up in Perlak? Sh. has. besar-lab 7 dan negeri 
Perlak pun alah. 
112 . jangan . bersaudara : Sh. has jangan kamu beri ber- 
cherai dan, bersalahan ia dua bersaudara which is clearly correct and also follows the H. R. Pasai. 
113. Raja Semudra : the annalist goes badly wrong with his nomenclature in what follows. Semudra was the kingdom of Sultan Maliku’l - Mansur (p. 74): but the Raja taken in captivity to! Siam was Sultan Maliku’tL-Tahir (p.77, I.7) who was Raja of Pasai. After describing the captivq as Raja of Semudra until towards the bottom of p. 75 and mentioning the attempt of hulubalang Raja Semudra to rescue their master, the annalist suddenly tells us that Raja Pasai was carried off to Siam. Yet it was Raja Semudra who was made to tend thei palace fowls in Siam. The rescue from Siam was made by the chief minister of Pasai, yet when they returened home it was to Semudra} that they went ! The Sh. version is equally confused in this respect. 
114 . bingga _ belayar: an elliptic way of saying that the ships 
set out one after another until they had all sailed? As they were going as merchantmen they would not have sailed as a fleet 
These notes refer to pages 70 — 75 of Winstedt’s romanised text: see footnote on p. 205, antea . 
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216 The Malay Annals (Translator's Commentary) 

115. di-bawa orang-lah : not in Sh. Presumably the Semudra people are referred to, but if so, why no mention of the usual processional honours being accorded to the letter? 
116. turun-lah : after turun-lah the MS has ka-jong-nya membawa Raja Pasai lalu di-layarkan-ny a kembali and I have translated accordingly 
117. saperti-nya : the nya is not in the MS. For pakaian see 
note 7 referring to p. 43 * 
118. membeli dagangan ‘Arab ... chara ‘Arab: the punctuaton here follows Sh., but I suggest the passage should read 
dan membeli dagangan ‘ Arab . Kama orang Pasai . bahasa 
‘Arab, maka Saidi ‘Ali . 
The statement (for what it may be worth) that the Pasai people knew Arabic has more relevance to the crew of the ship pretending to be Arabs than to the purchase of Arab merchandise? 
119. sa-bahara mas: it seems to be clear that in Portuguese times in Malacca a bahara weighed about 400 lbs. avoirdupois. What is not certain is the value of gold at that time. If it was only a quarter of its present value this present was worth over £10,000 ! See on this point R.O.W., History of Malaya, p.58. It is noticeable that in Hang Tuah I, 81, the value of the whole of the mercandise in a ship, which from the context was valuable, is put at sa-bahara mas. 
120 . Apa juga kehendak-mu: should mean not ‘what do you want?’ but ‘what do you want?', which sounds odd as a first question, though it is correct in maya juga kehendak in I.31 below. Sh. has no juga here and I think it has been put in by error. 
121 . maya: see Preface to this text. The word occurs altogether six times in the S.M., four times on this p., once on p. 78 and once again on p. 95. It is evidently a synonym of apa. 
122; mudah-mudahan: see note 107 b , referring to p. 71, I.44 
123. : kimqt-nya (Ar. kimat ‘value’) 
124. Maya apa: MS maya juga 
125. gembala: MS ? ngembala = mengembala which 
occurs on p. 150, 1.12 
126. fitnah: used here in the ordinary sense of the word in Arabic, viz. ‘discord’ or even ‘war’ : on p. 81, I.15 di-fitnahkan has the usual meaning of the word in Malay viz. blander’ 
127. Telah berlaku-lah hukum Allah: MS presumably 
by error for y Cf. bahwa hukum Allah ta’ala berlaku-lah 
pada hari ini on p. 187, I.16 announcing the impending execution of Bendahara S.M. The remark of Saidi A. here is prophetic, referring to the fate which was in store for himself and his master, see pp. 78-91, below? 
128. Sa-telah itu . kapada Sidtan Mahku’l-Tahir: A com¬ 
parison of this obscure passage with the Sh. version indicates that what was intended was 
Sa-telah itu , maka kedengaran-lah khabar (bahwa) Sultan 
Maliku’tl-Tahir , di-kbabar-kan orang , sudah ada di-Jambu Ayer; 
dan khabar Sultan Maliku’l-Mansur (berbuat pekerjaan tiada 
These notes refer to pages 75 — 77 of Winstedt’s romanized text: see footnote on p. 205 antea. 
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translated by C. C. Brown 217 
patut itu ) pun telah kedengaran-lah ka-pada Sultan Malikutl- 
Tahir . 
and I have translated accordingly 
129. minta di-alu-alukan raja : Sh has minta di-alu- 
alukan. Apparently this means that Sultan M. T. asked Sultan M.M. to welcome him at (? Kuala) Jambu Ayer (half way between Semudra and Pasai). Sultan M.M. accordingly went down the river to meet his brother, but Sultan M. T. went upstream from the Kuala (?), then up the Ketui, leaving Jambu Ayer before Sultan M.M. had reached the junction of the Jambu Ayer with the Ketui and purposely missing his brother out of pique? 
130. bukan-lah ^5 y nama-nya: the speaker’s name was evidently Tukang Sekarat and he makes a play on his name Tukang 
130 a . kerjakan : on p. 186, I.12 and p. 193, I.25 this word seems to mean ‘make an end of’, ‘kill’ in fact: but the context sug¬ gests that it can only mean something likq ‘carry out’ (a plan) here. 
131. segala . di-luar : this is part of the order given by 
Sultan M. T. Sh. has di-surob tinggal . 
132. Manjong: mentioned on, p.204, I.41 as one of the negeri ta’alok baginda ( Sultan Mahmud Shah) yang arah ka-barat. Not indentified with certainty., Possibly a place lost when a flood changed the course of the Perak river. According to H. R. Pasai Sultan M.T. had been advised by Fun P.T. to send his brother ‘a long way from this city’, on the principle jauh dari mata y jauh dari bati ! The place named in the H. R. Pasai is Temiang: there is an island of that name in the Lingga archipelago, but there is also a Temiang in Acheh. 
133. Padang .Maya ini : should read Padang may a ini? 
(what plain is this?). For maya see note 121 referring to p.76 I.21 of the text. 
134. Padang Maya itu : should read padang itu : there is 
no maya in the MS 
135. ahmak : here used in its ordinary sense of ‘foolish’: but this meaning- will not fit on p. 177, I.44 where the world clearly means ‘covetous’ ‘worldly’ 
136. menjemput : ‘fetch his brother from Manjong’. Cf. jemput ka-Selangor on p.216, I.23 and see no'.e on di-jemput on p.56 
137. badan-nya . di-Langkawi: Sh. has simply badan-nya 
gJjaib tiada berketahuan 7 but adds later ada suatu cbetera, badan Tun J)ana Khatib itu teirhantar di-Langkaui di-tanamkan orarig dt-sana : itu 4 ah di-pantunkan oramg 
Telur itek dari Sigapura, 
Pandan terletak di-langkahi; 
Darah-nya titek di-Singapura , 
Badan-nya terhantar di-Langkawi 
jstS**+* ’ ? — sa-kepal ‘a clot’. For a similar spelling corn- 
fusion see I.14 above where ka-pembunoban appears in the MS as : also on p.205, I.3 which almost certainly repre¬ 
sents ipar 
These notes refer to pages 77 — 80 of Winstedt’s romanized text: see footnote on p. 205 antea. 
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218 The Malay Annals (Translator’s Commentary) 
137 a . ferdana menteri : read paramenteri 
137 b « di-tikam todak itu y : I conjecture ber - 
gantang-genjang mati-lab : see W. under gantang IV and genjang. 
41 -.* is presumably an error for a common spelling in the MS 
of mati-lah 
138 . lagi mati : flalu mati. 
139 . bantu memarang dia: Sh. datang orang menetak dia . Apparently bantu memarang = bersama-sama memarang 
140 . w menanggongkan bak-nya....: lit. he laid his rights as a burden upon the city. Cf. Risalat Hukum Kanun, sec. 8, yang membunob itu wajib di-bunoh pula supaya bak-nya jangan ter- tanggong atas kita 
141 . ‘umor baginda : sc. di-atas kerajaan 
142 . asal-nya (JAr" : same spelling of sedia in the MS 
is found on p.150, 1.2, p.154, I.27 and 173, 1.2. 
143 . f : = perjenggikan , a word still used in Negri Sembilan with the 'meaning 'expose’. 
143 a . di-bujong pasar : the word bujong generally means the 'further end’ of a thing as opposed to pankal 'the near end’ cf. sesat di-bujong jalan t balek ka-pangkal jalan) : but it is evident that in the S.M. in several instances it merely means 'one end’, as ■e.g. di-ujong balai on p.85, I.27 whereas on p.140, I.15 the context almost certainly demands that bujong jambatan means ‘the near end’ of the bridge.’ 
144 . maka : should read cS*1 = dua keti, see 
R.O.W. corrigenda , loc . cit. 
145 . maka segala . pergi-lab : Sh. maka sakalian-nya pun 
belay ar-lab 
145 a . itu-lab maka : = sebab itu-lab . Cf. p.223, I.5 and see 
note 386 referring to p.127, I.9 
145 b . ka-tepi : MS terus ka-tepi 
146 . mengajari: MS yy* which I suspect to be menga- 
cbara (for cb being written as j see note (6) on p. 226). Raffles MS 80 p. 78 reads which is clearly mengacbara , cf. 
p. 164, 1.2.^ There is no point in mengajari here, but the story °f^Tun Perpateh Hitam on pp. 163-4 illustrates the meaning of mengacbara and the reference to menfieri on p. 164, I.3 confirms the probability that the word here is mengacbara. Cf. also Seri Rama, (JSBRAS, No. 71) p. 74 where bebenar acbara-nya is given as one ofj the duties of a Raja. 
147 . bebuat bentara : presumably the reference here is to the number and duties of the heralds: there was, nothing new in bentara as such. 
148 . alat raja: to be carefully distinguished from alat 
kerajaan . Both are described in detail on p. 85. See note 169 refer- ring to p.85, I.15). _ 
These notes refer to pages 8i0— 82 of Winstedt’s romanized text: see footnote on p. 205 antea. 
Journal Malayan Branch [Vof. XXV, Pt. II & III 

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219* 

translated by Q. C. Brown 
149 . Sa-telah hari : should read Sa-telah itu, hari 
150 . Takutkan shaitan : may be correct, but I think Takut kena sbaitan more likely 
151 . kutaha: see R. O. W. ’s Preface. 
152 . bendahari . bendahari . bendahari : so the MS in 
each case but obviously in error, see beginning of next paragraph Maka kata bendabara 
153 . raja: the vocative, I think, as in the sentence begining. apa ‘alamat-nya in I.36: the ini qualifies bahasa yang dusebut . Cf also p.190, I.35. 
153 a . mengbaru raja: MS mengaru-ngaru raja ini 
154 . ‘ Asar sekarang: so Sh., but the MS has waktu ‘asar pada saat lagi 
155 . Saiyid ‘ Abdu'l-aiii: see p. 129, I.18 
156 . bendahari: ? Bendabara 
157 . baginda yang pertama melebakkan: for the description which follows of procedure etc. it is interesting to compare Kedah Laws, pp. 33-44 (R.O.W, op. cit) 
158 . enggan: seems here to mean ‘except’, though this meaning, is not noted by W. The MS has (? anugerab) which makes no sense 
159 . panjang: ? pancbong 7 see note on berkam memancbong on p.157 of the text. 
160 . berkeris di-hadapan: relevant to the incident described on p. 109, second para. 
161 . denda mati: Sh. di-denda patt, yaani sa-kati lima . Not so however Risalat Hukum Kanun, sec. 1, which prescribes di- bunoh as the penalty. The Sh. text may have deliberately sub- stututed the milder penalty as being more humane and therefore more creditable to Malay Sultans ? 
162 . dudok: strictly speaking this verb and all those that follow for the next three pages should be translated 'were/was to (sit etc)’, to indicate that this is a description of procedure and not of a single transaction: but for brevity’s sake 1 have merely used the past tense. 
163 . Seri balai: the ‘body of the hall’ as opposed to the side galleries etc? 
164 . anak cbetena: not in Sh. Anak cbeteria probably only = cbetena , cf. p. 98, last line. 
165 . jadi bendahari: Sh. has jadi Bendabara which is clearly correct 
166 . di-tapakan: Sh., better, di-ketapakan balai 
167 . kepala bendabara: should read kepala abentara as in the MS 
168 . segala nakboda Cbempa . balai itu: Sh. has ada pun 
nakboda Cbempa yang pilehan dudok di-sen balai: maka segala anak tuan-tuan yang bersahaja - sabaja dudok di-selasar balai: and it looks as though that is how the passage should run. Alter¬ natively yang should be omitted in this text before dudok to give the sentence a main verb. Incidentally the Sh. version "indicates 
These notes refer to pages 82-—85 of Winstedt’s romanized text: see footnote on p. 205 antea . 
1952] Royal Asiatic Society. 

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220 The Malay Annals (Translator's Commentary) 
the identity of these anak tuan-tuan who are frequently mentioned in the S.M. (e.g. p. 104, I.25 and p. 191, I.35). I take yang bersahaja-sahaja to mean ‘of good family but nothing more' i.e. holding no office (1 tiada kena kerja raja). Who were the nakhoda Chempa? The establishment of the Cham community in Malaka evidently occurred appreciably later, see p. 137. These nakhoda Chempa I take to have been sea-captains who had some standing in Malacca as important traders. One of them appears in the story of Tun Teja, p. 170, l.n 
169. alat raja: Sh. has segala perkakas raja, saperti ketur dan kendi, kipas dan barang sa-bagai-nya and makes no mention of perisai and panah which go so oddly with ‘cuspidores, goglets and fans’ that the correctness of the MS here is suspect 
170. jikalau ada utusan datang : the procedure hereinafter described is far from clear The Sh. version, which verbably corresponds to a large extent with this text; has the advantage that it puts the events in their right order, whereas this text describes what is to be done on the arrival of the letter at the balai before describing the procedure for getting the letter to the balai. Combining the two versions I gather the procedure to have been as follows:- When the arrival of the envoy (generally di-kuala) was announced, a large tray ( kerikal ) and a salver ( chepir) were produced from the palace ( dari ddlam) by a slave. These were brought into the balai, and the kerikal was set down had Bendahara (? ‘as near to the throne as the B. sat’). What subse¬ quently happened to the kerikal we are not told: but the chepir was then given to the man who was to ‘bring the letter’ (i. e. from the envoy’s place of arrival) to the balai in procession ( di-arak , not mentioned here but mentioned hereafter passim ), the type of pro¬ cession and the marks of honour accorded to the letter varying with the rank of the sender of the letter. When it reached the balai it was received by the chief herald on the right and read (no pro¬ cedure is prescribed here for the reading) and the Raja’s Utah com¬ municated to the envoy by the herald on the left (a written reply was almost invariably delivered to the envoy before he departed). Could the kerikal have been used for the bingkisan or customary present which accompanied the letter? 
171. alat kerajaan: the gendang must have been omitted by error. It is mentioned in line 30. 
171 a . payong puteh: thereby signifying the acceptance of Pasai and Haru as independent sovereign states net subject to Malacca. 
172. dua buah negeri itu : Sh. has jika surat dari Pasai atau dari Haru , and it looks as though dua buah negeri itu here means Pasai and Haru. Cf. sa-buah pun negeri tiada menyama-i Malaka melainkan Pasai , Haru, tiga buah negeri. itu muda pun raja-nya berkirim salam juga on p. 125, I.40 
173. jikalau tua muda . salam juga : cf. Wan Sri Benian’s 
message on p. 59, H.35-6 and Sultan Mansur’s letter to China on p. 118, last para. For the importance of the wording of a letter in this respect cf. the incidents related on pp. 08 and 146 and see p.125, H.41-3. And contrast Hkt. R. R. Pasai p.9, 1.8 jikalau tua sakali pun berkirim sembah juga ia kapada Raja Pasai dan jikalau muda sa¬ kali pun Raja Pasai, berkirim salam juga ia 
These notes refer to page 85 of Winstedt’s romanized text see footnote on p. 205 antea. 
Journal Malayan Branch [Vol. XXV, Pt. II & III 

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translated by C. C. Brown 

221 

173 a . jikalau patut,' bergajab .what was probably intend¬ 
ed was jikalau patut bergajab, bergajab; jikalau patut berkuda, berkuda. See lines 41-2 below 
174. Jika utusan Rekan sa-kali pun : ?thus described because Rekan, on the East coast of Sumatra and opposite Malacca, was comparatively near at hand. 
175. jemput : see note 39 on di-jemput. 
176. di-bawakan gajab: ‘he was brought by elephant’ 
177. mengenakan dia : from Megat Terawis (a Malay play by Teh Fatimah: Macmillan, 1951) I take the following description of the investiture of Megat Terawis as Bendahara of Perak 
Megat Terawis pun datang-lah ka-istana dan di-sambuti oleh Bentara yang ada berdiri di-kaki tangga istana itu. Bentara Dalam pun memkawa sa-helai daun pisang serta di-bentangkan ka-atas kepala M. T. Maka To’ Sri Nara ‘draja pun membacha surat sumpab yang be mama surat chiri di-atas kepala M.T. Sa-telah di-bacha , surat itu pun di-let akkan ka-atas daun pisang itu . Lepas itu M.T . di-bawa naik ka-atas istana 
This description omits mention of the chiri being read di-hadapan raja (I.5 above in this text): but it shews what is meant by mengena¬ kan dia here, i.e. the chiri was laid on the banana leaf which had been put on the head of the chief being installed 
178. sa-chepir baju: one would expect instinctively baju sa- chepir y which is precisely what appears in I.16 below, and I suspect the text here. It is notewo.hy that no reference is made here to the presentations mentioned on p. 159, H.35-40, as customary on the appointment of a bendahara and other officers of state. 
179. di-}ktri .( Laksamcma ): according to this text a;s it 
stands the Laksamana was in two places at the same time. The Sh. version differs appreciably, putting the Pengh Bendahari and the Laksamana at the head of the litter and ,the Sri Bija ‘diraja (by himself) pada rantai dekat kaki raja. 
180. di-hadapan raja segaia alat itu : Sh. di-hadapan raja 
segaia bentara memikul pedang dan di-hadapan itu segaia orang berlembing. This is evidently how the passage, should run: segaia alat itu has crept into the MS by error. 
181. chogan : see W. under jogan 
182. mengadap nobat: see note 57, on nobat . I can 
find no information as to sireh nobat other than what is given here. 
183. pertama anak raja-raja : after this should have come dan Bendahara as in Sh. 
184. raja berkerja: festivities in honour of the marriage or circumcision of scions of the ruler 
185. di-balai . balairuang: Sh. omits di-balai . There 
is nothing in the S.M. to Shew what distinction was made between baHai and balairuang 
186. menyuroh menguchap orang : obscure. The MS has which presumably stands for menyuroh meiiguchapi. Possibly 
menguchapi orang means to ‘call out the name’ of a person to whom the Raja wished to speak, such person being present, as opposed to memanggil ‘sending for’ someone not present? 
These notes refer to pages 85—87 of Winstedt’s romanized text: see footnote on p. 205 antea . 
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222 The Malay Annals (Translator's Commentary) 
187 . mengatur orang makan : for a vivid description of how one particular Temenggong perfomed these duties see p.160, l.i3y et sqq. 
188 . orang makan itu: for a description of a royal banquet see JMBRAS, II, pt. 2, p.279. 
189 . istemewa yang di-atas : 'still Jess could people from 
above.’ The sense 'by how much the more/less', as. the case 
may be, can also be conveyed by ini pula (cf. the saying tidak hujan lagi bechak ini ( kan ) ,pula hujan ) and by ini konon as on p.168, I.33 
189 a . sa-hidangan dengan anak raja-raja : it is noteworthy that according to Hang Tuah I, 84, the Temenggong shared the Benda- hara’s dish 
189 b . mengarak : ? sc. Laksamana 7 as in I.44 below 
190 . bulan Ramdlan malam dua-puloh tujoh : see W. under kadar (Lailat al-k.) 
191 . gantang-gantang : other MSS gendang . It is possible 
however that gantang-gantang is correct, as very great importance was attached to standard weights and measures, see Kedah Laws (op. cit.) p. 23. 
192 . beserban . jubbah itu : the MS is faulty: either 
— lab has been omitted after itu or an r after jubbah 
193 . di-arak oieh Pengh. Bendahari : so Sh., but the MS has di-arak masok di-rumab P. B. ( di-rumah evidently = dari rumah as commonly in colloquial Malay, e. g, turun di-rumah) and I have translated as in the MS. 
194 . raja pun... .gajah: the MS has raja pun berarak-lah dari dalam, keluar di-atas gajah and I have translated accordingly 
195 . Bendahari : read Bendahara. There was no such minister as the Bendahari: the title throughout the S.M. is Penghulu Bendahari 
196 . naik: the Raja was already on the astaka , so the sense here must be 'assisted the Raja on to the litter/ Sh. has Bendahara segera naik menyambut Raja naik ia ka-uscmgan 
197 . barat -- Terengganu Ujong Karang: Sh. has arab 
ka-barat hingga Beruas Ujong Karang , arab ka-timur Ityd Tereng¬ ganu 
198 . anakanda yang muda : why this Muhammadan Raja was succeeded on the throne by his younger son is not explained 
199 . chuki ..... .hijau: see P.M.S., Malay Amusements p. 58. 
I take it that in this instance the "sixty white pips" (mentioned there¬ in) were ‘red gems’ (? rubies) and the "sixty black pips" were ‘green gems’ (Pemeralds) 
permata buah-nya : Sh has the more usual buah-nya permata 
199 a . berpenggang cf. penggang on p.66, I.33 (note 85 .) 
200 . di-ambil menantu: this comes in very abruptly there must be an omission in the MS. Sh. has sa-telah datang ka-Malaka+ lalu mengadap Sultan Muhammad Shah . Maka di-dudokkan baginda tara menteri. Telah itu di-ambil oleh Seri Nara * diraj a .... He was apparently given the title Tun Bijaya Maha Mentri, see p. 95, I.44 
These notes refer to pages 87—90 of Winstedt’s romanized text: see footnote on p. 205 antea . 
Journal Malayan Branch (Vol. XXV, Pt. II & III 

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translated by C. C. Brown 

223 

201. di-dudokkan . tara Bendabara : not in Sh. and the text 
here is evidently corrupt as we read in I.21 dudok di-bawah Benda - hara. Moreover di-turutkan postulates some previous advice or request, as e.g. in I.7 on this page, and we are not told what it was, though it resulted in the Raja of Rekan having to take a lower place. 
202 . Maka anakanda baginda : preceeded in the MS by Sa- ielah Sultan Muhammad Shah cX&* : this obviously has the same meaning as mangkat. Is it the same word? Hardly, one would think, as it ( cXi* ) occurs again on p.215, I.40 and also on p.104 of the Seri Rama (op. cit) and it is unlikely 7 that mangkat would be misspelt not only in the S.M. but also in the Seri Rama. See also note 80 referring to p.65, I.26 
203 . memangku Sultan A.S.: Sh. adds memerentahkan negeri Malaka 
204 . ada sa-orang maulana : Sh. has, more probably, ada sa- ■orang saudagar , be mama Maulana Jalalu ddin 
204 a . Saperti-nya : ? read dengan saperti-nya 
205 . Slmkur-lah : the MS has <Xi, = suka-lah 
206 . sa-lama-nya di-ikut : obscure. MS cX b Sh. sa-lama- 
nya pun hamba hendak .. 
206 a . mengerjakau : a polite way of saying 'kill' : cf. p.186, I.12 and see note on kerjakan referring to p.193, I.25 
207 . karna sangat sabur: Sh. adds lagi orang banyak sakit hati akan Raja Rekan 
207 a . Kitab undang-undang: R.O.W. agrees with me that this is the Risalat Hukum Kanun or Undang-Undang Melaka and he is amending accordingly what he says in his Malay Lit., p.112, regard¬ ing the date etc. of this Code 
207 b . Radin Anum : son of Sultan Megat, see p.82, I.47 
207 c . dukachita pergi : Sh. has more correctly, dukachita , Mu berangkat 
208 . baginda tiada nobat : see note 57 on nobat. 
209 . tiada kena kerja raja : the inference is that he felt himself slighted by not being given any office at court. Cf. his, own words (as Bendahara) on p.144, last line, jikalau engkau tiada berkerja raja, hendak-lah engkau diam di-hutan. To one born at the court of Malacca living at Klang might well seem to be diam di-hutan 
210 . Bubunnya : Cannot be identified as a Siamese title, unless it is a corruption of Borama which was part of the title 
borne by Siamese Kings in 15th century. Possibly the word is 
connected with Bana, a mid—15th c. Mon royal title, which has survived in Burmese as binnya , • 
211 . surat sembah : i. e. a letter in which the writer sends 
his sembah and thereby admits the overlordship of the Raja to 
whom he is writing. See note on jikalau tua muda. \... .salam juga on p. 85, I.28 
212. Awi Chakra:, not a personal name, cf. Ami Dichu on p.75. Chakra is an obsolete Siamese titH = 'provincial administrator/ 
These notes refer to pages 90 — 93 ©f Winstedt's romanized text: see footnqite on p. 205 antea. 
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224 The Malay Annals (Translator's Commentary) 
213. jikalau: — apabila (there could be no question of Tun Perak not coming mengadap). Cf. jikalau surat itu sudah di-bacha on p. 142, I.37 
214. tanah Semudra : should read Pateh Semudra as in the MS. 
215. Amarat: Sh. Anterta. Neither word can be identified. 
216. pedang sa-bilah itu juga : the phrase postulates previous mention of the pedang. The omission in the MS is supplied by Sh, and what should have been written here is 
Hai y Seri Amarat , ( akan) tuan hamba ( di-jadi-kan yang di-pertuan 
bentara , di-anugerabi pedang sa-bilah) pedang sa-bilah itu juga 
hendak-lah . 
217. kami orang berkerja : Sh. adds ini m The words orang berkerja (ini) define kami 
218. di-mana tuan hamba tabu: cf: the mu tabu dewana ( di - mana) = 'how do you know? of contemporary Kelantan Malay 
219. pada fikir: so Sh., but the MS has pekerti 
220 . apa hisab-ku pada-nya : Sh. apa hisab pada kami sakalian i.e. ‘what concern is it of ours (down there in Klang) ?’. The -ku here is clearly erroneous and should be omitted: the sentence then means what concern is it of theirs (i.e. of the men of Klang in Klang) V His argument is ‘people in Klang may not be greatly concerned over what happens to distant Malacca. But bring the men of Klang up to Malacca with their womenfolk and they will fight well, in¬ cidentally for the Raja though principally to preserve their women¬ folk from falling into the enemy's hands.’ 
221. di-ambil . sireh puan : Sh. has, more correctly, di- 
ambil baginda sireh dari puan baginda . beri-kan kapada Tun 
Perak . For the importance attached to this mark of royal favour cf. the story of Tun Bayajit on p. 151. It was an Indian custom, see Malik Muhammad, Jaisi, ed. A.G. Shirreff, p. 293 
222. tiada-lah alah: the — lah is not in the MS and should be omitted 
223. di-himpunkan-nya : Sh. di-champakkan-nya , which is 
more probable, for why should they have ‘collected together’ the 
rattans? Possibly of the MS is an error for 
‘they flung them down’? See note on di-himpun-kan-nya on p. 149, 
1.3 
223 a . itudah . Rotan Siam : must mean ‘ a clump of 
rattans known as the rattans of the Siamese’, i.e. not a different species of rattan called rotan Siam : no such species seems to be known. Were the reference to a place, the words tempat itu would probably have been inserted (cf. p.82, I.15) No place of that name exists nowadays on the Muar river. 
224. kayu bora: so Maxwell MS 26, but Sh. and all the other MSS have kayu ara 
225. Tuan y Seri Amarat : the opening sentence of this speech should read as on p.94, see note 216 on pedang sa-bilah juga on p.94, 
1-27 _ 
These notes refer to pages 94—95 of Winstedt’s rcmanized text: see footnote on p. 205 antea . 
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225 

translated by C. C. Brown 
225 a . baik juga ... .tabu: obscure. Sh. has baik juga pada kami , maka kami kerjakan , karna yang di-pertuan tahu akan baik-nya juga pada kami tiada tabu akan jabat-nya . The word jabat here apparently means 'what is difficult or unpleasant' ( pahit maung-nya) and the sense of the passage seems to be as in the translation, though I am not altogether satisfied about it 
226. hendak mencbcrcba akan kami: so Sh., but the MS 
has (mengacharakan kami dengan dia), see 
note on I.31. The dengan dia clearly refers to the man who made the complaint, cf. Tun P. P. pun berachara dengan dagang itu pada Bendahara on p.163, last line but one. 
227. pecbat-lab bamba dabulu : the MS adds dari Kclang itu 
228. ajarkan : surely acbarakan as in Raffles MS 80? 
229. sa-bagai mana bamba di-ajarkan : the MS adds dengan sa- bagai bamba and I take the whole sentence to read sa-bagai mana bamba di-acbara-kan dengan sa-bagai bamba . If the dengan refers to the man who made the complaint (see note on mencberch'a above), the argument seems to be "as long as I am headman of Klang, I refuse to be brought to judgment by a' man who is sa-bagai bamba ’ 
230. dudok di-balai : his own balaif See note on keluar-lab ka-pengbadapan on p. 44, I.9 
231. tiada muafakat : this laconic statement is considerably amplified in Sh. 
231a. pada Seri Nara "diraja : should read as in the MS pada- nya y mob on juga ia 
231 b . Tun Kudu: see p.93, I.17 
232. di-maiia . tabu: see note on p.94, I.30. This was no 
idle boast on the S.N. di-raja’s part: he had several children’ by Tun Kudu, see p.116, I.21 
233. sedia anak Bendahara: see p. 93, I.19 
234. ora?ig bijaksana . nama-nya: the meaning apparently 
is "there were three outstandingly able administrators at that time, the B.P.R. in Malacca, (and the then holders of the offices of) Pateh A. G. M. in Majapahit and Raja Kenyan in Pasai.’ That P.A.G.M. was an office and not an individual person appears from p.101, I.37, and it seems unlikely that the Raja Kenayan mentioned here is the same individual as the Raja Kenayan mentioned on 3x126, I.40. It is noticeable that Bendahara Sri Maharaja "the grandest of all the Bendaharas’ (p. 160, I.44 is not described as bijaksana despite the tribute to his qualities as an administrator on p.159, I.42, et sq. 
235. Seri Nara " diraja pun menjadi Pengb. Bendabari: So Sh., but why repeat what we have already been told at the foot of p.89? 
236. datang-lab: Sh., more corectly, datang pula , as this was the second attack (incidentally, pace R.O.W., p.20, both the Siam¬ ese attacks are described' in Sh.) 
237. berlengkap: as the second Siamese attack was by sea, berlengkap here has its usual S.M. meaning of "making ships ready’: but for once in a, way we are given no details of thei fleet. 
238. Muntab Lembu: see p.56, I.31 
These notes refer to pages 95—96 of Winstedt’s romanized text: see footnote on p. 205 antea. 
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226 The Malay Annals (Translator’s Commentary) 

239. nyireh . tumu . api-api : there seem to be no 
English equivalents for these trees, all of which grow close to the 
sea shore. 
239 a . membuat : MS memahat 
240. di-nyanyikan orang : the verse which follows is trans¬ posed in Sh. to follow the death of Chau Pandan 
240 a . Ada chinchin . ayer mata : obscure. In Sh. the last 
line is Bunga beladong si-ayer mata. W. translates the verse (see under ladong) but his translation in the 193-2 edition differs from that in the earlier edition. I doubt the correctness of either. I suspect the text and have merely to give the sense required by the context 
241. mali : MS sudah mati 
242. Sultan Mu^affar Shah pun memberi titzh: the story that follows is told in Sh. (pp.87-8) of Sultan Mansur 
243. Lalai mana butan di-kelati : this verse to be in.elligible should run 
Lalai-lalai, mana butan? 
Butan lagi di-kelati; 
Kakak Tun Telanai, mana pungutan? 
Pungutan lagi di-Tanjong Jati ! 
I am in debt to R.O.W. for the elucidation of it 
244. sembah . salam. .. . .kaseh: for sembah see note 
on surat sembah on p. 93. Salam ‘greetings’ as from equals to each other when both are Muhammadans, cf. jikalau tua muda sa-kali pun berkirim salam juga of the rulers of Malacca, Pasai and Haru on p.125, I.40. Kaseh ‘friendship’ as from equals to each other where the person addressed is a non-Muhammadan (?) cf. surat kaseh daripada Bendahara datang kapada Adi Berake- lang on p.217, I.23. Why Sultan Muzaffar would not send a surat kaseh in this instance is not clear. 
244 a . di-suroh arak : not a flight of fancy on the part of the writer, as must surely be the description on p.223*, I.25, but an estab¬ lished practice in Siam at this period 
245. datang kapada _: the MS has datangkan orang mem - 
bawa epok dan kemendelima (sic: should keme'ndclam as on p. 21,0, I.35) 
246. gajah di-kepilkan: the highest honours in fact, see p. 85, I.26 
247. mengambul di-atas belakang-nya : for a similar story see Hang Tuah II, p.250 
248. gila-gila : MS % jS which I take to represent J S (kebal belaka) 
248 a . jahat... baik-baik : the reference here is not to moral qualities but to breeding. Orang jahat means here, as on p.183, I.21, ‘a man of the people’ in contrast to orang baik-baik ‘men of good family.’ Baik-baik in that sense is common in colloquial Malay and it is odd that W. does not note it. 
249. Mari-lah Sh. mari kita mengadap : beta-Jah ber- 
datang sembah.... But the MS has 3^'—' Ju- 

These notes refer to pages 97—99 of Winstedt’s romanized text: see footnote on p. 205 antea. 
Journal Malayan Branch [Vol. XXV, Pt. II & III 

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translated by C. C. Brown 

227 

which I read as sedia kita mengadap sa-cbara abentara-lab berdatang sembah. This seems to mean 'all we have to do is to present our¬ selves (before the king) like heralds and submit a request’. 
250. muga-muga: see note 30 on moga-moga. 
251. kemudian maka orang Siam: Proximus buic , longo sed proximus intervallo in fact. Maka here, as often in the S.M., = baharu . See also note on p.144, l.i of the text. 
252. katib : so Sh., but the MS has the usual spelling khatib 
253. Ada-pun . Laksamana: not in Sh. No Laksamana 
of the name of Tun 'Ali Haru is mentioned later. 
254. Radin Galob Aim Kesuma : subsequently described as Puteri Nai Kesuma 
255. Aku ini raja Tciijong Pur a : the copyist has evidently strayed here, for (a) the boy was not the Raja of T.P. but his son (b) in no conceivable circumstances could he have spoken of him¬ self as aku in this context (he always refers to himself subsequently as bambd). Sh. has, correctly, hamba anak raja T.P. 
255 a . Sang Maniaka : see p. 56, II.21 et sqq. 
255 b . permain : an unusual use of per-. ? a mere slip of the pen for bermain which Sh has 
255 c . menyampang: Sh. sa-nyampang 
256. sa-pala\ Sh. sa-pala~pala which is the more (usual form of the word. Cf. the saying (sa) pala-pala mandi 7 biar basab (if you are going to have a bath, get wet) 
257. di-timang-nya : cf. Raja Mu^affar Sbab itu-lab di-timang- kan baginda akan ganti baginda on p. 194, I.29. In both cases the reference is to a youn^ boy. Here the sense seems to be 'to say in fun’ ? (when dandling a child) but p. 194 the word seems to mean designate’. Cf. also peri timang on p. 103, I.26 
258. di-jadikan P.A.G.M. : see note 234 on tiga orang 
259. sa-teng.ab orang berkata : the MS adds memuji , hence mengatakan in the next line 
260. lompati : so Sh., but the MS has ? tbempani, 
a verb irregularly formed from cbempana with the meaning ‘carry off in a litter’ 
261. segala negeri : Sh. has berkeliling negeri dan peminggir Majapabit which is clearly more correct 
262. menteri: the MS has presumably an error for 
paramenteri 
263. Knravg-kurang : see note on kurang ia berlawan-kan 
on p.94 
264. Maira-tab janji : should, I think, read Mana-tab janii 
paduka batara dengan aku (sic: ? kula) dabulu bendak menjadi- kan kula . 
265. mudab-mudaban : here used in' its usual optative sense, in contrast tp the instances on pp. 71 and 76 
266. peri timang: see note on di-timang-nya on p. 101. Sh. here has meminang ? presumably an error for menimang. 
267. maka man: MS jika matt paman 
These notes refer to pages 99—103 of Winstedt’s romanized text: see footnote on p. 205 antea. 
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228 The Malay Annals (Translator's Commentary) 
268. kelengkapan Singapura juga : the significance of juga 
here is obscure. Sh. has the same but adds dan Sungei Raya pun demikian juga 
269. perwira : MS perwira-nya. For perwira see note 14 a on hulubalang 
270. tiada terturut : Sh. has tiada boleb bertara , barang laku- nya tiada terturut oleh orang lain which is better 
271. cberdek dan perkasa : the MS adds jika ia bermain 
daripada orang lain 
272. jika ia memengkis : obviously out of place. Sh. puts 
the events in their right order with jika ia bergurau sama muda- muda , maka di-sengseng-nya tangan baju-nya, maka ia memengkis kata-nya . 
272 a . Tunggal : should read Tungkal y which is north-east of Jambi 
272b. segala raja-raja : the translation follows the MS which reads orang Pelembang dan Raja Inderagiri dan Raja Jambi dan Raja Tungkal dan Raja Lingga 
272 c . ferdana meiiteri : read paramenteri 
273. Daha : in East Java 
274. keris itu : the details of this story, whether in this text or in Sh., are far from clear. If keris itu is the keris ganja kerawang mentioned above, what happened to it when it was given to the Raja of Daha? Forty-one creeses in all are mentioned but only forty were stolen. And was the sheath of keris itu broken? We are not told that it was; but if it wasn't, why did it ever leave the Raja of Da ha’s keeping* to become available for presentation to the Raja of T.P.? 
274 a . perawangan: see note 42* referring to p.56, I.45 of text. 
275. di-tambat-nya: it is hardly likely that the Batara himself tied the dog there: Sh. adds maka segala hamba raja dudok di-bawab and it is evidently they who tied the dog 
276. pcdikir : MS J3 which I read as pedekar , see W. 
under pendekar and cf. laku-nya saperti pedekar menari on p.160, L 16 
277. pelbagai laku-nya: after these words the MS has q<£ Si and the sentence should read di-gertak-nya perisai-nya 
( kapada ) anjing itu . as in Sh.? 
278. Mari kita . larangan ini : Sh. adds pertinently ada-kah 
kita di-turunkan orang atau tidakf 
279. tetak-nya : should read di-tetak-nya 
280. gempar: another of the words occurring constantly in the S.M. for which it i$ hard to'find any one English equivalent suitable in every instance. E.g. in orang pun gempar babis berlarian sana sini on p.m, I.29 ‘p a m<f possible as a rendering: but 'panic’ will not do here nor in Jika ia ka-paseban , di-paseban gempar on page 106, II9-10. "Excitement” is perhaps the nearest English equivalent. Cf. Hkt. R.R. 
Pasai, p.6. I.24 di-suroh-nya gemparkan . kerbau jdlang itu 'he 
ordered his men to stampede the wild bufflaloes’ 
These notes refer to pages 104—106 of Winstedt’s romanized text: see footnote on p. 205 antea. 
Journal Malayan Branch [Vol. XXV, Pt. II & III 

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translated by C. C. Brown 

229 

281. orang pasar pun gempar : should read orang di-pasar pun gempar and then should go on dan jika ia pergi pada kampong orang, maka segala orang di-kampong itu gempar: segald Jawa itu pun hairan memandang laku-nya as in the MS. The sentence dan segala perempuan Jawa....Hang Tuah itu is not in the MS. 
282. mengintai : MS menenggok dia 
283. Onya suruh .: for this and the other passages in Java¬ 
nese which follow, see APPENDIX A 
284. menyuroh orang berjaga-jaga: I suspect the text. In pre¬ vious instances (on pp. 58, 73 and 78) the expression is ( baginda ) memula-i perkerjaan berjaga-jaga , and I fancy menyuroh orang here refers to the music mentioned in the next sentence, especially as according to the MS that sente’nce runs Maka segala bunyubunyian 
pun berbunyulah . gendir . madali : impossible tc translate for 
lack of Engliish equivalents 
285. sapu-sapu ringin : see P.M.S., Life and Customs, Pt. 3, Malay Amusements, p.77. The playing of this game was evidently suggested with a view to annoying the Javanese as it involved stretching out the legs (berlunjur): the result appears in H.36-7 below. 
285 a . beranjur : should read belunjur ? 
286. di-larang kata-nya . Batara : Dr. Hooikaas conjec¬ tures tantapi dak tempiiing kau sirno ‘.? I will give you such 
a box on the ear as will destroy you’ Tantapi cannot be identified. 
287. gila-kah kami : elliptic. "Should we haie dared to play? We are not mad!” Sh. has bera?ii-kah kami. Cf. gila apa-kab patek menaroh dia? on p.112, I.32 (note 309). 
Biar-nya bermain: Sh. biar dia bermain. The use of nya here for dia is characteristic of the Malay of Kelantan and Trengganu 
288. hadlir mengadap: the MS adds Sidtan Mansur Shah pun ada hadlir. 
288 a . Pada Sultan Mansur Shah: the MS has pada Tun Bijaya Sura 
289. keris Batara: according to Sh. the royal betel-bearer wore a royal creese and it was that creese that Tun Bijaya Sura managed to filch, not the Batara’s own creese carried by the betel-bearer as suggested by this text 
290. Maka Utah: preceded in the MS by Maka Tun Bijaya Sura pun di-panggil oleh Batara 
290 a . menjadi <jT>* : MS menjawat dia 
290 b . mohonkan Inderagiri : the MS adds kapada Batara Majapahit 
291. di-alpa: MS Leyden translates ‘if you give it, is well (dalap)': but no such word as dalap or di-alap can be traced and di-alpa , a verb formed from alpa ‘negligent, makes no sense. The meaning is obviously the same as that of diqqad in I.38 below, ?‘it is weir 
292. Kita anugerahkan: this ‘gift' seems to have had disastrous consequences for the ruler of Indragiri (Maharaja Merlang, says Sh., tiada di-beri kembali and he died in Malacca, see p. 164, I.33, while his son Raja Nara Singa only succeeded in returning by ‘making his escape', see p.165, l.io) and for the retinue who accompanied 
These notes refer to pages 106—110 of Winstedt's romanized text: see footnote on p. 205 antea. 
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230 The Malay Annals (Translator's Commentary) 
him, see p. 130 , 1.6 membawa orang Inderagiri akan menebas jalan and, the opening paragraph of ch. XVIII on p .164 
293. jangankan _: should read jangankan ... .Inderagiri ini , 
segala . Jawa itu pun siapa - tab empunya dia jikalau tiada - 
Malaka? 
294. yang bergelar : i.e. subsequently, see p. 197 , I .40 
295. Ratu di-Kelang : Sh. Radin Kelav.g and Sultan Mansur on his deathbed speaks of him as anak kita 1 Raja Radin y see p.i 37 ^ I14 
296. menurun: MS menuruni. It appears that menuruni dia means dower himself.’ 
297. maka orang-lah : MS which is untrace- 
able. Sh. di-tarek 
298. demam : Sh. pertinently adds terkokol-kokol ‘had shiver¬ ing fits’: seme such word i 3 needed to explain why the ‘young men laughed at him’. 
299. Sa-telah didihat . ..di-usir-nya: represents, it would 
seem, Sa-teiah H. Tuah di-lihat oleh Jawa itu y maka oleh Jawa itu lain di-usir-nya 
300. berkendak: acc to Sh. this was only a canard, di-kata- 
kan ia berkendak ; and Leyden translates ‘he was wrongfully accused of having seduced.' 
301. di-suroh bunch: because he had by his conduct polluted the palace, as Hang Kasturi was to do subsquently? 
302. Sa-telah sa-tahun : should read Sa-telah sudah sa-tahun 
303. bantal tilam : MS ^ y (batil talam). Batak (d&l) a copying error for JjL (batil) 
304. di-atas talam . ia berjalan: according to Hang Tuah 
III, 98 , to prevent himself being stabbed from underneath through the floor 
305. kendak-nya . .di-belah-nya: Sh. kendak-nya itu pun di- bunoh-nya y di-biris-nya .... Probably di-bunoh-na has been omitted by error here, cf. di-lihat .... su dab di-bunoh-nya on p. 113 , I .37 
306. mengenang: W. paraphrases Sh. Sultan MS. pun menge- nang-ngenang Laksamana as ‘a Sultan mourning a dead chief.’ But Malays frequently use terkenangkan with the meaning ‘mention’ without any implication of regret and the words that follow in I .27 suggest that mengenang here means ‘speak of rather than ‘think of.’ cf. terkenang on p. 204 , I .39 
307. Sayang-nya si-Tuah tiada: ‘it is sad that Tuah is no 
more’; not ‘is not here’: Sultan Mansur believed him to be, dead 
308. Sa-telah....: preceded in the MS by Maka Seri Nara ‘ diraja diam menengar titah itu and I have translated accordingly 
309. gila apa-kah: cf. gila-kah kami on p. 108 , I .39 (note 287). 
310. saperti bukit: Sh. saperti Bukit K.af 
310 a . tetapi : makes no sense. ? an error for tatkala which Sh. has 
311. oleh patek-patek: Sh. sebab itu-lah maka patek taroh 
pada dusun } patek pasong. Evidently the indention was to write 
These notes refer to pages 110—113 of Winstedt’s romanized text: see footnote on p. 205 antea . 
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translated by C. C. Brown 231 
■something similar here, ? maka oleh ( itu) patek (taroh pada dusun) patek pasong 
312. yang sempurna, bamba : Sh. hamba yang sempurna. Cf. Tuan hamba (? hamba) yang sempurna on p. 121 , I .12 (note 365). 
313. memanggil : ? mengambil as in Sh. 
314. teranggar-angg.ar: ? teranggau-anggau 
315. Sa-telah datang : Sh. adds di-anugerahi baginda ayapan 315 a . Ad.a-kah : MS ada-lah 'So you are still alive' 
315 b . maka : = sebab itu, cf. ku-sangka be rani Seri Bija 
1 diraja, maka aku mau naik perahu-nya oru p .146 I .44 and see R.O.W. Malay Grammar, p. 161 , ( 4 ), II. See also note on maka tiada tahu referring to p. 144 , l.i and cf. p. 220 , I .7 
316. hanya kit,a bertemu : in other words, a nous deux mainte- nant ! 
317. Jikaiau engkau: preceded in the MS by Bagaimana aku 
akan naikf Baharu dua tiga kali (?) (MS ) mata tangga 
-engkau terpa aku and I have translated 'accordingly 
318. termasa: see note 29. 
319. Di-mana pula demikian : the English slang “nothing doing!" 
320. Maka Hang Tuah : either there is an omission here of somq such words as pun naik-lah or there should be no comma after Tuah and the second Hang Tuah :in this, sentence should go out 
321. berotar-otar : the same word as utar in I .32 (where Sh. has utar-utar) 
322. : so the MS, but surely as in Sh. 
was intended? 
323. Muga-muga : see note 30. 
324. Sa-telah Hang Kasturi mati : after these words Sh. has maka Hang Tuah pun turun-lah dari istana itu mengadap Sultan M.S., thus supplying an evident omission in this text 
325. pakaian yang di-pakai baginda : it looks as though this was the 'special mark of favour' mentioned in note on di-persalini on p .43 
326. segala anak isteri-nya: I conjecture that what was in¬ tended here was 
segala anak isteri-nya , habis ( di-bunoh rumah-nya pun) di- rombak (?), datang-kan tanah kaki tiang-nya pun . 
327. Seri Nara ' diraja : should read as in Sh., Seri Bija 4 diraja , see I. 25 * 
328. ‘adat dahulu kala: see p. 85 , I .18 
329. sendiri : ? an error for (mengadapi dia) 
which Sh. has 
329 a . besar istana itu . di-sirap : for the translation of this 
highly technical and difficult passage I am indebted to R.O.W. 329 b . kemunchak-nya : the MS adds pun tujoh 329 c . antara : MS segala 329 d . siapa-siapa : read sayap-sayap 
These notes refer to pages 113—114 of Winstedt’s romanized text: see footnote on p. 205 antea . 
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232 The Malay Annals (Translated Commentary) 

329 e . tingkap : MS ? tongkop 'spire' 
330. rumah : Sh. istana, evidently right 
331. melibat : MS c^lo read di-lihat 
331®. raja-raja : as Sh., but surely it should be hamba raja as in I. 7 ? 
331 b . asal sida-sida : confutes W.'s definition of sida-sida as 'court eunuchs" 
332. sa-jengkal : should be sa-jengkal tiga jari , cf. p .114 
332 a . Afafoz segala raja-raja dalam is tana : evidently the copy¬ ist has nodded here. ? he meant to write Maka segala harta raja ( tinggal) dalam istana. For an intelligible version of this corrupt 
passage see Sh. XVI, pp. 115-6 
333. dapat selat : MS It is evident from the context 
that this must stand for something to wear , and despite the spell¬ ing I think ol— j>' must represent bersalut , i.e. keris bersalut (see 
W. under salut. Cf. Sh. XV (p. 190 ) where the reward given to Nakhoda Saidi Ahmad (this text p. 173 , I. 29 ) is described as di- 
anugerahi persalin _ keris bersalut dan pedang berikat mas . That 
passage suggests that pedang here = pedang berikat mas 
334. Maka orang Ungaran . kota orang (I. 18 ) : I con¬ 
jecture the following reading (words in square brackets are in the MS but omitted in the text) 
Maka orang Unguran [dan orang Tungal ] buat istana serta- nya orang Pancbur Serapong berbuat balairuang; bdlai men - dapa orang Suir berbuat dia; balai apit pintu yang dari kanan 
orang Sudar buat dia; balai apit pintu yang di-kiri itu orang 
Sayong berbuat dia; (? balai) gendang orang Apong berbuat dia; dan gajah (? menyusu) orang Merba berbuat dia; penanggahan orang Sawang berbuat dia; dan pemandian orang^ Tungkal berbuat dia; dan masjid orang Tentai bebuat dia; pintu pagar istana 
orang Muda berbuat dia; dan kola orang .? (? berbuat dia). 
[Ada pun istana itu baik pula daripada dabulu. Sa-telah sudab- lah sakalian-nya itu , maka Sultan Mansur Sbab\ pun me-anugerabi segala orang yang berkerja itu. Maka baginda pun diam-lab di - istana babaru , karar-lab sa-lama-lama-nyaA and I have translated accordingly 
335. beranak dengan Tun Kudu : thus realising the expecta¬ 
tions foreshadowed on p. 96 , I .22 ! 
336. Tun Tahir : became Sri Nara 'diraja, p .122 
337. Tun Mutabir : became Bendahara Sri Maharaja, 'the grandest of all the Bendaharas', pp. 159—60 
338. Tun ' Abdul......terlalu olaban: for details see p. 122 , 
I .20 et sqq. 
339. Tun Naja: married Sultan AlaVd-din, p .139 
340. bingkis-nya jarum : lest it should be thought that the Raja of China was underestimating the importance of the Raja of Malacca, Sh. adds lain daripada itu sutera benang mas kamkba dewangga dengan beberapa benda yang gbarib and for kapada in I .35 below substitutes ka-atas mabkota ! 
These notes refer to pages 114—116 of Winstedt’s romanized text: see footnote on p. 205 antea. 
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233 

translated by C. C. Brown 
341. gagak: evidently there is an omission here. Sh. has maka datang gagak suatu kawan, tiada terhisabkan banyak-nya 
341a. turun masok : read turut masok 
342. berbunyi-lah guroh : the Emperor of China was Raja langit, (see R.O.W., Malay Magician, p. 36 ) 
343. sa-orang orang: MS sa-orang sa-orang: Sh. has, more correctly, sa-orang sa-biji 
344. istimewa aku pula : so Sh., but the MS has the more usual istimewa pula aku 
345. Barang siapa: Sh. has, more probably, barang siapa 
menteri China 
346. kahadapan . makan-lah : so the MS, but what was in¬ 
tended, I think, was 
ka-hadapan Tun P. P., maka Tun P. P. dengan segala orang Melayu pun semua-nya makan-lah 
347. Ling : referred to subsequently as Hang Liu 
348. anak putera : ? anak menteri , cf. - paramenteri 
on p. 102 . I .20 
349. menghantarkan anakanda baginda : the MS adds Puteri Hang Liu itu dan beberapa ratus dayang-dayang yang baik rupa- nya serta anakanda baginda itu. I have translated accordingly. 
349a. di-suroh baginda: according to Sh. the Sultan himself went out to meet her. 
349 b . melihat: Sh. melihat paras . Evidently rupa or paras has been omitted here by error: cf. melihat rupa puteri on p. 45 , 
I. 13 
350. menteri China yang lima ratus itu: if these are the 
lima ratus dnak putera (? menteri) yang muda-muda jn hi 2 above, menteri here should be anak menteri as in Sh.? 
351. menteri: must be the menteri yang terbesar of 11. 12—3 above 
352. Tun Telanai dan Menteri Jana Putera: previously sent as envoys to Siam, p. 98 . For the title Tun Telanai see p .214 
II. 14—15. 
353. Berkirim sembah-kah: see note on surat sembah on 
p .93 
354. menycrang Pahang: according to Sh. it was because Sultan Mansur had heard such favourable accounts of Pahang, its mineral wealth, fauna etc. that 'he greatly desired to possess it/ 
355. Berapa lama-nya berperang . dengan mudah-nya: 
these two statements do not go well together unless it was the writer’s intention to describe a sudden turn of fortune, in which case one would have expected muga-muga instead of maka before dengan ( takdir ), as at the foot of p. 99 . Sh. omits the former state¬ ment. 
356. serta: the MS has^-*— as on p. 130 , I. 26 , see note there¬ on Again on p. 149 , I .3 what appears in the text as sambi(l) is 
written as <s5 --— in the MS. A misspelling of sambil can hardly 
These notes refer to pages 117 — 119 of Winstedt’s romanized text: see footnote on p. 205 antea . 
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234 The Malay Annals (Translated Commentary) 
have occurred in all three cases and it looks as though there was- a word sambi (? sembi) now obsolete with the same meaning as sambil 
357. Kira-kira : $h. has karna M.DS. ini sudah aku kira-kirakan 7iama-nya dubawab nama-ku. ? a reference to the system of divina¬ tion described by Skeat, Malay Magic, p .559 
358. Maharaja Sura minta nasi : MS ia minta nasi Maharaja Sura which is better, as it clear from what follows that he must have mentioned his name. Sh. has M.D.S. pun menyuroh minta nasi:. the messenger would probably have asked for rice ‘'for the M.D.S/’ 
359. Jikalau ketahuan :? repunctuate thus Jikalau ketahuan ia 
ada di-rumah-ku, apa hal-kitf Demikian ini , baik-lah . 
360. Seri Bija ‘diraja pun...: the facts are presented here in the wrong order and there are evidently some omissions in the MS After comparing Sh. 1 suggest the following reconstruction of the passage 
Maka S.B. ‘diraja pun di-titahkan oleh Sultan MS. diam di- Pahang, di-anugerahi gendarqg nobat serunai nafiri melainkan negdra juga yang tiada , Id an di-anugerahi 'payomg iram-iram berapit oleh jasa-nya menangkap M.S. itu. Maka S. 'diraja 
pun pergi-lah ka-Pahang dan apabila ia keluar dari Malaka , lepas Pulau Besar, make S . B. ‘diraja pun bernobat-lah. Telah sampai ka-Pahang y maka iahlah memerentah-vian Pahang itu 
I have tried in the translation, by means of interpolations in brackets, to bring out the true meaning 
361. keluar dari Malaka : he could not have his ruler’s drum beaten within earshot of Sultan Mansur, cf. sa-hingga tiada-lah 
kedengaran nobat .of Sultan ‘Abdiu’l-Jamal of Pahang after 
he had abdicated in chagrin, p. 176 , 11 . 11—13 
362. di-nobat4ah : the MS has the odd y which is 
presumably an error for bernobat-lah. On p. 177 , I .20 what has has been romanized as nobaDlah appears in the MS as y ; 
this also looks like an error for y y (bernobat-lah) The S.M. 
has di-nobatkan frequently but not di-nobat. The meaning here is 'he had his royal drum beaten’ in exercise of his newly acquired privilege: see note 57 on nobat , and cf. baginda pun nobat-lab di- Kedah on p. 163 , I .35 
363. demikian juga: The MS adds perasaan hamba saperti dalam kerajaan juga. 
364. orang tua ini : Sh. Keling tua ini! 
365. tuan hamba yang sempurna: should read tuan hamba 
hamba yang sempurna. Cf. p. 112 , I .44 
366. Kata Seri Rama : we are not told that he said. Sh.. supplies the omission viz. Ada juga orang yang tahu di-dalam negeri ini , the suggestion clearly being that someone was casting a spell which prevented the re-capture of Kenchinchi. 
366 a . di-ambil orang-lah: i.e. Maharaja Sura did not himself capture the elephant but when he was released he withdrew the spell (see note 366 on I .24 above) 
These notes refer to pages 119-^122 of Winstedt’s romanized text: see footnote on p. 205 antea. 
Journal Malayan Branch [Vo]. XXV, Pt. II & III 

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translated by C. C. Brown 235 
367. cheteria . betetapan : See note 14 a on bulubalang 
on p .45 l.i, and also p. 177 , I .23 
368. Tambaban ia sedia anak adek : not in Sh. and obscure. Can only mean ''Moreover they are already your children.” I take the words as merely a compliment to a great friend (see p. 96 , I .26 berkaseb saperti saudara sa-jalan jadi) 
368 a . e?npat orang membawa dia: i.e. each chest was a load for four men ? Sh. has lima buah chandu peti, dua-dua orang membawa dia 
368 b . nakara : a special mark of honour : contrast p. 120 , I .33 
369. pada berbiiang-buangkan .: I read this passage as 
follows 
pada berbuang-buangkan (kuku),tig.a hari maka sudah : jika 
berkuda , pada bayang-bayang panas: {pada) membaiki diri-nya r 
berpenanak; terlalu sa-kali olab-nya berpenanak : cf. berpenanak Sultan Mabmud Shah menanti di - 
pengkalan on p. 152 , i .45 and see R.O.W. Malay Grammar, sec. 51 
(3) 
369 a . Ya tuanku Cif y* : ? read Ya tuan-ku Seri Kopiah 7 see W. under kopiah 
369 b . ayahanda . anakanda: evidently these words should 
be transposed 
369 c . Raja Ujong Tanab : Sh. raja Malaka. This is the first mention of Ujong Tanah in the S.M., but it appears again on p. 127 , 1.9 evidently with a wider meaning than "Southern Johor” (W.), viz. to cover Malacca and all the territory to the south (? even inclu¬ ding Bentan, see p. 207 , 1.8 and note thereon). It appears to have 
this meaning on p. 217 , II .28 and 40 but to be used for Southern 
Jchor only on p. 217 , last line 
370. berkembar : so Sh. The MS has ? bersembir 
or merely a copyist's error for 
371. di-timpai-nya: MS ^ ? di-tumpabi-nya. On p. 147 , 
I .36 the same word occurs. Sh. here has di-tempob-nya 
372. Tun Bes.ar pun mati-lab : Sh. adds Maka gempar-lab 
anak buah Bendabara P.R., semua-nya keluar dengan alat 
senjata-nya. This explains the Bendahara’s question Apa-tab . 
berlengkap in this text in 1.6 below. 
373. berlengkap : one of the every few instances in the S.M. of berlengkap not meaning 'make* ready ships', see note 51. 
374. bendak derbaka-lab ka-bukit: i.e if you a-re going to turn against the Raja’s son {busut), you will be turning against the Raja himself ( bukit) 
375. Nyit : MS c~o : unidentifiable. Sh. cbeb 
376. ka-Pabang : i.e. from Pahang, see p. 120 , I .35 
377. Seri Nara *diraja : a copyist's error for Seri Bija ‘diraja 
378. Pasai , TIaru : see note 172. 
379. di-bachakan-nya sembab : as on p. 146 . 
380. sega\a negeri: Sh. adds pertinently di-tanah Mengkasar. 

These notes refer to pages 122—126 of Winstedt’s romanized text: see footnote on p. 205 antea. 
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236 The Malay Annals (Translated Commentary) 
380 a . Maka baginda : before this the MS has Sa-ielah Sultan Mansur Shah menengar khabar itu 
380^. hujan : appears in the MS as hujang y see Introduction, p. ii. 
381. Raja Kenayan : see note 234 on tiga orang. 
382. jika dek-at : the MS adds kelak 
383. bertumit : Sh. bertumat which cannot be identified 
384. tepis: better tetas (as in Sh.). He was now going to' do what the Laksamana had done on p. 126 , I .33 
385. batu tolak bara-nya: see W. under bahara. Sh. has suatu tolak bara-nya. The story is evidently a tribute to Semerluki’s strength, p. 126 , I .9 
386. Timbul-lah batu ini : see my Malay Sayings, p .187 (Shake off the dust of one’s feet) 
386 a . Maka pada tempa 1 t itu: should read Itu-lah maka tempat itu . For itu-lah maka see note 145 a . 
387. Satelah itu : evidently there is an omission in the MS here of a passage to explain the sending of M. Abu Bakar. Sh. XX supplies the omission. 
388. Durr Manhunt: see p .8 of this text and Sh. XX 
389. Maka di-suroh : should be Maka Durr Manhunt di-suroh 
as in Sh. 
390. Tuan Pematakan : Sh. has, ? more probably, Makhdum Patakan. The Pasai expert might well have been a makhdum , though neither Patakan nor Pematakan bears any resemblance to an Arabic name 
391. suatu mas’ilah: see R.O.W., The Malays, p. 38 
392. biduanda : see note 14 a on' hidubalang. 
392 a . dengan : here and on p. 128 , I .7 dengan may mean ‘slaved cf. Risalat Hukum Kanun sec. 128 suku barge 4 dengan itu 
393. bunyi surat itu: Sh. XX, p .128 gives the contents of the contents of the letter 
393 a . dengan ; see note 392 a , above. 
394. maka Tun Hasan .: the MS has maka Tun Hasan 
pun datang ka-rumah Tun Makdum Mua mengadap Tun Makdum Mua 
395. taban : see R.O.W., Preface to this text 
396. apa daya kita .. . .teranjur: the same expression occurs on p. 178 , 1.6 Sh. adds Malu hamba membaleki lagi 
397. ini-lah ia : for the probable answer see R.O.W., The 
Malays, p .38 
398. Kadli Yusuf: referred to on pp. 154 and 157 as Maulana Yusuf 
399. Makhdum Saiyid 1 AbduVl-A%iz: see p .84 (note 155 refers).. 
400. jenun : evidently not to be interpreted literally as 'mad’, as we read of him on p .157 as Sultan Mahmud’s teacher. It seems here to be used in the sense of 'retire from the world to practise religion’ 

These notes refer to pages 126—129 of Winstedt’s romanized text: see- footnote on p. 205 antea . 
Journal Malayan Branch [Vol. XXV, Pt. II & Ilf 

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translated by C. C. Brown 

237 

401. Kadli Menua : referred to on p. 154 , 1 . 3*8 as Kadli Menawar Shah, grandson’ of Maulana (Kadli) Yusuf and, correctly, on p. 157 ,. 1.24 as son. 
402. Yang mana : Sh. anak raja mana , which suggests that yang mana here, as commonly, means 'which one?. But cf. yang mana 
Utah . tiada patek lalui on p. 135 I .44 where yang mana clearly 
is not an interrogative and simply =r mana, as I think is the case here 
403. orang Inderagiri : see note 292. 
403 a . menyelampai : preceded in the MS by * : see note 356 on serta. 
404. sa-tempayan: here and in the next line the MS has sa- tepayan, the medial m being omitted as is usual in the Malay of Kelantan and Trengganu. For sa-makok see Introduction. 
d ana h raja-raja: Sh. anak raja yang he mama 
Kaja Ahmad itu . The referece to anak kita on p. 131 , I .15 con¬ 
firms that for raja-raja here we should read raja 
406. Sahaya semua : the pronouns of the 1 st person singular most commonly used in the S.M. are hamba and beta , and sahaya here may be the noun 'servants’. But the S.M. has examples of sahaya being used as a pronoun, e.g. by the Laksamana himself on p. 180 , I. 39 : and I prefer to read it as a pronoun here 'let me and my men land, the L. tactfully absolving the Bendahara from the necessity of participating in the attack 
„ f 07 * segala - sa-daun : Sh. has makan-lah Bendahara dengan 
segala - sa-kahan-nya sa-daun. The omission of the Bendahara 
in this passage in this text must be an error, as the whole point of the story is that the Bendahara ate with the others whereas ordinari¬ ly he would eat by himself, see p. 163 , I .15 
408. gemurob .... menyabong: defective as it stands. It should read gemurob bunyi-nya ra’ayat ( berjalan itu), rupa ( sinar ) senjata saperti Mat sabong-menyabong and I have translated accordingly 
409. pecbah: Sh. pecliab perang-nya, habis lan . which is better. 
410. ambah-ambohkan tuah: Sh. amboh-ambohan tuah The MS 
h as °y which I read as embah-embahan tua 
'old though I may be’. See W. under emboh. Whether emboh- embahan (W.) should or should or should not be embah-embahan T in - Trengganu the word emboh (in negative ta emboh is pro¬ nounced as nearly embah ias emboh 
411. sa-orang : ? — sa-orang ku-kelupuri, from 
kelupur (mengelupar ) "send them sprawling” 
412. senjata-nya panah Pasai : thus the MS (the words maka... ra ayat have been imported from Sh.) Pasai is probably an error for 
as on p. 148 , I .40 where what appears in the text as perisai is written in the MS. This f may well be the 
same word as appears in the Hkt. R.R.P., p. 32 , kuda sembarani anak kuda Perasi. If, as is possible, sembarani is derived from the Per¬ sian sum ‘hoof and par 'wing’, i.e. 'having winged hoofs’), it is probable that Perasi there represents 'Persian’, particularly as 
These notes irefer to pages 130—132 of Winstedt’s romanized text: see footnote on page 205 antea . 

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238 

The Malay Annals 
Persian horses were imported into the East for their size and strength? Equally ^^13 here may stand for ‘Persian’ ? These 
were evidently some special bows and may have come from Persia, famous for archery from the time of Herodotus, or at any rate may have been copied from a Persian model ? 
413. Baik-lah . lari itu : the MS has Baik-lah maka Naina 
Isahak pun pergi . The passage should read 
Maka kata T.P., "Balk-lab." Maka N.I . pun pergi mem - 
balekkan . lari itu y barang siapa bertemu . 
.and I have translated accordingly 
414. merapat : merapah (MS ) 
415. di-seru : MS — di-suarj 
416. berhulu : : berhulu indong ( mutiara) 
417. akhir zaman : ‘of the latter days’ i. e. of the present 
time. In the Malay of Kelantan dunia akbir zanian = nowadays’ 
418. oleh si gala . alah-lab : the text is evidently corrupt; 
some verb is missing after segala crang Malaka. The sense of the passage is given by Sh. Maka oleh segala orang Malaka di-gulong- nya sa-kalj-sa-kali: maka negeri Pasai pun alah-lab , oleh orang Malaka di-masoki-nya dari pintu Tenai. Maka istana pun dapat: maka Sultan Pasai pun lari ka-butan 
419. Yang di-sembab : the epigram can hardly be reproduced in English. The meaning is “When I was in Malacca I did homage to him whose suzerainty I recognized there. Now that I am in Pasai I recognize -no such suzerainty:” and it was so interpreted by the Bendahara, see II. 35—6 below. 
419 a . Maka sangat-lah : MS Maka makin sangat-lah 
420. kata sa-tengah: sc. orang; ‘some people say’ 
421. perdana menteri : ? read paramenteri 
422. tujoh buah gunong : cf. the description of Bija Nagara on p. 51 
423. sa-penyampang: not known to W. or M. ? an error for sa-penampang as Sh., see W. undef tampang III, and as on p. 181 , l.i 
424. mengadap ka-Majapahit : the MS adds Sa-telah sudah 
lengkap, maka baginda pun berangkat-lah ka-Majapahit 
425. jikalau, tiada mati : not to be taken literally. An example of what Malays call melapek chakap i.e. making no statement about their future intentions without some s-uch proviso as kalau tiada apa-apa ‘aral gendala-nya; kalau ‘ umor panjang etc. 
426. papart perahu : is this an allusion to the practice described ini R.O.W., History of Malaya, p. 57 ? 
427. Kujai : ? Kuchi, the word always used on the East Coast cf Malaya for Indo-China 
428. Champa Malaka : see note on Nakhoda Chempa on p. 85 . See also Marrison, The Chams of Malacca ( ]MBRAS y 24 , pt. 1 ) 
429. Raja Radin: Sh. Raja Hussain . Sultan Mansur had a son to whom he gave the name Ratu di-Kelang (p.m, I. 13 ), Sh. Radin Kelang. According t Q Sh. XXIII. p .139 Radin Kelang was killed in an affray. Sh. (XIV) says Raja Husain was Sultan Mansur’s son by a sister of Bendahara Paduka Raja and married ‘Tun Senaja 
These notes refer to pages 133—136 of Winstedt’s remanized text, see footnote on page 2(05 ante a. 
Journal Malayan Branch [Vol. XXV, Pt. II & III 

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translated by C. C. Brown 

239 

sister of Tun Tahir’. This must be the Tun Naja mentioned on p. 116 of this text and again on p. 139 , I .33 as the wife of Sultan Ala’ud-din. The Raja Radin mentioned here must accordingly be Raja Husain „ 
430. tetapi jangan di-beri Allah .: would be better 
punctuated 
tetcpi — jangan di-beri Allah ta’ala demikian itu — jikalau 
kira-nya . 
431. gering-lah : the story that follows is told in Sh. (XXVI) of Sultan Mahmud 
432. Mengapa: so Sh., but the MS has mengadap which also makes good sense, being used here, as commonly, of attendance at the bedside of a person in extremis 
433. Shahid-lah : here used in the sense of “behold ! ”, cT Shahid-lah y Seri Nar.a ' diraja membcwa bamba lari on p. 212 , 1.19 
434. Maka sembah....: MS ini-lab . The passage should read Maka sembah Bend, dan Laks ., u Sa-kali ini-lab Melayn durhaka 
434a. Bendahara : read Bendahari 
434 b. habis : MS ? hapus 'erased' 
435. berusong . mengiringkan dia: I would omit the 
words in brackets, which have been interpolated, and read anak buab-nya . dia as part of the royal order 
436. jika ia berusong,an: I take this ia to be the affirmative ya , not the pronoun: 'if you do use the litter’. The remark is addressed to the Bendaha-ra and there is no obvious reason why he should be apostrophized as 'he’ 
437. Aku-kab pa’ si-bendtd : the argument here seems to be: ‘if I use my litter as the Laks. uses his, 1 am likely to be mistaken, by the man in the street, for the Raja himself (and my loyalty will accordingly be suspect)’ 
438. aku-kctih pa’ si-bendul: the argument here seems to be: 
‘the Laks. is a fighting man. Therefore I give him any good weapon or (fighting) ship that comes into my hands: and when the time comes for such things to be used, he will employ them well to protect you and me as well as the Raja. You are not 
fighting men. Ask me for elephants or horses if you like, but don’t complain if I give weapons and boats to the man who can make best use of them’ 
439. Tun Naja: see note on Raja Radin on p. 137 
440. raja : better anak raja Pahang as Sh. 
441. Raja Mahmud: not previously mentioned, but accord¬ ing to Sh. he was a son by Tun Naja. Subsequently became Sultan Mahmud (p. 1510 ), though on pp. 149 —so he is referred to as Raja Mam at . ? the Sultan Ahmad in I .35 above 
442. di-buka-nya: so the MS but surely it must be an error for di-buangkan-nya? Sh. has di-champak-kan-nya 
443. hujong jambatan: ‘the entrance to the bridge’, see note on hujong pasar on p. 81 , I .18 
444. sa-orang orang siapa: ‘one of whose men’. The Sultan knew that only one man had done the killing 
445. Maka Hang Ishak dan Hang Siak: sc. pun datang-lab 
These notes refer to pages 137—141 of Winstedt’s romanized text: see footnote on page 205 antea. 
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240 

The Malay Annals 

446. penengar-mu : Sh. memandang . The sense of penegar 
here is 'here of. 
447. menjerit : suggests that orang kedai was a woman 
448. tiada apa behina : 'of no great account’, see W. under bena 
448 a . Seri Maharaja : in his capacity as Temenggong (p. 122 , 
1139). For Jthe functions of the Temeiqgga|ng see R.O.W., The Malays, p .73 
449. anak harimaur . daging: one of the few Quotations of 
proverbial sayings to be found 1 in the S.M. Others are perut panjang sa-jengkal (p. 145 , l.i), mulut di-suap pisang (p .175 I .18 ular berbelit - belit sendiri-nya (p. 176 , L 8 ), kachang di-rendang (p. 191 , I. 16 ); langit menimpa bumi (p. 193 , I. 38 ) and (Sh.) orang mengantok di-sorong bantal (see note on kabul-lah on p. 186 , I. 40 ) 
449 a . kelak di-tangkap nya : the Sri Majharaja, as Bendahara, was put to death by Raja Mahmud, as Sultan Mahmud, see p .187 
450. Telanai Terengganu : for Telanai see note on p .214 135, 1.4 
451. ibu : the principal player or 'leader’ in a game. For sepak raga see P.M.S., Life and Customs, pt.III, p .15 
452. berpenanak... di-atas: cf. the Perak expression in such •circumstances entah busok raga di-atas! 
453. di-tunjokkan-nya : evidently an error on the part of the copyist for di~berikan-nya f which Sh. has 
454. tahu : sc. Raja Maluku 
455. beladau : evidently the pedang variety (see W.) as on p. 135, 1.4. 
456. nyiut dudok umbi : explained to me as a palm not actually in fruit but big enough to bear 
457. tiada memberi tahu baginda : Trengganu being part of Sultan Muhammad’s territory, see p. 125 , I. 30 , the latter evidently took the Telanaji’s action as Use majeste. For a similar charge of lese majeste see p. 143 , I .37 
458. sama-nya. this idiom, not noted by W., occurs passim in the Risalat Hukum Kanun, e.g. jikalau hamba orang me- nampar sama-nya hamba orang in sec 8 . For a similar incident see p. 224 , I .37 
459. kakanda : Sultan Muhd. of Pahang and Sultan Ala’u’d-din of Malacca were brothers though by different mothers 
460. jikalau : here as in other instances = apabila. Cf. jikalau Tun Perak kelak datang mengadap on p. 94 , 1.8 
460 a . lengkap : ? an error engkau as in Sh. 
461. <{ tuan juga” : read “ tuan ” juga. Another example of this Pahang practice will be found on p. 181 I .5 
462. ka-pintu luar: cf. p. 85 , I .29 et sqq. 
463. di-deramkan : read di-derumkan 
464. Sultan Ibrahim : see p .124 
465. ( adat Raja Pahang : as oq p. 142 , II. 34—6 
466. mengiring : has the meaning of the word which Malays pronounce mengereng 'turn sideways’ or in this instance practically as we should say 'turn one’s back on’, i.e. a gross discourtesy, which was delibrate, to Sultan Ibrahim. The word is used again on p. 208 , I. 5 , 

These notes refer to pages 141—143 of Winstedt’s romanized text: see footnote on page 205 antea. 
Journal Malayan Branch [Vol. XXV, Pt. II & III 

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translated by C. C. Brown 

241 

though in that case the discourtesy was not intentional. (R.O.W. thinks it is the same word as mengiring 'follow’: I am doubtful. The pronunciation is quite different) 
466 a . tangan-nya kiri : a deliberate insult, see Zainal-’Abidin op. cit. supra, p .73 
467. tiada berbudi: cf. budi tuan bamba kurang on p. 121 , I .5 
468. maka tiada tabu: 'that you do not know’ ‘not to know’; 
a common use of maka in the S.M. (which has survived in the collo¬ quial Malay of Kelantan to this day), cf. ku sangka engkau sudah 
matiy maka aku mau membuat .cn p. 113 , 1 , 14 : also p. 66 , last 
line and p. 220 , L 4 . See also note on p.ioo, l.i 
469. di-bawa-lah : ? sc. ka-dalam 
470. dunia : Sh: dunia itu. This can only 
1 think, be an error for ^ I , cf. dunia ini tiada akan kekal on 
p. 150 , l.i Cf. also di-bawa masok dabulu on p. 220 , 1 . 
11 , where ini woulcj make good sense 
471. bukama karna : read bukama babwa 
472. raja-raja : Sh. raja which surely must be right 
473. dua permata : this injunction is addressed to the Benda- hara’s own people and the argument is 'you should, do your duty to the Raja because he (a) is joined with the Prophet like two stones in the same ring (b) is God’s deputy’ 
474. Seri Nara ' diraja : Sh. has Seri Maharaja and makes no mention of the Seri Nara 'diraja: rightly. 
475. bapa saudara Raja: S. M. Mutahir was the uncle of Sultan Mahrmud, his sister Tun Naja having married Sultan Mah¬ mud’s father, p. 139 
476. tiada berkerja Raja : see note on tiada kena kerja raja on 
p. 93 , 1.21 r 
477. perut panjang sa-jengkal: a proverbial expression for the 'small appetite’ a disappointed man might be expected to have. See note on anak barimau on p .140 
478. kafi : Ar. 'sufficient’ 
479. saf sarap: ? error in the MS for sampab sarap as in Sh. 
480. samata patek harap: Sh. samata-mata patek badapi which 
seems preferable at first sight: but cf. negeri akbirat-lab _ kebendak- 
ku on p. 137 , I .12 
481. dudok pada jumlab Melayu : lit: amongst Malays 
482. dari perbata: ? Sh. reads daripada batu hilir di¬ 
kata huluy batu hulu di-kata hilir 
483. Raja Pablawan: the title of the Chief Minister of Haru, see p. 214 , I .30 
484. Lain surat 7 lain bacba-nya : cf. the incident related on p. 178 , I .36 et sqq. 
485. ia talm akan sa-buah sa-patab: ? a copyist’s error for ia akan tabu sebut sa-patab 'they shall know how to say a word rightly’ 
486. bulubalang Pasai : ? should read bulubalang-nya or simply Imlubalang as in Sh.? Pasai of course is art error 
487. Malaka : ? because Pasai was on friendly terms with 
Malacca 

These notes refer to pages 143—145 of Winstedt’s romanized text: see footnote on page 205 antea . 
1952] Royal Asiatic Society . 

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242 

The Malay Annals 

488. lalu-lah ka- : could this be timbaan = timba 
ruangf 
489. jambatan : Sh. kurong 
490. segala: ? read sa-kali and the whole sentence as lain di- naiki-nya sa-kali perahu orang Haru, itu pun alab. Evidently Perahu orang Haru = perahu sendiri in 1.3 
491. Jikalau aku....: evidently an echo of H. R. Pasai, p. 338 
jika Fasai sa-Pasai-nya . jika Keling sa-Keliling-nya tiada dapat 
melawan aku f but badly quoted in that there should be a jika be¬ fore Malaka and the apodosis has been omitted 
gajab-ku : ? si-Betong 
492. farat: MS Farat cannot be identified. Parit is pos¬ sible but prosaic. Can be an error for (kudrat) 
which Sh. has (jika tiada dengan kudrat Allah melintang)? The sense then would be ‘only the power of God shall prevent me (storm¬ ing the fort of Malacca)' 
493. terlari-lan: should read terJalu lari 
494. hudu ... d^uful: it is suggested to me by a Tamil Scholar that these wards are mere tribe names. They are not otherwise identifiable 
495. di-timpahi-nya : see note on di-timpai-nya on p. 128 
496. Tun Kudu : a woman’s name, see p. 96 . Sh. Tun Kerutup 
497. ketiga-nya : Sh. ada .anak-nya laki-laki dua orang , sa- orang perempuan . Evidently laki-laki has been omitted in error in the MS after dua orang in 1.2 and after ketiga-nya there should have been mention of the daughter 
497 a . Kampar : on the East Coast of Central Sumatra. Referred to in Perak as Kampar Luar 
498. daripada sangat tempo!?: these words generally precede, e.g. daripada sangat tempo!? hidubalang Pasai y maka raay at Malaka pun pechah on p. 132 , I. 32 ; and I would read this passage thus:— 
. darah pun mengalir di-bumi . (Maka) daripada sangat 
tempoh orang Malaka kapada orang Kampar (maka orang Kampar pun undur-lah) as in Sh. 
499. tempek : read tampil 
500. pad'a orang Malaka : the MS adds ^ ? di-arong-nya 
‘wading’ (through blood) 
501. pula: ? read menempoh pula 
502. jika di-gagahi: should read jika di-gagahi juga hendak di- 
ambily lembing . sinda persembahkan. For a similar figure of 
speech cf. Seri Rama, p .227 
503. panah perisai: see note on senjatamya on p .132 
504. terus meleleh: Sh., conrectly, terus ka-sa-belah 
505. di-himpunkan-nya: ? di-hempaskan-nya as on p. 95 , l.i, ‘they flung themselves inCo’ ? Sh. has di-masoki-nya 
506. Menawar Shah: see p. 139 , I .40 
507. Seri Amar ‘diraja akan Bendaharai-nya: see p. 197 , l.io 
508. Raja Mamat: see note on Raja Mahmud on p. 139 
These notes refer to pages 146—148 of Winstedt’s iromanized text: see footnote on page 205 antea. 
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translated by C. C. Brown 243 
509. mengadap : ? 'look after’, as Bendahara sendiri mengadap (i) dia on p. 114 , I .28 
510. tetapi jangan duberi Allah : see note on the same words on p. 137 , which equally applies here 
511. patek semua-nya: cf. sahaya semua-nya on p. 172 , I .25 
512. sedia: spelt in the MS as on p. 81 , I .13 and p. 172 , 
1.2 
513. kebelaan : ? gembalaan to accord with the preceding 
mengembala. The omission of the m is paralleled on p. 76 , 1.2 
where what appears as gembala in the text is written in 
the MS 
514. ketuhaan-mu: Sh. tanah-mu. The MS has 
I suggest this is an error for Ketanahan-mu coined as a 
Malay equivalent of the Arabic tinu (clay) 
515. kerajaan : ? kerjakan 
516. pendua : secondary, reserve creese, smaller than the prin¬ cipal weapon. Such was Sultan Mahmud’s strength that for him a three-span creese was only a secondary weapon! 
517. Seri Bija diraja: according to Sh. he had only just arrived from Singapore (his fief, p. 151 , I. 30 ) His tiada beta mene- ngar umanat (I. 44 ) may well therefore have been literally true: but at the same time it signifies his disagreement with the succession of Sultan Mahmud to the throne, cf. the Laksamana’s sahaya belum menengar titah on p. 180 , I. 39 , and was so interpreted by Sultan Mahmud, see p. 151 , 1. 17 ; and also following note 
518. dalam hati baginda : Sh. pada hati baginda , “Tiada suka Seri Bija ‘diraja ini bertuankan aku.” Maka baginda berdendam .. 
519. Sultan Ahmad: succeeded to the throne on Sultan Mahmud’s abdication, p. 189 , only to be killed later on his father’s orders, p .193 
520. sa-orang: ? error for sedang as in Sh. 
521. di-ambil baginda sireh: see note on di-ambil . sireh 
puan on p. 94 , I .42 
521 a . Kena ... .mati: MS kena ubun-ubun , ubun-ubun-nya pesok lain mati 
522. Hendak-lah: read Ilendak 
523. apa kita: read apa daya kita 
524. tiga-belas tahil: Sh. barang dua tiga kati. The tahil of this text must have weighed considerably more than its present 1 . 1/3 cz. : on p. 196 , 1.2 the weight of a champion game-cock is stated to be ten tahils ! 
524 a . Sidi: suirely sedia ? For the spelling see note on p. 81 , I .3 
524 b . Ka-majlis: did he however reappear in public life as the Tun Biajit mentioned on p. 195 , I. 16 ? 
525. chuchu: actually he was his son, see p. 129 , I .30 
526. Seri Awadana: presumably the Temenggong, Tun Mai Ulat Bulu, see p. 190 , I .28 
527. berajar pada Raja Maluku: see p .141 
528. Berapa batang.. tetak: would read better Berapa batang kehendak tuan hamba putus kisi-kisi ini hamba tetak? 
These notes refer to pages 149—155 of Winstedt’s romanized text: see footnote on page 205 antea. 
J952] Royal Asiatic Society . 

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244 

The Malay Annals 
529. di-bawa-nya pula : i.e. under the influence of the spell put upon it by the Sriwa Raja 
530. ka-tempat-nya : MS ka-tambatan-nya 
531. Tun Isak Berakah : his methods with the Sriwa Raja are described on p .153 
532. Isak datang juga : one would expect Isak juga datang as in Sh. On p. 188 , I .43 there is the same discrepancy between the two texts over lamun suBaya^id di-ikat juga 
532 a . bersa-malaman: i.e. the spell cast on the pony which made it bring its rider back each time had beerf removed 
533. akan Tun 'Omar . Datok Bongkok : not clear as it 
stands. What I think was intended was 
akan Tun ‘Omar {yang) di-kasehi oleh Sultan Mahmud itu 
anak Seri Bija ‘diraja Datok Bongkok , terlalu be rani ( ia) . 
This Tun ‘Omar was the son of the Sri Bija ‘diraja who was known as Datok Bongkok, see p. 96 , II. 43—6 and p. 97 , II. 4—5 
534. guru-nya : for a description of a guru such as seems to be referred to here see Hang Tuah II, p. 161 
535. Hang ‘ Isa Pantas . Hang Husain Chengang : the descrip¬ 
tions that follow complete the portraits of the men mentioned on p. 152 , I .41 as Sultan Mahmud’s favourites 
536. anak tuan. ... sudah-lah : should read anak tuan {hamba) 
hendak sudah , sudah-lah , 
537. Maulana Yusuf _ Kadli Yusof : one and the same person 
See p. 129 , I. 29 , 
538. jenun : see note on p .129 
539. buangi ali-ali : ‘catapult them’ 
540. ka-rumah sama fakir : Sh. sama-nya fakir which is clearly right. 
541. pantas tangan : read pantas pangus 
542. berkain memanchong ; see R.O.W., English-Malay Dictio¬ nary, under skirt 'wearing the sarong caught up on right side and long on the left, with, one end hanging in front berkain mancbong\ which presumably = berkain memanchong . 
543. daripada hendak : ‘in order to’ 
544. di-bangun-nya : ? di-banguni-nya , cf. di-turuni-nya , p .160 
last line. Di-banguni-nya is perhaps stronger than dia bangun y ‘he got himself up’ as opposed to ‘he got up! 
544a. : ? berpasu ‘bowl after bowl’, cf. berpenanak on 
p. 152 , I. 42 . Sh. has sa-pasu 
545. pintu enggan : R.O.W. conjectures = pintu per-hinggaan corrupted into p.inggan ‘boundary gate’; but what about di-hadapan raja? My own view is that the text is corrupt and that there is a passage missing to the effect that Hang Berkat who publicly {di- hadapan raja) had been unwilling (enggan) to undertake the task of murdering Raja Z. A., was sent for privately by Sultan Mahmud and then volunteered (berchakap) . This view is corroborated to some extent by the Sh. version of the incident, see ch. xxx, p .194 
546. Maka titab Sultan M.S .according to Sh. he said to 
Hang Berkat jika sunggoh saperti kata-mu itu , enghau ku-aku saudara: and Sh. goes; on to relate how Hang Berkat murdered Raja Z. A. and for doing so was made Sang Sura (in which character he re-appears r graphically, on pp. 189—90 of this text) 
These notes refer to pages 155—158 of Winstedt’s romanized text: see footnote on page 205 antea. 
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245 

translated by C. C. Brown 
547. _ patab-lab perang orang Kelantan : this invasion of 
Kelantan is described in Sh, XXVI 
548. merampas\ see note on rampasan on p. 48 . 
549. Paduka Tuan : this was the Tun Pikrama who was made Paduka Tuan on p. 134 , I. 30 ). As Tun Pikrama ho was bakal Ben da- bar a (p. 85 , l.io) and in the Sh. list of candidates for the Bendajhara- ship he is placed first 
550 Barang siapa patut : not in Sh. and obscure. Al,l nine were eligible' (patut), as Sultan Mahmud must have known. ? patut = terlebeb patut 
551. bonda Sultan Mahmud : Tun Naja (p. 139 , I. 33 ): she was a half-sister of Tun Mutahir, the Sri Maharaja 
552. karas Badan : the word karas is not known to W. or M. and it is not apparently of Portuguese origin. It appears also on p. 213 , I .21 and on p. 220 , I. 42 . The context in each case suggests that karas was some sort of chest, the upper tray of which housed a betel- set while the lower compartment was used for other valuables 
553. sikap-nya: ? sa-lenkap as in I .38 
554 . bekobak : I cannot trace kobak. Could stand for 
gobek 'betel-pounder' ? 
555 . tombak bertetampan : so Sh. A lance with tetampan ("fringe” R.O.W.) attached to it 
556. terlalu sangat pada memelibarakan : so Sh., but it cannot be right. ? pada is copyist’s error for pandai. membawa orang : must be an error for membawa hati orang , which Sh. has 
556 a . Salamin : ? salimin , plural of salim (Ar.) and meaning 'may we (arrive) safe’ ? Or is there a reference here to the Bandar Selimin mentioned in No. 953 of Pantun Melayu (W. and R.O.W.) ? 
557 . *adat temenggong : see p. 87 , I .28 
558. ganti ayab-nya : Tun Mutahir was made Temenggong on p. 122 , I .18 
559 . pedekar : see W. under pendekar 
560. melabohkan . tangan : in contrast to the short, tight¬ 
sleeved baju customary up to that time 
561. berpanya pada isteri-nya : as did the Sriwa Raja on p .153 
562. terlalu besar daripada _ lain : ‘grandest’, not 'greatest’: 
see p. 185 , l.i where the fact that he did, not know his own slaves by sight is considered a mark of his kebesaran 
563. tiadadah di-turuni-nya : following the precedent of the first 
Bendahara, see p. 62 , I. 7 . Sh. adds that he was seated di-atas. tikar pacbar, di-bawah tikar pachar itu di-bentangi permaidani. This was verging on royal practice, cf. p. 194 , 1.33 . 
564. Tun Sinai : becomes successively Tun Minda and Tun Menida (p. 162 I. 13 ) in the story that follows 
565. Inggeb: Jav. 'as you wish’ 
566. empat : Sh. empat puloh which must be right, see p. 162 , 
566 a . merugui : a case of panjat amgkara, see R.O.W., The 
Malays, p .45 , . , , 
567. Pateb Adam _ pecbab: for the Jav. version which has 
been included in the translation and for the rendering of it 1 am indebted to Drs. Hooykaas and Teeuw __ 
These notes refqr to pages 159—161 of Winstedt’s romanized text: 
see footnote on page 205 antea. 
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246 

The Malay Annals 

568. pun : MS pula , i.e. as other Rajas had done? 
568 a . mohonkan nobat : see note on nobat on p, 59 
569. Kama ‘adat .: cf. p. 87 , I. 34 . A notable exception was 
made on p. 132 , 11 . 1—12 
570. di-acharakan: see note on mengajari on p. 82 . See also note on bicbara on p. 185 , I. 15 . Evidently it was regarded as humi¬ liating to bo 'hauled up' before the Bendahara in this way, cf. the case of Tun Perak on p .95 and fee note on sa-bagai maria on that page. 
571. menteri: see p. 82 , I .30 
572. Lakukan sa-kah: Sh. supaya di-lalukan sa-kah i. e. 'that we may treat you as we treated your father’ ? Lakukan here may well be an error for lalukan 
573. Maharaja Merlang: see p. 82 , I .30 
574. itu pun: lit even so (itu pun) it was at was at Malacca that he died (instead of in Indragiri as might have been expected) 
575. anak Marhum Malaka : Puteri Bakal, d/o Sultan Mansur, p.lll, I .9 
575 a . di-upamakan : here = ‘respected’ ‘properly treated’, cf. Hang Tuah II 256 bunoh oleh kamu sebab ia tiada upama akan daku ini 
576. sudah di-anugerahkan: there is no record of this. See note on kita anugerahkan on p.no 
577. Maharaja Isak lari ka-Lingga : see p .197 I .13 
578. petuturan : see note on peraturan on p .42 
579. menghimpunkan: MS mengampongkan 
579 a . tuan: omit, as in Sh. 
580. melainkan _ tuiis: should, I think, read 
melainkan pulang ka-rumah kami-lah kelak , maka kami tuiis with maka = baharu , cf. tiga hari maka sudah on. p. 122 , I .21 
581. Sa-telah . Hang Nadim : I would re-punctuate thus 
Sa-telah sudah lengkap di-tulis-nya 7 kain . 
Hang Nadim 
582. Buah peler gerang : Sh. has Wdi peler geraiigan nama-nya which is preferable 
583. Ada pun sahaya: Sh. sahaya jangan di-masok-masokkan pada pekerjaan ini which is clearer 
584. Nadim , Nadim : MS Nadim , antum. The latter word is Ar. ‘ye’ 
585. segala arta-nya: Sh. serta harta ada sadikit-sadikit which is obviously the more correct version of what happened 
586. empat helai lepas: Sh., better banyd empat helai. yang lepas 
587. Datok Bongkok : see p. 96 , I 45 et sqq. 
588. Tun Bayajit: see p.i 54 > l- 1 3 
589. Guna : should be Sang Guna ( bakal Laksamana , p. 85 , 1.8) 
590. Sultan Mahmud : so Sh.; elsewhere he appears as 
Sultan Muhammad, see p. 125 , I .35 
590 a . terlalu baik _ itu: ? repunctuate terlalu baik paras-nya 7 
dalam tanah .. 
591. Tun Teja: see note on sa-telah didihat on p .171 
These notes refer to pages 161—167 of Winstedt’s romamzed text: see footnote on page 205 antea. 
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translated by C. C. Brown 

247 

591 a . musim : ? the time after the padi harvest when there, would be plenty of people available for the work entailed by a royal wed¬ ding ? 
592. paduka ayabanda : Slutan Muhammad of Pahang was the uncle cf Sultan Mahmud cf Malacca, being the son of Sultan Mansur of Malacca. Paduka ayabanda may therefore stand for ‘you’ in the letter. Equally it may mean 'my father’ 
592 a . nobat : see note on p. 59 , I .29 
593. di-persalini: cf. utusan oraiig jika pulang di-persalin , p. 85 ,. 
1-35 
594. adinda baginda : makes no sense. Lines 15 and 16 should, I think, read 
menengar bunyi surat adinda baginda itu. 
Maka baginda pun memulai . 
594 a . di-nobatkan : see note on di-nobat-lah on p .120 
595. ini konon : see note on istimewa on p .87 
596. terlalu sangat tabu: the suggestion cf course being that the S. R. could cast spells on the elephants and thereby stultify the efforts of the elephant-men (just as he could make his pony do what he liked with other riders, p. 158 ) 
596 a . tuan : see p. 143 , I .15 
597. Maka: ms Mari 
598. di-biseki-nya: Sh. adds di-katakan-nya suatu sbarat 
599. terjal: see W. under terjai 
. > 
600. di-niatkan (- nya MS) : dees 2 represent an . old 
spelling 3 of di-naikkan-nya w'hich Sh. has? 
601. ku-bawa kabawah duli : Sh. adds appositely akan mengba- puskan dosa-ku (the dosa being his failure on his mission to Kalinga, pp. 1 65 —7) 
602. apa daya kita : the kita here evidently does not include Saidi Ahmad. Sh. has apa daya aku. Hang Nadim was meditating panjat ‘adat, for which see R.O.W., The Malays, p .44 
603. masok-pelulut: re?4 masok si-pelulut 
604. makin: here = sebab. This use of makin survives in Perak in the form mengengkin , e.g. ' ngapa mengkin tak kamt• terang tanah kamu itu? 
605. hendak-lab ....: should read bendak-lab barang daya mak bawa kapada-ku. 
605 a . pole-cat : Sh. ubat guna. Pole-caf = civet, applying here to the musky perfumed got from the anal glands’ (O.E.D.) of the civet 
606. Sayang... baik-nya : I would read 
Sayang beta melibat rupa tuan yang baik paras ini belakikan raja 
ini : j ika'au raja yang besar laki tuan , alang-kab baik-nya? 
Sh. has jikalau raja besar-besar laki tuan 
606 a . Raja Malaka-lab raja besar. Sh. has Raja Malaka raja besar daripada Pabang ini 
607. Sa-telab di-libat : at this point according to Sh., Tun Teja was doubtful as to Hang Nacfm’s motives and thought he might be going to take her for himself # This was put to Hang Nadim, who replied with the verse Tun Teja Ratna Benggala (p .167 of this text). With the verse in this position 1 in the story the fine jika tuan tiada perebaya is the answer to Tun Teja’s suspicions, and according to Sh. it satisfies her. 
'These notes refer to pages 167—171 of Winstedt’s romanized text: see footnote on page 2,05 antea. 
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248 

The Malay Annals 

608. ka-jong : MS , whereas ka-jong in 1.36 appears as 
£>S in the MS. ? is an error for £>• jand the 
sentence should read Bersegera karna jong hendak berlayar 
609. Ada pun. .. .orang-nya: ? for alat read akan ; for telah read terlalu and for segala read sa-kalif The passage would then run 
Ada pun akan nakhoda Saidi Ahmad itu bukan-nya barang- barang orang, terlalu perkasa-lah sa-kali orang-nya This makes sense and is Malay, which the text as it stand is not; but I admit that the relevance of this observation to the story is doubtful 
610. sedia-lah: MS 1 ? sedia ia-lah For the spelling of 
sedia see note on p. 81 , 1.13 
611. tangan-nya di-bungkus dengan kain: in Hang Tuah II, 224 w 7 e read Mawa Hang Tuah pun segera-lah melabohkan tangan baju-nya y lain di-sambut tangan Tun Teja which accords with tangan- nya di-alas-nya dengan kain on p .17 3 , I .37 of this text. Di-bung¬ kus here however suggests more elaborate precautions 
612. Anakanda ... .tiada tahu : ? should read 
AnakOnda ghaib tiada - kelihatan, ka-mana pergi-nya sah aya . 
612a. semua-nya : for this -nya of p. 149 , I .46 
613. panah losong : unidentifiable. Sh. panah kosong y which is unhelpful, see W. 
614. hairan : Sh. adds melihat rupa Tun Teja and some such 
words must have been omitted by error in this, text: cf. hairan-lah Raja . melihat rupa puteri _on p. 45 , I .12 
614 a . masing-masing : sc. kembali as in Sh. 
615. daya di-minyak\ MS ? = di-ya di-empenak 
616. saperti kera... .duri: see note on anak harimau on p .140 
617. kena ke munch ak ... .belah: should read kena kemunchak tiang perahu Tun Aria, Uelah as in Sh. 
618. betul tiang akan : for akan ? read agong as in Sh. 
Betul here = tentang as commonly in colloquial Malay 
619. chebang : see W. under jebang 
619 a . sa-bag<ai : this is one of several instances in the S.M. (e.g. p. 190 , I. 7 ; p. 202 , I. 43 ; I. 211 , I. 37 ) in which sa-bagai is used with a meaning not noted in the dictionaries, viz. ‘ 00 ^^ 31 ^ < repeatedly > 
619 b . ular berbelit-belit : see note on anak harimau on p .140 
620. orang payang: i.e. a man who workecf as fisherman using a pukat payang ? For pukat payang see JMBRAS, 13 , pt. Ill, p. 106 
621. di-sebut orang : ? sc. datang sekarang as elsewhere in the 
SM. 
621*. menyuroh kerajaan : the word ^} cannot be iden¬ tified by Arabists with any meaning suitable here. ? an error for oJj t= tertibi 'organize’ ? Cf. p.i 33 > I .20 and p.i 94 , 1.2 for a similar description 
621 b . nobat-lah : see note on pi. 20 , I .35 
These notes refer to pages 171—178 of Winstedt’s romanized text: see footnote on page 205 antea. 
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249 

622. persantapan : cf. Seri Rama itu alsal cheteria on p. 121 , I. 43 . If cheteria anak raja-raja (see note on bulubalang on p. 45 ), the use of persantapan here is explained. Otherwise it would, be a mere complimentary substitute for ayapan 
623. sa-sa’at: ? sc. dudok 
623 a . tiada terlalu turut : lit. he could not follow. Lain here is used to express physical ability, as commonly in Perak 
624. Mawara ' n-nahar: Trans, Oxiania—i.e. Bokhara, Samarkand etc. 
625. di-bachakan-nya sembah : cf. p. 125 , I .42 anc| p. 146 , 11 . 1—5 
626. di-bawakan gendang\ bring it (the letter) with drum: cf. Mukarram lillallah fVl-alam 
627. aUMuazian... ..:read al-Mu’anam al-Malik aU 
Mukarram iiiikallah fid-alam 
628. ini-lab : for the probable answer see R.O.W. Malays, p .38 
629. Maka Maharaja Dewa Sura pun: here evidently should 
come, as in Sh., di-surohkan raja Siam menyerang Pahang. Maka 
M.D.S. pun belengkap .: which explains the otherwise obscure 
dan penyuroh Raja benua Siam in I .12 
630. jikalau tiada menyuroh : Sh. has baik juga yang di-pertuan menyuroh 
631. merugi: cf. p. 142 , I .21 
632. Maka Bendahara . pergi-lah : should read 
Maka Bendahara S.M. pun belengkap-lah. Sa-telah sudah lengkap, maka di-anugerahi persalin dengan sa-perU-nya. Sa- telah sudah itu , maka Bendahara S.M. pun pergi-lah and I have translated accordingly 
633. sembilan laksa : becomes sembilan-belas laksa on p. 181 , 1 . 39 . The same discrepancy will be found in Sh. 
634. Laksamana . Raya: this comes in very abruptly and 
there must be some omission in- the MS here. After the passage describing the strength of the fleet etc, Sh. has a new paragraph 
Sa-telah datang ka-Batu Pahat y maka be'rtemu dengan Laksa¬ mana: datang dari Sungai Raya which gives the sense required 
635. sahaya belum mine gar titah: cf. the incident of the Sri Bija 'diraja on p. 150 , II. 41—4 and see note thereon. Why the Laksa¬ mana wa)s unwilling to go is not explained! Possibly he was piqued at not having been formally commissioned ( di-titahkan )? 
636. orang Malaka. .. .dia: should be omitted 
637. Tuan: see p. 143 , I. 5 , 
638. api: MS If api is correct, = materials for making a 
fire for cooking, such as might have to be carried in uninhabited country ? 
639. maka kapitan: read maka oleh kapitan 
640. in gin melihat negeri Malaka itu: Sh. ia pun terlalu ingin menengar khabar negeri Malaka itu which means not he greatly de¬ sired to hear news of Malacca’ (he had already received the report) but 'on hearing this account of Malacca he greatly desired to possess it (Malacca)’. Similarly terlalu ingin meihat here dees not mean 'he greatly desired to see Malacca’: cf. the pantun line hati ingin melihat bunga which means 'the sight of the flower inflames my desire’: 
These notes refer to pages 179—182 of Winstedt’s romanized text: see footnote on page 205 ante a. 
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250 

The Malay Annals 

and clearly kebesaran or some such word has been omitted by error after me b hat. The meaning is ‘seeing how great (?) a city Malacca was he greatly desired to possess it’. Cf. Sa-telah Sultan Mansur Shah menengar khabar Pahang itu f imka terlaju ingini baginda akan negeri Pahang itu 
641. berperang saperti api : is not Malay. There must be an omission. ? as on p. 191 , I .5 the sentence should run lalu berperang , kilat api saperti kilat di-udara 
641a. Kapitan Mor : Portuguese capitao-mor ‘great captain’, 
an ancient rank in the Portuguese navy 
642. Jika demikian : Sh. 'has Mengapa engkau berkata demi¬ kian itu ? If Jika demikian is right, I take the meaning to be ‘If as you suggest, another expedition (under the same leadership) is doomed to failure, wait until I can go myself.’ 
643. makim : read makin 
644. menghantar sireh: See P.M.S., Life & Customs, Pt. I, 
p .23 
645. jahat : see note on jahat on p. 99 , I .28 
645 a . bersuap-suapan : cf. p. 157 , 1 . 10 
646. Tun Terang : see p. 194 , I .30 
647. tidak ada tara-nya : but see p. 184 , 11 . 3—4 
648. ashik-ashik: so Sh., but the MS has 
649. emboh : this word which in the negative ta’emboh is in daily use on the East Coast of Feninsula is seldom heard now in positive 
650. arak : read arah as in the MS 
650 a . pahatan bendul . dinding : ? cross-beams and wall¬ 
planking not yet put into place but still being ‘shaped’ (pahat) by the carpenters. For pahat cf. p. 115 , I .28 
651. kata benar-lah : not in Sh. ? “Tell the truth” 
652. sa-ekor: Sh. sa~ekor sa-orang, which is more likely 
653. engkau anak si-anu : it is a question ‘So you’re so and . •so’s son, are you ?’ 
654. peri kebesaran : see note on p. 160 , I .44 Sh. adds pertinently iiada mengenal hamba sahaya daripada banyak-nya 
655. datang mengadap menyembah : ? sc. lalu between menga- ■dap and menyembah. Sh. datang hendak menyembah pada Benda - hara. 
656. patut : Sh. boleh . If pctut is correct, it must mean ‘deem fitting’ ? 
657. bichar a : MS i.e. cchara : see note mengajari 
on p .82 
658. sa-tahil: MS due*- ? an error for (= sa-kati) as 
in Sh. and also on p. 186 , I .15 
659. di-polu-nya : Sh: di-tepok-nya. He struck the door a re¬ sounding blow? 
660. anak isteri-nya : Sh. segala anak isteri-nya. ‘His family* in fact. See note on isteri on p .56 
661. apa juga khabar ... .dengar: Sh. has, more correctly, apa juga ada khabar tuan hamba dengar? 
These motes refer to pages 182—186 of Winstedt’s romanized text: see footnote on page 205 ante a. 
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251 

662. bendak membunoh: Sh. bendak menyurob membunob, which is more likely 
662a. di-kerjakan-nya : see note on p. 92 , 1.8 
662 b . Saudara : cf. engkau ku-aku saudara, see note on p. 158 , 
I. 31 
663. takbta kerajaan : Sh. adds menempa cberek mas dan kans mas. It was when Sultan Mahmud saw that these things were not among the property of the Bendahara (see p. 187 , 11 . 33 — 6 ) that he realised the falsity of the story he had been told 
664. di-samun : cf. tertawan-lab hati-nya akan arta dunia on p. 170 , I .38 
665. kabul-lab pada hati baginda : Sh. adds appositely saperti 
orang mengantok di-sorong bantal. See no.e on anak barimau 
on p .140 
666 . membinasak-an nama : cf. binasa-lah nama segala Melayu yang dabulu hala itu on p. 215 , I .12 
667. anakanda: i.e. Sultan Mahmud, who was the Bendahara’s nephew 
668 . membawa titab : in the MS this passage runs Sang Sura datang berlari dari dalam membawa titab pada Sang ( ? Tun) Sura “ Titab yang di-pertuan jangan semua-nya di-bunoh” and I have translated accordingly. Sang Sura : see note on p. 1584 I .31 
668 a . Sang Sura: see note on p. 158 , I .31 
669. budak sa-mata : Sh., better, budak-budak sa-mata. Sa-mata = sabaja , see W. under semata 
669 a . takat: ? takut. Sh. has mudab-mudaban 
669 b . sudab-lab .: I read this ajs sudab-lab lukab dari teng- 
kok-ny.a datang ka-puting-puting-nya. The word £ may well be an error for <S^ lukab , ? a ‘gaping’ wound, see W. under lukab 
II. Puting-puting 'the nipples’. 
670. ia kelak : he became Sri Nara ‘diraja, see p. 194 , 11. 11 — 4 . 
671. segala pusaka _ ka-dalam : according to Sh., when Jun 
Sura and Tun Indra arrived with the creese, Tun Hasan Temenggong proposed to throw the Bendahara’s treasure chests into the river: but the Bend, forbade hm, saying that it was obvious the Sultan was killing him for his money and therefore aftetf his death his gold was to go to the Sultan akan kebaktian kita , 
672. telab : I cannot identify The wore ' 1 evidently 
retates to his physical infirmities. 
673. Bendabara... .di-gagabi juga: Sh. <e Bendabara apa-tab ini y yang sudab tepok dan lesa demikian ini?” Maka Paduka Tuan bermobon y tiada mau jadi Bendabara: maka di-gagabi jua oleb Sultan Mahmud: and that is how the passage should run; The words maka di-gagabi... .Bendabara could hardly have been said by the Paduka Tuan 
674. kapada yang lain: should read kapada anak yang lain as in Sh? 
674 a . membunoh: as he could have done, being Bencfahara, for whose powers see R.O.W., The Malays, p .72 
675. Bagai-bagai pada: ? Bagai-bagai pula. Cf. Lain-lain pula kata Bendabara on p. 219 , I .21 
These notes refer to pages 186—190 of Winsted’s romanized text: see footnote on page 205 antea. 
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The Malay Annals 
676. Khoja Ahmad : must be the Tun Ahmad mentioned) on p. 134 , I. 33 . He becomes Bendahara, p .194 
677. Tun Isak Berakah : has aleady appeared with distinction, see p. 146 , l.ji; p. 153 , I. 14 ; p. 156 , 1.8. Becomes Paduka Tuan, p. 194 , 
1 .11 anc ultimately Bendahara, p. 214 , I .40 
678. turut mashghul: i.e. as she was mashghul , so was he. 
679. Sang Sura : see note on maka titah on p .158 679 a . Sultan Mahmud : ? an error for Sultan Ahmad as in Sh. 
Seq I .13 above. 
680. ia-lah kita rajakan : see p. 194 , 1-44 680 a . itu-lah yang di-kasehi baginda: see p. 207 , 1.6 
681. baginda mengaji : Sh. says it was Sultan Ahmad, which ac¬ cords with p. 177 , I. 25 . See also p. 191 , I .21 
682. wardi : surely f \ stands for armada ? 
683. berlengkap pula : the arithmetic is faulty and the details of the fleet do not agree with 11 . 10—12 
683 a . kachang di-re ndang : see note on anak harimau on, p .140 
684. Seri Awadana : Temenggong Tun Mai Ulat Bulu, Sultan Ahmad's chief favourite, see p. 190 , I .26 
685. bertimbal rengka : MS makhdum di-bawa bertimbal rengka 
686 . meiighimpunkan orang: presumably not a mere repetition of the statement in 11 . 12—13 but indicates a special force called out to repel the impending attack of which the Franks had gratuit¬ ous given warning in I .31 ! 
686 a . Si-suroh : misprint 686 b . Sahaja : MS sahajas-sahaja 
687. Hikayat Muhd . Hanafiah : see R.O.W., Malay Literature, pp .65 and 72 , 
688. Ilikayat Ham^ah: ibid. p. 203 
689. maka : MS jika 
690. tertawai-wawai : unidentifiable. ? ‘isolated. Sh. terdiri 
691. di-telentangkan: should read di-telentangkan , see W. 
under telentang . Instead of wy# the MS has baginda 
692. tertahu-tahu : Sh. yvmg pilehan 
693. X.J : I read as ^ 1 ? 
694. : ? d< 3 n ujong balai as Sh. 
695. lain ka-Pahang : where according to p. 215 , I .43 he ‘reigned" 
for a year , 
696. Kopak : the attack by the Portuguese on this place is described in Sh. xxxiv, pp, 231—5 
697. ayam snap : ? hand-fed, and consequently a plumper and more toothsome bird than the ordinary Malay fowl which kais pagi makan pagi y kais petang makan petang ? 
697. a kerjakan : ‘make an end of him', see note on p. 92 , 1.8 Sh. unctuously adc’h (ch. xxxiv, p. 225 ) saperti firman Allah etc. but the 'laconics kerjakan of this text is probably nearer the truth 
698. di-kepongkan : should read di-kampongkan, see note on mengepong on p .48 
699. Ian git menimpa bumi : see note on anak harimau on p. 
141 . _t 
These notes refer to pages 190 — 194 of Winstedt's romanized text: see footnote on page 205 antea. 
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253 

699 a . Jika si-Ahmad', better, as Sh., jika pada si-Ahmad 
700. Tun Pekerma: should be Tun Pikrama Wira, see pp. 134 , 1.32 and p. 189 , 1.5 
701. Tun Isak : presumably Tun Isak Berakah, who was grand¬ son of former Paduka Tuan, p. 146 , I .31 
702. Tun Hanucab: see p. 187 , I. 32 : grimly described in Sh. as yang sis a bunoh itu 
703. Seri Maharaja : read Seriwa Raja y see p. 169 , I .15 
703 a . Tun Muhammad : an error for Tun Mahmud , see p. 212 , 
1-37 
704. beranakkan : omit. This was the Laksamana punished on p. 187 , *l- 4 i 
705. ia-lah . kali : better ia-lah yang sangat mashur gagab 
beraniy berperang bertimbakan darah juga tiga-pulob-dua kali following Sh.: i. e. ‘fought in battles in which blood was shed by the bucketful' 
705 a . peraturan bonda: cf. p. 165 , I .26 and see note on pera- turan on p .42 
708. dudok .: a better punctuation would be dudok di- 
adap orangy pada tempat baginda itu pertama . 
706 a . segala : read sa-kali < 
70Q b . di-chukur orang : ? = di-suroh chukur. Sh. has di- chukur Bendahara . For the ceremony see W. under akikah. 
707. Sultan ‘Abdullah : son of Raja Menawar Shah, who was a son of Sultan Ala’u’d-din of Malacca. Made ruler of Kampar on p. 149 , I .17 anc'l married to Sultaln Mahmud’s daughter on p. 159 , 1.2 
708. Di-bela-hela: I suggest a different scansion 
Di-hela-hela di-retil (?), 
Sa-hasta kandis di-penggalkan; 
Alang-kah gila raja kechil ? 
Menggusta manis di-tinggalkan 
Melihat buah hartal masak 
(For another example of a 5 —line verse, see Sh. XII, p. 71 ) 
709. di-retak: MS It should be some w'ord which rhymes 
with kechil or possibly kechek 
709 a . Tun Biajit : ? the s^me man as Tun Biajit anak Laksa - mana , see note on p. 154 , I .13 
709 b . sakai ( ) : for a similar addity of spelling cf. 
p. 117 , I .26 where sagu appears in the MS as • ^ ee note 
on p. 222 , last line 
709 c . Sultan Narasinga : see p. 165 , l- 2 ° 
710. di-pileh-nya : MS di-pelihara-nya 
711. segala Menangkabau bersama-sama : obscure. ? A com¬ bination of the M. men to defeat Tun Biajit 
71 l a . tahiT. See note on p. 154 , 1.6 
71 l b . Maka adadah : ? Maka has been inserted by error and ada-lah is a mistake for oleh 
71 l c . taroh-nya: see note on p. 67 , 1 . 3-2 
These notes refer to pages 194—199 of Winstedt’s romazined text: see footnote on page 205 ante a. 
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254 

The Malay Annals 

71 l d . sa-kati : ? transpose the (”) to come after tahil in I.12 
712. guroh . itu-lah : should, I think, read 
gemuroh bunyi-bunyi-nya . Sejak itu-lah 
See W. under sejak , which appears again on p.204, I.42 
713. oleh kapitan : ? sc. di-ikat 
714. ka-sana-sana: read ka-mana-mana . For the sentiment of the verse cf. 
Tentu sugar itu lapok; 
Mengapa di-patah-patahf Tentu gadong itu mabok; 
Mengapa di-ratah-ratah ? 
715. anak-ku: Sultan ‘Abdullah of Kampar was Sultan Mahmud's son-in-laiw, p.159, 1.2 
716. Maharaja Ishak : see p.165, 11.13—19 
717. mudek-lah : there is an omission in the MS here of some description of his arrival at the island 
718. makci di-dudokkan . Bendabara: obscure. I suggest re¬ 
punctuation as follows 
Maka di-dudokkan di-bawah Laksamana karna l adat Mah . Lingga dudok di-bawah Laks. Jikalau pada pemegian barang ka-mana serta akan berhenti , maka M. L. mengenjamkan sombong Laks. dan Raja Tuiigkal-lah . 
719. mengenjamkan : ? mengunjamkan ‘make to stick up' and so ‘enhance’ 
720. sedia berkelahi : for the -reason given on p.165 
721. sudah menantu : ? intended for sudah di-ambil akan me- nantu as e.g. on p.108, I.5 
721 a . dapat : cf. siapa kamu dapat menangkap on p.75, l.n 
721 1 *. membasoh chunting-ku : see my Malay Sayings, p.11 
722. di-muka = di-muka ki-andeka 7 see W. under 
andeka 
723. dTambil-nya : presumably repre:ents di-ambil-nya 
sa-cheper y but we are not told what was on the cheper land (j^-1 two lines below Cannot be identified 
724. berkepong : surely berkampong : see note on mengepong on p.48 
725. maka :? te (r) lenga-lab, see W. under lenga 
726. menjeinput : see note on di-jemput on p.56 
727. kcdapatan kata : means ‘to be shewn up as having failed to do\ what you said you would do’ 
728. baginda murka : and apparently never forgave him, see p.221, I.37 et sqq. 
729. mata ( — mata) : ? ‘observer’ 
730. Sang Setia dekat ( oS, ): ? dekat represents yang dekat ( sa-kali ) 
731. rampasan : see note on rampasan on p.48. Were they in fact hamba-hamba perempuan being taken to Malacca for such a sale as is described in Hkt. ‘Abdullah p.189 et sqq. ? 
These notes refer to pages 199—204 of Winsledt’s romanized text: see footnote on page 205 ante a. 
Journal Malayan Branch [Vol. XXV, Pt. II & III 

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255 

732. pada bicbara-nya : because the rampasan would ordinarly be stowed in the stern of the ship, whereas Tun Krah’s ship was sarat ka-baluan ? 
733. di-kepongkaii-nya : surely di-kampongkan-nya . See note on mengempong on p .48 
734. sama-nya buiubalang : cf. the similar incidents and phras¬ ing on p. 142 , l.io and p. 224 , I .40 
735. sedia sa-benar-nya : cf. p. 225 , 1.8, a similar context 
735 a . Orang Kaya ini lagi ada : for the Paduka Tuan to be present when the Sultan of Indragiri’s drum was beaten would be tantamount to his admitting that the Sultan of Indragiri was his master, not the Sultan of Malacca. 
736. bermusoh : ? = mengcdap musoh. Cf. the similar kita akan berperang on p. 132 , I .7 
737. menggercnek : signifies the ‘patter’ on the drum preliminary 
to the pain? , 
738. pengbulu gajah : the only mention in the S.M. of this officer, though references to the panglima gajab are numerous (e.g. on pp. 151 , 153 and 176 ) 
739. memkawa tanglong : this was a night attack 
740. gajab pun : ? gajab pula 
741. jika sedikit. ... : I read this as follows:— 
Jika sedikit belalai gajab ini menggeruit tinggal rang-nya y bamba tendang 
and I have translated accordingly 
742. Sayid al-Hck: I am indebted to R.OAV. for the following note : 
“Sayid al-Hak = Sayid An-aThak = ‘I am He’, a name taken by the famous Sufi martyr Mansur, who was impaled for taking such a lying, blasphemous title by the lvha-lifa Muktadir (922 A.D.) at Baghdad. He was learned in the Vedanta and so took the pantheist name.” 
743. Prti-nya : ‘what you think is..’ Cf. tabu-lab patek akan erti-nya on p. 219 , I .16 
744. sa-gagab<nya kutok : ? ‘however much you may curse me7 
744 a . Sa-akan : ? masakan 
745. ka-rumab-nya : after this should come the concluding 
sentence of ch. XXVI ( Satelab itu _ ka-Inderagiri) on p .206 
746. Sultan Ibrahim’. formerly Megat Kudu, brought to Malacca as a captive after the defeat of Siak ,a'nd married to a dlaughter of Sultan Mansur, see p .124 et sqq. 
746 a . terkenang : see note on mengenang on p. 112 , I .24 
747. sen(j)ak: see note on gurob on p. 196 , I .26 
748. Paduka Tuan 1 : clear, ipar , see next paragraph in 
the text. See note on p. 8 o, I .17 
748 a . perdana menteri : read paramenteri 
748 b . janji: read chincbin 
748 c . kita buangkan .... timbul: ? a way of expressing his hope, albeit a faint one, that with the assistance of Tun Aria and his men (see 1 . 2 q above) he might still recover Malacca from the Portuguese? 
These notes refer to pages 204—207 of Winstedt’s romanized text: see footnote on page 205 ante a, 
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256 

The Malay Annals 

749. Sa-telah itu . Inderagiri : misplaced in the MS: should' 
come at the end of ch.XXV 
750. Sultan Husain : we are not told what relation he was to 
the Maharaja ‘diraja of Haru of whom we read at p .145 et sqq.: but it is noticeable that into his mouth (in the passage beginning jika t aku two Ones below) are put very much the same words as were used by the Maharaja ‘diraja on p. 147 , l.n et sqq., see note on jikalau aku .on p .147 
751. Raja Puteh : see p. 190 , I .42 
75l a . ka-Hujong Tanab : see note on p. 123 , I .23 
752. seteru : an allusion to the war between Haru and Malacca on pp. 146—7 ? , 
753. pebujangan : see note on lanchang pemujangap on p .59 
754. Sultan Muda\ i.e. Raja Ala’u’d-din, Sultan Mahmud’s son by Tun Fatimah, see p. 194 , I .38 
755. di-kayohkan sakai : was this merely in order that he should arrive more quickly (see I .36 below) or did he feel as did the Sultan of Pahang whose principal concern, in the incident related on pp. 222 — 4 , seems to have been to get Pateh Ludang’s sakai crew for himself? 
756. du.a buah perahu juga: i.e. instead of waiting for the as¬ sembling of a more pretentious kelengkapan ? 
757. Ada pun . " Tarob I would read this passage as 
follow's:— 
Ada pun . bamipir Sultan Husain. Apabila 
orang menyabong di-balaman balai itu , bunyi sorak- 
nya y maka Sultan Husain . menyabong itu; 
daripada sangat ‘ashik baginda y maka baginda mengereng kapada Sultan MS. mengunjokkan tangan seraya kata-nya y “Tarob.” 
757 a . baginda • ? mengereng as on p .143 (see note on 
men giving) 
757 b . : ? mengunjokkan which would signify that he 
had something in his hand, viz. the money he wanted put on for him 
758. pada: MS oU = paba ? 
759. yang menindeh: ? = yang terlebeh sa-kali 
760. di-terima : ? sc. jcdi menantu-nya 
761. oleh baginda... .di-kitar-nya: obscure. I gather that Sultan H. ripped off the sleeve of his jacket, closed the one end of it and then filled the resultant bag with gravel which made a noise 
like a rattle as he whirled it round his head. I read utif. ‘T as charek rak ! bunyi-nya (see W. under rak) ' 
761 a . menyarongkan : ? change the sheath of his creese? 
762. tegari: ? read pegawai , the suggestion being that indul¬ gence to his daughter in her conduct, which would have been bad enough in a mere pegawai with his comparatively limited powers, was indefensible in a Sultan ? 
763. Ambang: ? Embong 
764. umpat: MS cJUlS* which locks like ke-empat. See fol¬ lowing note 
These notes refer to pages 207—209 of Winstedt’s romanized text: see footnote on page 205 antea. 
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translated by C. C. Brown 

257 

764a. a;\S ....c\&a : none of these 
three words as they stand can be identified. Is it possible that <>'^ is an error for <>'Y and that t c\5^ represents 
(‘having a fit of latah’) ? The word seems to suggest some 
such action as 'plucking at' 
765. bini-nya pergi : ? sc. tinggal before bini-nya 
766. memberi : ? membawa 
767. tujoh-belas ; ? angkatari: cf. bidangan 'mi- 
numan pula di-angkat orang Seri Rama, p .47 
768. Bagimana pula....hidangan kUa: I read this Bagaimana pula besar-nya hidanganf Hurup ( urup ) empat daripada hidangan kita 
Hurup (?) empat: i.e. one of their dishes can be changed (as a dollar is changed' into smaller pieces) into four of ours' ? 
769. Sultan Pahang . akan\ '(raja itu . segala raja-rajar 
The text is evidently defective as (a) it dtoes not give the Sultan of Pahang’s name, an omission for which in the case of Malay rulers there is cjnly one parallel in the S.M. (b) akan raja itu as it stands is meaningless (c) we are not told who segata raja-raja were. 
770. di-suratkan akan berkerja: appiently means 'a list was to be made of the duties to be performed by the slaves' 
771. Seri Awadana menyuratkan: Sh. xxxiv, p .231 et sqq.. gives a Very different story of this incident. See R.O.W., History of Malaya, pp. 73—4 
772. :? si-Tanda , short for Pertanda? The Temeng- 
gong had to 'carry out executions’ (R.O.W., The Malays, p. 73 1 ) and the slave mentioned here was the man who actually performed' the execution ? 
773. 1 : epoky see W. sub voc . Cf. p. 98 , I .39 where 
tepak dan kendi should read epok dan kemendelam 
774. : kemendelam ‘ewe:’ 
774«. di-matikan: ? optative rather than indicative 
775. gorap-nya: I read this as go rap (ghurab)-nya di-T engkilu^ penjajap-nya telata-lata. For gorap see W. under ghurab. Telata - lata = merata/*rata ? 
775 a . menitahkan . menitahhan: the first menitahkan is- 
used as noted on p. 64 , I. 24 : but the second must be an error foi titah-nya 
776. : ? guly i. e. ‘our ship is bumping (the river bed)V i.e. ‘is aground' ? 
777. berjabat ; MS U-y>* ? tercbabut ‘they pulled up the- 
mooring stakes? 
778. salah Utah: cf. p. 192 , I .9 
779. Shahid: see nofte on p .138 
779 a . Sedia patek-lah: Sh. Ya-lah patek membawa .? for 
These notes refer to pages 209—212 of Winstedt's romanized text:, see footnote on page 205 antea. 
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258 The. Malay Annals 
sedia patekdah here read sedia-lah patek — ‘I am resolved to’ 
780. Mahmud : Tun Mahmud, p. 161 , I. 9 : brother of the Sri Nara ‘diraja who is speaking to him he.e: they were both sons of the Sri Nara ‘diraja who was executed on p .187 
781. tiada kuasa: ‘had not the stvength’ (pace W. ‘not of phy¬ sical strength’): not as on p. 164 , I .43 tiada kuasadah patek sakalian dudok di-Malaka ini where tiada kuasa has its common colloquial meaning ‘have no desire to’ 
782. sa-kupang pun tiada : presumably the gold mentioned at I .28 on p .212 was still with the Bendahara ? 
783. karas: see notte on p .159 
784. di-sambut-nya : ? di-sembat-nya y ;as on p. 109 , I .28 
785. menjemput : see note on di-jemput on p .56 
785 a . Tun Mahmud .. .Selangor: see p. 206 , 1.6 
786. bapa patek : Bendahara Lubok Batu, p .188 
787. di-Kampar : where, according to p.215, I.44, he reigned for five years 
788. Tun Talani : elsewhere in this text Tun Telanai. Evi¬ dently a very old title: it appears in an ancient inscription from Siam. When the Bend. Speaks of it in I .15 as kehutan-hutanan he probably had in mind the Telanai of Trengganu (p. 141 , I. 22 ) and also possible the Telanai of Bentan, see note on p. 61 , I. 43 . On the other hand there was a Tun Telanai in Malacca, a son of a Benda¬ hara (!), see p. 98 , I. 23 ; p. 118 , I .34 and p. 159 , I .20 
789. Nara : should be Sura , see p. 206 , I .3 
790. gelar mentua-nya: see p. 206 , I .3 
790 a . segera . Seri Agar: if to the Malay ear of the time 
there was a resemblance in sound between segera and Seri Agar , was the latter pronounced Seri Agera ? 
791. Raja Pahlawan: see also p. 145 , I .39 
792. ‘adat Haru . ka-atas : obscure as it stands and the text 
is suspect. To make sense the passage should run something like this 
- jika makan , barang siapa orang besar ka-atas; dan 
jika minum , barang siapa be rani ka-atas •and I have translated accordingly 
793- Paduka Tuan : Tun Isak Berakah, son of the deceased Bendahara Paduka Raja (Tun Pikrama Wira), see note on p .189 
793 a . Kala itu : substitute a comma for the fullstop after itu 
794. raja-raja : see note oin maka anakanda baginda 
on p .90 
798. Raja Muda Perempuan: so the MS, but Perempuan is an obvious blunder for pun. This Raja Muda was Raja Muzaffar Shah, see p. 194 , I .29 
796. <0 : ? nyah 
796 a . Tun Terang: see p. 194 , 1-3Q 
797. Enche y jJ : the reference evidently is to Tun Fatimah mother of Sultan Ala’u’d-din and Sultan Mahmud’s favourite wife. 
These notes refer to pages 212—216 of Winstedt’s romanized text: see footnote on page 205 ante a, 
Journal Malayan Branch [Vol. XXV, Pt. II & III 

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translated by C. C. Brown 

259 

According to the Perak Salasilah ( JSBRAS y No. 9 , p. 96 ) she was called ‘‘Inche’ Tan (sic: ? Tun) ” 
798. hendak-lah f? : ? hendak-lah di-perbaiki , cf. hendak- 
lab ia di-perbaiki .on p. 57 , I .17 
798 a . baginda : ? should read lalu baginda 
799. sa-orang Manjong ^ : MS ^ which may 
be an error for ^ corresponding with Siu-M-ia, the name given in the Perak Salasilah (op. cit). Conversely the ^ of the 
MS may stand for Siak Mai (cf. Tun Mai), the man in question be- ing of Siak origin? 
799 a . Seri Agar Raja: Tun Mahmud: see p. 206 , 1.6 and p. 214 , I .22 
799 b . jemput ka-Selangor: 'fetch him from Selangor/ cf. men- jeput saudara-nya .ka-Manjong on p. 79 , l.n ajnd see note on di-jemput on p. 56 , I .19 
800. Sultan Mahmud Shah: Sh. Sultan Mansur Shah . See note on Sultan Pahang on p. 210 . 
801. bunga emas: “thi<> tribute consists of pure gold and silver 
worked into the shape of flowers.sent every three years to the 
Court of Siam by the Rajas of Malay States under Siamese influence/’ (C. ajnd S. 1894 ) 
802. Berakelang : ? a Malay approximation to the Bar colon which is how Gervaise in 1688 in bis Natural and Political History of the Kingdom of Siam (p. 33 ) represents the Siamese Phra-Khlang , Minister for Foreign Affairs 
803. Orang Pahang . di-Kelang y datok: evidently what was 
intended is 
Orang Pahang berkitfm surat pada Adi Kelang y datok tiada berkirim-kah ? 
(Cf. Adi Berakelang in 1. 24 below) This reading fits in well with the Bendahara’s reply to the question 
803 a . bunyi-nya: see note on p. 68 , I .40 
804. tambera: ? from Siamese tarn ra 'Record of Precedence’. The word appears in Kedah Laws (op. cit., p. 27 ) Tembera Datok Seri Paduka Tuan with the meaning ‘Laws' (?) 
805. kembali ka-Hujong Tanah: a description of the founding of the new settlement is given in Sh. xxxiv, p .245 
806. anak saudara patek dengan daya patek: unintelligible as it stands. ? read anak saudara patek , patek dengaii dia patek ‘the Raja Perempuan is my niece: with her (as 3he is Raja Perempuan) I {patek) am only a patek / For a similar idea cf. p. 215 , l.i 
806 a . nasi dengan periok-nya: to indicate that the Bendahara of Perak could only be summoned by the Bendahara of Ujong Tanah and no: by a mere orang besar such as Tun Pekerma: and it was so interpreted by Bendahara Paduka Tuan, see I .36 below. 
807. ia rebah . ka-kanan: i.e. we’ll die together. 
808. kehendak: the MS adds hati 
809. ' ayapan: see note on persantapan on p .177 
809 a . Mengapa-tah: sc. berkata as in I .3 of p. 215 ? 
810. Pada bichara kiia....: cf. j ikalau tiada aka?i patut pada 
These notes refer to pages 216—219 of Winst^dt’s romanized text: see footnote on page 205 antea, 
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260 

The Malay Annals 
bichara kita , masakan mau kita .on p. 215 , I. 4 . The position 
of the pada bichara kita in that instance is better. 
811. jadi-lah : should read jadi gab 
812. erti-nya : see note on p. 204 , I .7 
812a. Lekat hati-nya akan daku : i.e. !he will leave Ujong Tanah and come here to serve me. Cf. the case of Sri Agar Raja, p. 218 , I. 3 : 
813. melintas pada hati : cf. jikalau melintas pada hati-mu on P-144, 1.44 
814. laindain pula : cf. bagai-bagai pada (? pula) Bendahara on p. 188 , I .37 
815. babis nasi _ juga : should read habis nasi di-dalam sir eh 
itUf di-bunoh-nya pula lagi y lauk sa-lauk itu juga : i.e. he took a) little more rice but no more lauk 
816. Mandalika Kelang : the copyist has evidently nodded here,, 
as he w:ites Mandalika Kelang as S , the same spelling 
as Mendaliar on p. 183 , I .4 : and I read this as Mendaliar Keling and thought the reference to be to the revenue the laitter would, have collected as Shaihbandar. R.O.W. however emphatically dis¬ sents and says that a Mandulika of Klaing is mentioned by Tome- Pi res 
816 a . Bendahari-lah : read Penghulu Bendahari-lah 
817. sa-kali: ? read segala 
818. : ? only a variant of on p. 144 , I .27 (see 
note on dunia i y~>\ ibid.), and the meaning in both cases is 'this' 
819. Tiada tahu.. .kami: should read Tiada tahu akan isti ’adat 
daripada sangat _ kami . The sense of tiada tahu here is Take no 
account of; cf. talda tahu aka?i jahat-nya on p. 95 , I. 21 . Isti ’adat is 
written in the MS 
820. karas Bandan: see note on p .159 
821. Jjx— : sandal a wedge or any other such thing used to- keep a lid or anything similar tightly closed. 
821a. Malaka : ? di-Malaka 
822. pengluru-nya..... .cf. the description on p .211 ? I .3 
823. termurkai : MS termurka ia. See p. 200 , I .27 
824. Mari panah : the speaker was Hang Nadim (made Laksa- mana on p. 194 , I. 24 ). For his skill as an archer see p. 173 , l.i et sqq- 
825. dahan-nya: MS Is this merely an error for 
or does it represent dahian-nya? A tree undoubtedly has a dagu (the bole). Has it also a dahi (the upper part of the trunk)? 
826. tunda: ? tali tunda 
827. oleh... ka-sungai\ ? oleh dia rebah ka-sungai 
828. buloh karah Sayong , takut : ? read as buloh karah 7 sayang- 
takut .(it would be a pity if....) 
829. orang (sukal) : the MS has ^;jWs this sukal r 
which is unknown to the dictionaries, yet another variant of sakar which on p. 195 , I .27 is written and on p. 223 , 1.12 

These notes refer to pages 219—223 of Winstedfs romanized text; see footnote on page 205 antea . 
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translated by C. C. Brown 

261 

829 a . di-hulu Batu Belah : clearly means 'above Batu Belah’ — di-sa-belah hulu Batu Belah 
830. itu-lah maka : see note on p. 82 , I .15 
830 a . Rebat : Jakuns (but not Malays) remember this name 'and pointed out the spot to R.O.W., a narrow channel up the Johore River. 
831. tiada-lah : cf. kita .akan undor dari sini, tiada-lah oni p. 212 , 
bi7 . 
832. Maka sakai pun . Feringgi : I would re-punctuate thus 
Maka sakai pun habis terjun, melainkan tinggal Tun Amat ‘Ali juga terdiri sa-orang di-atas perahu itu. Dalam pada bedil yang saperti hujan itu , maka perabu T.A.A. pun hanyut ... 
832 a . Demikian-lah dengan sebut : obscure. There 
is an Arabic word meaning 'retinue’ which does suit the 
context to some extent; but why should the speaker have used it instead of its Malay equivalent? From the way the word is written 
in the MS it might be , ? a copyist’s spelling blunder for 
(ma y siyat) ? If so, the sentence might mean' That’s what people call a vile deed’, i.e. ' I here’s a vile deed for you- ? 
833. abang : correct if Sultan Muzaffar Shah of Pahang was the son of his predecessor pace the saudara in I .3 
834. sama: should be sama-nya: cf, the similar incidents and phraseology on pp. 142 and 201—2 
835. ]ikalau _ tuan-ku: I would read thus 
Jikalau lain rupa-nya orang itu y kelipkan-lah mata. Beta hingga yang di-pertuan sa-orang jua tuan-ku 
836. lain rupa-nya : lit. change their look, i.e. turn dangerous. 
837. ia pegawai tuan-ku : Sang Stia was in no sense a pegawai of the Sultan of Pahang: but Pateh Ludang could be so described and surely the word mernbunoh has been omitted by error before pegawai ? 
838. Kama adinda . jangan demikian: obscure as it stands. 
To make sense some such word as sa-patut-nya is required before segera tuan-ku turun and I would read the passage j as follows:— 
Kama adinda . mengantarkan dia t benar-kah demikianf 
Lagi , tuan-ku.. .membawa Sang Setia , ( sa-patut-nya ) segera tuan-ku turun... ikat-nya ini. Jikailau tiada tuanku menyuroh melepaskan, benar-kah demikian ? {Lagi-) lagi-nya jangan demikian. 
839. yang hamba itu. ..... junjong: the sense appears to be 'the good servant faithfully obeys his master, even if he has to suffer, still more so when the master loads him with favours.’ Were the state¬ ment in the positive, for jangan we should have baik: as it is in the negative {tiada melalui ), jangan is used. 

These notes refer to pages 223—225 of Winstedt’s romanized text: see footnote on page 205 antea .






ABBREVIATION and REFERENCES 


used in the Commentary above 



c. & s. 


Dictionary of the Malay Language, Clifford and 

Swettenham, 1894—1902 (letters A—G only, not 

completed). 


Hang Tuah 


Hikayat Hang Tuah, Malay Literature Series 3 


( 1917 ) 


Hkt. ‘Abd. 


Hikayat ‘Abdulla|h, M.L.S. 4 ( 1907 ) 


„ Awang Suong 


„ Awang Sulong, M.L.S. 5 ( 1914 ) 


„ R.R.P. 


„ Rajarrajia Pasai, JSBRAS No. 66 


„ Seri Rama 


„ Seri Rama, JSBRAS No. 71 


Leyden 


Malay Annals translated by John Leyden, 1821 


M. 


Dictionary of the Malayan Language, William 

Marsden, 1812 ^ 


Malay Sayings 


Malay Sayings, C. C. Brown (Routledge and 

Kegan Paul, 1951 ) 


Pantun Melayu 


Pantun Melayu collected by Wilkinson and 

Winstedt (M.P.H., Sigapore, 1914 ) 


P.M.S. 


Papers on Malay Subjects (Govt, of the F.M.S., 

see this journal, 1952 , 25, (1): 194 — 99 ). 


R.H. Kanun 


Risalat Hukum Kanun, ed. van Ronkel, Leden, 

1919 


Sh. 


Sejarah Melayu, ed. W.G. Shellabear, M.L.S, 9 

(chh. I—XVII, 1909 : chh. XVIII—end, 1930 ) 


R.O.W. 


Sir Richard Winstedt, K.B.E., F.B.A ., 


D. Litt. (Oxon ). (History of Malaya, JMBRAS r 

Vol. 13 , (I): The Malays, a cultural history^ 

Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1950 ). 


W. 


Malay-English Dictionary, R. J. Wilkinson, 1932 



Journal Malayan Branch [Vol. XXV, Pt. II & III 





APPENDIX. A. 



Pp. 106—7 


The Jajvanese version printed in the Translation is as suggested by 

W.J.S. Poerwadarminta and Prof Teeuw. My own translation in each 

case is of the Malay explanation given in the text. 


For the following translations of the Jalvanese l am indebted to Dr., 

Hooykaas:—^ 


Onya surub tanggapana penglipur : saben dina katon parandene 

onaiig uga 


“Void” sireh: take it by way of consolation: although you see 

him every day, still you feel the pangs of love 


Iwer sang dara kabeh , dene Laksamana lumaku-lumaku , penjurit 

ratu Mctlayu 


All maidens were upset, as Laksamana was wandering to and fro^ 

warrior of the Malay raja 


Ayu-ayu anake wong pande wesi : para tan ayua 7 saben dina den- 

gurinda ! 


Of course the daughter of an iron-smith is beautiful: how could 

she not be pretty, daily being polished more and more ! 


Kaget wong peken (f pangkon) y dene Laksamana tumandang , Laksa¬ 

mana tumandang , penjurit ratu ing seberang 


Startled were the people (—women) in the miarket (? on their 

husbands' laps) as the Laksamana posed, warrior of the raja across the- 

water 


Tututana ! yen ketemu , patenana karo y ketelu jaruman , mara! 

Pursue him (the Laksamana) ! When you find him, slay him, 

and his mistress and the matchipaker as the third, come on ! 


Geger wong pasar dene Laksamana teka 7 Laksamana penjurit ratu. 

Malaka 


Upset were the people (women) at the market as the Laksamana 

came, the Laksamana warrior of the raja of Malaka 


Wis laliya kung 7 \lagiq kungku maning; sumbalinga lipur kung 7 ati 

saben gelak (balek ) kung 


Even if I forget my love, still my love comes back to me: even 

if there were consolation for (my) love, still my heart always turns it¬ 

self towards love 


Geger wong paseban dene Laksamana liwat 7 Laksamana liwat 7 pen¬ 

jurit ratu Malaka 


Upset were the men in the audience hall because the Laiksamana 

was passing, the Laksamana was passing, warrior of the Malay raija 


Den-urai rambut 7 den-tangisi : rambute milu tan di-remen 


Her hair she put in disorder: she wept for him: Even my 

hair is no longer liked by him 


Geger wong ing panggungan dene Sangkaningrat teka 


Upset were the people on the stage becajuse Sangkaningrat was- 


passing 


APPENDIX B, from Sir Richard Winstedt, not received in time- 

for publication in this Journal. (1:2:53) 


1952] Royal Asiatic Society . 








INDEX 



Index of principal notes, names, incidents etc. 


The numbers are the numbers of the pages in the text. These will 

be found at the foot of the pages of the commentary. 


Achara, 163 


Adipati Kampar, 149, 219 

Ala^t Raja, 85 


Aria Bija 'diraja, see Tun Aria 

Aria Gajah Mada, see Pateh 

Awadana, see Sri Awadana 

Awi Dichu, 75, 96 


Badang, Sri Rana Wikerma’s strong man, 65 et sqq 

Baginda Mani Purindan, 88 

Bahara, 76 


Batara of Majapahit, 62, 81, 100, 135 

Batu Pahat, 97 


Bendaharai Lubok Batu (Tanah), Tun Pikrama, formerly Paduka Tuan, 

q. v.: becomes Bendajhara, 188: dies at Muar and known thereafter 

as Datok Lubok Batu, 193: succeeded by his son Tun Pikrama Wira, 

q.v. 


Bendahara Paduka Raja I (Tun Perak): made Bendahara, 96: ranked 

as one of the tiga orang bijaksana of his time, q 6: 114, 116, 119: kill¬ 

ing of his son Tun Besar, 125: sent to attack Pasai, 138: dies 145 


Bendahara Paduka Raja II (Tun Pikrama Wira s/o Bendahara Lubok 

Batu), 194, 207, 212, 214: succeeded by Paduka Tuan, q.v. 


Bendahara Paduka Tuan (Tun Isak, made Paduka Tuan, 194), 214, 215, 

216, 218 


Bendahara Puteh (Tun Perpateh Puteh), 145, 15,0, 159 

Bendlahara Sri Amar 'diraja 84, 89 


Bendahara Sri Maharaja, Tun Mutahir s/o Sri Nara 'diraja 116; becomes 

Temenggong, 122: becomes Bendahara, 159: his ability as adminis¬ 

trator, 159: a great dandy, 160: "grandest of all the Bendaharas:” 

160, 185: 180, 182: his daughter Tun Fatimah and Sultan Mahmud’s 

grudge against him over her, 183 s his wealth, 184: the affair of Raja 

Mendaliar, 185: killed, 187 


Bendahara Sriwa Raja: 89, 92-3 (the only suicide recorded in the S.M.) 


Bendahara Tambak, see Bendahara Paduka Raja II, 214 


Bendahara Tun Perpateh Permuka Berjajar (the first Bendahara), 62, 65. 


Bendahara Tun Perpateh Tulus, 65, 82 


Bendahari, Penghulu, see Sri, Nara ‘diraja 


Bendahari, The Treasury, 42, 81 


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267 



Bendarang, strong man of Perlak, 68 


Bentan, 59, 193 


Benakeleng, 217 


Bijaksana, 96 


Brunai, 118, 152, 200 


Bubunnya, 93 


Bunga mas, 217 


Champa, (chempa), 85, 134 

Champa Malaka, 137 

Chau Pandan, 97 


Chau Sri Bangsa, 176: became Sultan Ahmad Shah of Petani, 177 

Cheteria,, 45 


China, Emperor of, 51, 116, 118; 122 

Chiri, 86 

Chuki, 88 

Cock-fighting, 195 


Conversion to Islam: Haru, 72: Malacca, 84: Perlak, 72. Semudra (Pasai), 

73 


d’Albuquerque, 182, 191 


Datok Bongkok, see Sri Bija 'diraja 


Datok Lubok Batu, see Bendahara Lubok Batu 


Demang Lebar Daun of Palembang, 56 


Feringgi, see Portuguese 


Fitnah, 77 


Gangga Nagara, 49 


Garfish, see Swordfish 


Gempar, 105 


Glang Gui, 49 


Gunong Ledang, 130 


Hang ‘Esa (‘Isa), one of Sultan Mahmud’s favourites 152 , 


Hang Hamzah, 133 


Hang Hussain Chengang, one of Sultan Mahmud’s favourites, 152, 157 

Hang ‘Isa (Pantas), 157 

Hang Isak, 166 


Hang Jebat, Hang Kasturi and others, 104—114 


Ha^ng Nadim: his failure on his mission to Kalinga, 165—167: redeem¬ 

ed by his successful abduction of Tun Teja for Sultan Mahmud, 

169—173: he becomes Laksamana (III), 194 

Hang Tuah, 104—114, becomes Laksamana (I), q.v. 


Haru: converted to Islam 72; the embassy to Paisai where salam was read 

as semhah 145; unsuccessfully attacks Malacca 146: custom and 

Raja Pahlawan 214: ranked as equal with Malaka 85, 125. 

See also Sultan Husain (Haru) 


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268 



The Malay Annals 



Hujong Tanah, 123 

Hulubalang, 45 


Indragiri given to Sultan Mansur by Batara of Majapahit, up: Maha¬ 

raja Merlang taken to Malacca and married to Sultan Mansur’s 

daughter in: offspring of this marriage is Raja Nara Singa, q. v : 

the plight of the Indragiri captives in Malacca, 130, 165. See also 

Raja Nara Singa 


Jahiat, gg 

Jemput, 56 


Kadli Menawar (Menua) Shah, 129, 154, 157 

Kadli Yusuf (Maulana Yusuf), 129, 154, 157 


Kaiinga (benua Keling), 48: the building of Bija Nagara, 50: Talai 

Puchudi marries Ruler of Singapore, 65: Baginda Mani Purindan, 

88: Sultan Mahmud sends Hang Nadim to get cloth for him and 

the Kaiinga ^designers have difficulties, 165 


Kampar. 148, 159, 195,. 214, 219. See also Adipati 

Karas Bandan, 159 


Kedah, Raja of, visits Malacca to obtain recognition as ruler, 163 


Kelantan, ,158 


Keling, see Kaiinga 


Keraing Semenluki (Mengkasar), 126 


Khoja Husain, see Laksamana (II) 


Kerja raja, 93? 


Kittul: the affair of Raja Mendalir and Bedahara Sri Maharaja, 185: 

executed, 187 


Kota Miahligai (Patani), 176 


Laksamana (I) Hang Tuah), 104: made Laksamana by Sultan Mansur 

114 and described as 'the frst Laksamana', though there is men¬ 

tion of Tun ‘Ali Haru Laksamana on p.ioo: 119, 126, 131, 138, 


143,-147, 164, 167 


Laksamana (II) (Khoja Husain), 167, 174—6, 180: bribed by Raja 

Mendadiar to tell a false story about Bendahara Sri Maharaja to 

Sultan Mahmud who has the Bendahara executed, 186: his punish¬ 

ment when the falsity of the story is discovered 187: dies and 

subsequently known as Laksamana Pantau, 194 


Laksamana (III) (Hang Nadim), 165, 169, 173, 194, 199-203, 221 


Legur, 180 


Lenggui, 49 


Lingga, 165, 197—9 


Ma'abri, 71 


Maharaja ‘diraja (Haru), 145 

Maharaja Isak (Lingga), 197 

Maharaja Jaya (Kampar), 148 

Maharaja Merlang, see Indragiri 

Maharaja Sura (Pahang), 119 

Majapahit, see Batara 

Maka, 100, 144 



Journal Malayan Branch [Vol. XXV, Pt. II & ill 



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269 



Makhdum, see Maulana and Tun Makhdum 

Mak'kah* 71 


Malacca: founding of, 82: conversion to Islam, 84: development 


under Sultan Muhammad, 88: its fame (known to Arabs as 

Makikat), 125: (prosperity, 159, 181: first attack by Portuguese 

repelled, 182: falls to the Portuguese, 192 


Maluku (the Moluccas), Raja of, 141 

Mandulika of Klang, 219 

Mani Purindan, see Baginda 

Manjong, 78, 204 

Marhum Shaikh (Pahang), 176 


Marhum Kampar, see Sultan Mahmud (Malacca), 215 

Maijhum Malaka, see Sultan Mansur (Malacca), 215 

Maulana Abu Bakar, 127 


Mauilana Jalalu’d-din, contrives seizure of throne by Raja Kasim 

who becomes Sultan Muzaffar (Malacca), 91 


Maulana (Makhdum) Sadar Jahan, 177: Sultan Mahmud is his pupil 177: 

as is Sultan Ahmad, 190: his verbal encounters with Sri Rama, 177: 

and Tun Mai Ulat Bulu, 178: accompanies Sultan Ahmad into battle 

against Portuguese and does not like it, 191 


Maya, 76, 78 


Mecca, see Makkah 


Mengachara, 82 


Mentri Jana Putra, 98, 118 


Menawar Shah, Sultan (Kampar), see Sultan 


Mengempong, 48 


Mengenang, 112, 204 


Me rah Chaga (Pasai), 70 


Merah Silu (Pasai), 70 


Moga-moga, 50 


Nabi Khidlir, 43 


Naina Sura Dewana, 185 


Nobat, 50, 59 


Onang Kiu, 50 


Padang Maya, 78 


Paduka Raja (Tun Perak), 95: see Bendarara Faduka Raja 

Paduka Sri Maharaja (Singapura), 70, 80 

Paduka Sri Pikrama Wi'ra (Singapura), 62 


Paduka Tuan (Tun Pikrama), 131, 134, 146: becomes Bendahara 187: 

see Bendahara Lubok Batu and Tun Pikrama 


Paduka Tuan (II) (Tun Isak Berakah), 194, 200; 203; 205: becomes 

Bendahara, 214; see Bendahara Paduka Tuan: see also Tun Isak 

Berakah 


Pahang, invaded by Malacca 119: see also Sultans Abdul'l-Jamal, 

Mansur, Mahmud and Muhammad, all of Pahang 


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270 



The Malay Annals 



Pakaian, 43 


Paladutani (Sang Meniaka), 55, 56, 101 

Pasai, 70, 74, 125-^127, iy \ 9 145, 178 


Pateh Adam (Pengiran Surabaya), abducts daughter of Sri Nara ‘diraja, 

161 


Pateh Aria Gajah Mada (Majapahit), 96, 100 

Pateh Ludang, 224 


Pa>u Glang and Pau Gma (Champa), 135 

Penggang, 66 


Penghuilu Bendahari, see Sri Nara ‘diraja 


Penyadap, The 100 


Perasi, 132 


Perak, 216 


Peratunan, 42 


Perlak, 68 


Persalin, 43 


Petani (Patani), 176 


Portuguese (Feringgi): first visit to Malacca, 181: attack Malacca and 

defeated, 182: take Malacca 191: assist Kampar, 195: assist Lingga 

against Sultan Mahmud, 199: attacked at Malacca by Sultan Mahmud, 

200: Sang Naya's conspiracy, 220 


Proverbial sayings, 141 


Putri Genggang (Perlak), 73 


Putri Gunong Ledang, 130 


Putri Nai Kesuma (Majapahit), 101 


Radin Galoh Chendra Kirana, d/o Putri Nai Kesuma by the Batara of 

Majapahit, 104: married to Sultan Mansur (Malacca), no: ? mother 

of Sultan AlaVd-din (Malacca), see note on Raja Radin, p.137 


Raja AftabuI-ArdI, 53 


Raja Ahmad (s/o Sultan Mansur of Malacca), 124 


Raja Chulan, 51 


Raja Chulin, 49 


Raja Ibrahim, 90 


Raja Iskandar Dzu'l-Karnain, 43 


Raja Kasim, gp: becomes Sultan Muzaffar (Malacca), q.v. 


Raja Kechil Bambang, 83 , 


Raja Kenayan (Pasai), the: one of them described as one of the four 

outstanding men of the time, 96: another (?) of them shews bravery 

against Semerluki, 126 


Raja Kida Hindi, 43 

Raja Linggi Shah Johan, 49 


Raja Mahmud (s/o Sultan AlaVd-din I of Malacca): ailso mentioned 

as Raja Mamat: 139, 141, 149 (Raja Mamat), became Sultan Mah¬ 

moud of Malacca, q.v. 


Raja Menawar Shah (s/o Sultan AlaVd-din I of Malacca), 139: becomes 

Sultan Menawar of Kampar, 149 


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271 



Raja Muzaffar Shah ,s/o Sultan Mahmud of Malacca): designated to 

succeed his father on the throne but ousted by Raja Ala’u’d-din, 194: 

driven out when Raja Ala'u x d-din succeeds to the throne but is taken 

to Perak and made Sultan of Perak, 216 


Raja Muhammad (s/o Sultan Mansur of Malacca): exiled to Pahang for 

killing the Bendahara's son and made Sultan of Pahang, 125: see Sultan 

Muhammad (Pahang) 


Raja Nara Singa (Indragiri): born in Malacca, in: escapes to Indra- 

giri and made ruler, 165: shelters fugitives from Sultan Mahmud’s 

unsuccessful attack on Kampar 195: his feud with Lingga which he 

attacks, 197: visits Sultan Mahmud in Bentan, marries one of his 

daughters and is made Sultan ‘Abdu'l-Jalfl of Indragiri, 197: accom¬ 

panies Sultan Mahmud’s expedition against Malacca, 200: his 

quarrel with the Paduka Tuan, 203 


Raja Pahlawan (Haru): killed in Pasai because he would not accept the 

Pasai reading of sembah into the letter from Haru, 145 


Raja Perempuan (Malacca): the title given by Sultan Mahmud to Tun 

Fatimah, 190 


Raja Radin: see note under Sultan Mansur (Malacca) 


Raja Semudra, 75 

Raja Shulan, 48 


Raja Tanjong Pura, 56, 101 104 


Raja Tengah: converted to Islam, 83: becomes Sultan Muhammad of 

Malacca, q.v 


Raja Tua (mother of Sultan Mansur of Malacca): her designs on the 

life of Sultan Ala’u'd-din to procure the succession of her grandson 

Raja Muhammad (see above), 138 


Raja Zainal—’Abidin (brother of Sultan Mahmud of Malacca): hand¬ 

some rake mudered on his brother’s orders, 157 


Ramai, see terlalu 

Rekan (Rokan), 85 


Rekan, Raja of: visits Sultan Muhammad of Malacca and on the latter’s 

death stays on in Malacca as regent for Sultan Abu Shahid, 90: 

killed when Raja Kasim seizes the throne and himself kills Sultan 

Abu Shahid, 92 


Rampasan, 48 

Sa-bagai, 175 


Sadar Jahan, see Maulana 


Saidi ‘All Ghithayu’d-din (Semudra), 73 


Saidi Asmayu’d-din (Semudra), 73—79 


Saiyid ‘Abdul-'Aziz (Juddah), 84: described as converter of all Malacca 

to Islam, 129 


Saiyid (anon.), shot an arrow from Malacca and killed Chau Pandan in 

Siam, 98 


Saiyid (An)-al-Hak, 203 

Salam, 85, 98 


Sang Meniaka (Paladutani) made Raja of Tanjong Pura, 56 


Sang Naya, conspires against the Portuguese at Malacca and is killed, 

220 


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272 The Malay Annals 


Sang Ranjuna Tapa, betrays Singapore to the Javanese revenge for in¬ 

sult inflicted upon his daughter by Sultan Iskandar, 81 


Sang Sapurba (Bichitram) made Raja of Minangkabau, 56 

Sang Stia, 180, 199, 200, 212 


Sang Sura (Hang Berkat) murders Rajia Zainal-’Abidin for Sultan 

Mahmud, 158 and (acc. to Sh. text) was made Sang Sura for his 

services: faithful henchman of Sultan Mahmud in exile, 187-190 


Sang Utama (Nilatanam) made Raja of Palembang, 56 


Sapu-sapu ringin, 108 


Sembah, 93, 98 


Semerluki, see Keraing 


Semudra, 71 et sqq. 


Shaikh Isma’il, master of ship sent by the Sharif of Mecca to Semudra, 


7i 


Shahru’n-nuwi (Siam) 75 


Shaving of boy’s head with adze, 63 


Siak, 123, 143, 204 


Siam, 93, 96, 177: see also Shahru'n’-nuwi and Chau Sri Bangsa 

Siantan, no 

Sida-sida, 45, 115 


Singapura, founding of, 61: the attack by the swordfish, 80: taken 

by the Javanese, 81: fief of the Sri Bija 'diraja, 151 

Sireh puan, 94 


Sri Agar Raja (Tun Mahmud): made Sri Agar Raja by Sultan Mah¬ 

mud, 214,: sent to Selangor as governor, 216: Sultan Muzaffar of 

Perak calls him to Perak and makes him Bendahara, 216: this 

displeases Sultan AlaVd-din who sends for him, 218 , 


Sri Akar Raja (Pahang), 142 


Sri Amarat: herald to Sultan Muzaffar of Malacca: snubbed by Tun 

Perak, 94 


Sri Awadana (Udani, Sh.): chief minister to Sultan Mansur (Malacca), 

123: led expedition against Siak, 214 

Sri Awadana (II) (Tun Mai Ulat Bulu), 154: made Temenggong with 

title of Sri Awadana, 190: 191, 210, 214 

Sri Bijia (diraja (I) also mentioned as Sri Bijaya (dirajja) ): known as 


Datok Bongkok, 96: governor of Pahang, 119: 131, 145: dies, and 


succeeded by his son, 


Sri Bija 'diraja (II) who offends Sultan Mahmud, 150: is put to death, 


151 


Sri Nara ‘diraja (I) (Tun Perpateh Besar), Penghulu Bendahaii, 84 

Sri Nara 'diraja (II) (Tun ‘Ali), 89, 95, 96, 112, 122 

Sri Nara ‘diraja (III) (Tun Tahir, brother? of Bendahara Sri Maharaja): 

appointed, 122: 125, 148, 159, 161: murdered with Bendahara Sri 

Maharaja, 187 


Sri Nara ‘diraja (IV) Tun Hamzah, s/o S:ri Nara ‘diraja III): appointed, 

194: particular favourite of Sultan Marmud in exile and offered one 

of his daughters in marriage as reward for his services, 214 


Sri Rama Panglima Gajah, 151, 176: his quarrel, in his cups, with 


Maulana Sadar Jahan, 177 


Journal Malayan Branch [Vol. XXV, Pt. II & III 



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Sri Tri Buana (Sang Utama): ruler of Palembang, 56: visits Bentan,. 

59: founds Singapore, 61 


Sri Rana Wikerma (Singapore), 65—70 


Sriwa Raja, one of Sultan Mahmud’s chief favourites, despite his killing 

Tun Bayajit, 152: his habit of keeping the Sultan waiting, 152-3: 

defies Kadli Menwar Shar's odd sense of humour and wins his 

daughter, 154—5: his power over elephants and horses, 156: his ex¬ 

periences in Pahang, 168—9 


Sultan ‘Adu’l-Jallil (Indragiiri), see Raja Nara Singa 


Sultan ‘Abdu'l-Jamal (Pahang), 167: the episode of Tun Teja, 169: theft 

of the royal elephant by the Laksamana of Malacca, 174: retires in 

dudgeon, 176: known, after his death as M«arhum Shaikh 


Sultan ‘Abdul’lliaih (Kaimpar), grandson of Sultan AlaVd-din and son-in 

law of Sultan Mahmud of Malacca, 159: refuses to own suzerainty 

of Sultan Mahmud at Bentan and is attacked but invokes Portu¬ 

guese assistance effectively, 195: is however taken captive by the 

Portuguese and sent to Goa and thence to Portugal, 196 


Sultan Abu Shahid (Malacca), dies ‘marty: V death at the hands of Raja 

of Rekan, 90 


Sultan Ahmad (Malacca), 151: succeeds on abdication of Sultan Mahmud,. 

189: his young falvourites, 190: leads Malacca in resisting the Por¬ 

tuguese, 191: but Malacca falls and he flees to Bentan, 193: his 

behaviour offends ex-Sultan Mahmud who has him killed and him¬ 

self resumes the throne, 193* 


Sultan Ahmad (Pasai), 79 


Sultan Ahmad Shah (Petani) (Chau Sri Bangsa), 177 


Sultan AlaVd-din I (Malacca), succeeds his father, Sultan Mansur, 137: 

his illness and the attempt of his grandmother, Raja Tua, to take 

his life, 138: marries Tun Naj,a, d/o Sri Nara ‘diraja II, 139: his 

measures against thieves in Malacca, 139: humbles Pahang, 142, 

and Siak for acting without his authority 14^: conquers Kampar, 148: 

dies, 150 , 


Sultan AlaVd-din II (Malacca) (son of Sultan Mahmud by Tun Fati- 

mah): succeeds his father, 215: marries sister of Sultan Mahmud of 

Pahang, 217: established at Ujong Tanah, 217: conquers Merbedang r 

220: armistice with Portuguese, 223 


Sultan Husain (Haru): visits Bentan and marries Sultan Mahmud's 


daughter, Raja Puteh, 206—210: visits Sultan Mahmud in Kampar,. 

214 


Sultan Ibrahim (Siak), 124, 143 , 


Sultan Iskandar (s/o Paduka Sri Mahraja): succeeds to throne of 


Singapore, 81: but driven out by Javanese, 81: founds Malacca, 82- 


Sultan Khoja Ahmad (Siak), marries daughter of Sultan Mahmud of 

Malacca, 204 


Sultan Mahmud (Malacca): Raja Mahmud, 139, 141, 149 (Raja 


Mamat): succeeds his father, Sultan AlaVd-din, 150: the affair of 

Tun Bayajit, 151: his four favourites, 152: only loyalty to the ruler 

prevents injured husband killing him, 154: pupil of Maulana Yusut, 

157: conquers Kelantan and marries captive Kelantan princess, 169: 

the mission of Hang Nadim to India to buy cloth for him, 165; 

marries Tun Teja, 173: pupil of Maulana Sadar Jahan, 177: sends 


mission to Pasai with religious conundrum, 179: his grudge against 


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274 



The Malay Annals 



Bendahara Sri Maharaja over Tun Fatimah, 183: kills Bendahara 

S.M. and Sri Sara 'diraja III, 187: marries Tun Fatimah, 189: abdi¬ 

cates in favou < of his son Sultan Ahmad, 189: takes up abode at 

Bentan, 193: has Sutan Ahmad murdered and resumes throne, 193: 

unsuccessfully attacks Kampar, 195: visited by Raja Nara Singa 

who becomes his favourite son-in-law, 197: unsuccessfully attacks 

Lingga, 199: and the Portuguese in Malacca, 199—204: visited by 

Raja of Siak, 204: by Tun Aria Bija 'diraja from the Western ter¬ 

ritory, 206; by Sultan Husain of Haru who marries his daughter 

Raja Puteh, 207—210: and by Sultan of Pahang, 210: Portuguese 

attack Bentan and he moves to Kampar, 214: where he dies, to be 

known thereafter as Marhum Kampar 


Sultan Mahmud (alias Muhammad) of Pahang: ? 210: 216: the letter 

sent to Siam and the wording of it, 217 


Sultan MalikuTMansur (Semudra), 73—79 


Sultan MalikuTSaleh (Merah Silu), ruler of Semudra, 72 


Sultan Maliku’tl-Tahir (Pasai): carried off to Siam captive, 75: recovered 

by his faithful minister, 77 


Sultan Mansur (Malacca): succeeds, iqo: goes to Majapahit and marries 

Batara’s daughter after various incidents in which Hang Tuah and 

other Malacca men give a good account of themselves, 104—110: 

the affair of Hang Tuah, in: and Hang Kasturi, 112: the new 

palace is built, 114: and burnt down, 115: marries daughter of Em¬ 

peror of China, 118: conquers Pahang, 119: attacked by Semerluki 

of Macassar, 126: pupil of Maulana Abu Bakar, 127: courtship of 

Putri Gunong Ledang, 130: dies and succeeded by Raja Radin 

(sic) presumably Raja Husain (Sh.) 137: referred to as Marhum 

Malaka, 164 


Sultan Mansur (Pahang): succeeds, 176: attacked by Legur, 180: but 

Malacca effectively assists, 181 


Sultan Megat (Malacca), only reigned for 2 years, 82—84 


Sultan Menawar (Kampar), s/o Sultan Ala’u'd-din I of Malacca: made 

Sultan of Kampar, 149: dies and is succeeded by his son ‘Abdullah, 

159 


Sultan Muzaffar (Malacca) (Raja Kasim s/o Sultan Muhammad): 

succeeds on death of Sultan Abu Shahid, 92: reigns for <0 years, 

92—100 


Sultan Muzaffar (Pahang), the affair of Sang Stia, 224, 


Sultan Muzaffar (Perak), son of Sqltan Mahmud of Malacca and de¬ 

signated as his successor, but Sultan Mahmud changed his mind in 

favour of Tun Fatim-ah’s son and Raja Muzaffar is driven out, 216: 

he becomes Sultan of Perak, 216 


Sultan Muhammad (Malacca): son of Sultan Megat, 82: his conversion 

to Islam and the subsequent conversion of Malacca, 83—4: insti¬ 

tutes court ceremonial, 84—88: dies, 90 


Sultan Muhammad (Pahang), Raja Muhammad, s/o Sultan Mansur of 

Malacca: banished to Pahang by hisi father after the murder* of Tun 

Besar, s/o Bendahara Paduka Raja, and made Sultan of Pahang, 

125: the affair of the Telanai of Trengganu and the rebuke from 

Malacca, 142 


Sultan Zainal-'Abidin (Rasai), his ingratitude to Malacca for restoring 

him to the throne, 131 


Surat Kaseh, 98, 217 


Journal Malayan Branch [Vol. XXV, Pt. II & III 



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275 



Surat sembah, 93 

Swordfish attack Singapore, 80 

Tambera, 216 


Tanjong Pura, 56: see, also Raja Tanjong Pura 

Temasek (Singapore), 51, 60 

Terlalu ramai, 64 


Telamai Trengganu, 141, see also Tun Telanai 

Temenggong, see Tun Hasan, Sri Awadana 

Tersebut-lah perkataan, 48 


Tun 'Abdul'l (s/o Sri Nara 'diraja> II), described as telalu olahan , 116, 122 


Tun ‘Ali s/o Bendahara Sri Amsar 'diraja) made Sri Nara 'diraja and 

Penghulu Bendaha:i, 89 


Tun Aria Bija 'diraja (Bruas) governor of the Western territory, sum¬ 

moned to Bentan, 204—6 


Tun Bayajit (s/a Laksamana I), injured husband who might have killed 

Sultan Mahmud but for his loyalty, 154 

Tun Bajyazid (s/o Bendahara Lubok Batu), his oddities and sense of 

humour, 188 

Tun Besar, 125 


Tun Biajid (s/o Hang Tuah and possibly the same person as Tun Baya¬ 

jit above), a great cock-fighter, 195 


Tun Bija Sura, accompanies Sultan Mansun to Majapahit and his ex¬ 

periences there, 104-no 


Tun Bija Wangsa, sent to Pasai on theological business, 127, 179 

Tun Fatimah, the beautiful daughter of Bendahara Sri Mahaaja who 

did not 'shew' her to Sultan Mahmud and the eby incurred the 

royal displeasure, 182: married first to Tun 'Ali by whom she had 

daughter, Tun Trang q.v., 183: then married Sultan Mahmud, 189: 

Raja Perempuan, 190: her son, Ala'u'd-din, ousts Raja Muzaffar 

from the succession, 194 


Tun Hamzah s/o Sri Nara 'diraja III, wounded but not killed when his 

father and Bendahara S. M. were murdered on Sultan Mahmud's 

orders, 187: became one of Sultan Mahmud's chief favourites and 

made Sri Nara Idiraja, 194 

Tun Hamzah, Sri Bija, 'diraja, 96 


Tun Hasan Temenggong (s/o Bendahara Sri Mararaja): his duties as 

Temenggong, 160: inventor of the long baju with wide sleeves, 1,60: 

commands Malacca force that defeated, Portuguese, 182: would have 

resisted by force the murder of his father but forbidden by his 

father to do so, 187 


Tun Isak Berakah (s/o Tun Rikrama Wira, Bendahara Paduka Raja II): 

his bravery in the attack on Haru, 146: his methods with the Sriwa 

Raja, 153, 156: his courage on the eve of the fall of Malacca, 192: 

presumably the Tun Isak who was made Paduka Tuan and subse¬ 

quently Bendahara Paduka Tuan, 194 

Tun Jana Fakil (Siak), 143 


Tun Jana Khatib (Pasai), his supernatural powers cost him his life 80 

Ttm Kudu, beautiful daughter of Bendahara Sriwa Raja: married to 

Sultan Muzaffar of Malacca* 93.: but given subsequently by him in 

marriage to Sri Nara 'diraja II:, 96: by whom she became the mother 

of Bendahara Sri Maharaja, 116 


Tun Mahmud (s/o Sri Nara 'diraja III), rescues Sultan Mahmud af er 

the fall of Bentan and is made} Sri Agar Raja, 214 


1952] Royal Asiatic Society. 



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276 



The Malay Annals 



Tun Mai Ulat Bulu: makes Makhdum Sadar Jahan look foolish, 178; 

one of Sultan Ahmad’s chief favourites, 190: made Temenggong, 

190: see also Sri Awadana 


Tun Makhdum Mua (Pasai), the divine appointed to answer the conun¬ 

drum sent to Pasai by Sultan Mansur, 128 

Tun Muhammad, grandson of Bendahajra Puteh and rated as, 'for a 

Malay’, quite a fair Arabist, 145: presumably chosen on that account 

for theological mission sent to Pasai, 178 

Tun Muhammad Pantas, 115 

Tun Muhammad Unta, 115 

Tun Mutahir, see Bendahara Sri Maharaja 


Tun Nara Wangsa (s/o Sri Nara 'diraja III): his assistance to Sultan 

Mahmud on the flight from Bentan, 213-: made Temenggong, 214 

Tun 'Omar ('Umar), s/o Sriwa Raja, victim of Sultan of Pahang’s odd 

sense of hospitality, 169 


Tun 'Omar, s/o Sri Bija 'diraja (Datok Bongkok): one of Sultan Mah¬ 

mud’s chief favourites, 152: his reckless bravery, 157: possibly the 

Tun 'Umar who is made Sri Petam, 194 

Tun PeRerma, see Benda/hara Sriwa Raja: Tun Perak, s/o Bendahara 

Sriwa Raja his effective retorts to criticism of his conduct as Penghulu 

Klang, 94—-5, win the approval of Sultan Muzaffar who makes him 

Paduka Raja and subsequently Bendalhara 95: see Bendahara Paduka 

Raja I 


Tun Perpateh Pandak (Perlak); sent to Singapore with the Perlak 

strong man Bendarang and his diplomatic handling of the situation 

there, 68—70 


Tun Perpateh Puteh, s/o Bendahara Sriwa Raja, 93: his outstanding 

success as envoy to China, 117: see Bendahara Puteh 

Tun Pikrama, s/o Bendahara Paduka Raja: his bravery on the 

Pasai expedition, 13*—33: rewarded by being made Paduka Tuan 

134: leader of Malacca against the attack from Haru 146: made 

Bendahara, 187: see Bendarara Lubok Batu 

Tun Pikrama Wira, s/o the above: becomes Bendahara Paduka Raja II 

Tun Tahir, see Sri Nara ‘diraja III 


Tun Teja, beautiful daughter of Bendahara of Pahang, successfully ab¬ 

ducted for Sultan Marmud by Hang Nadim, 169—173 

Tun Telanai, 98, 118, 214 


Tun Trang, d/o Tun Fatimah by her first husband Tun 'Ali, 183: 

married to Raja* Muzaffar, 194: expelled with her husband (called 

Raja M’ud'a), 216: he becomes Sultan of Perak and she bears him 

16 children, 216 

Tun ‘Umar, see Tun 'Omar 

Tunggal (Tungkal), 104, 219 

Umpamakan, 164 


Wan Empok, one of the two widows whose huma on Bukit si-Guntang 

Mahameru was the scene of the miraculous descent from heaven of 

Sang Sapurba, Sang Meniaka and Sang Utama, 54—56. 


Wan Malini, as for Wan Empok, above 


Wan Sendari, daughter of Demang Lebar Daun, who made her marriage 

to Sri Tri Buana conditional on the latter giving a Malay Magna 

Carta, 57—8 


Wan Sri Benian (Bentan), the only female ruler mentioned in the 

Sejarah Melayu, 59. 


Journal Malayan Branch [Vol. XXV, Pt. II & III, 1952] R.A.S,