作为中国历史上热度最高的乱世之一，汉末三国时代的一些重要人物已经深度融入了中国的大众文化之中，长期以来都是民间津津乐道的话题。一方面，作为极为成功的中国古典小说，《三国演义》为这些人物塑造了很多经典的形象；另一方面，随着最近几十年电视节目、网络论坛、社交媒体的普及，吸引眼球、"解构经典"的内容层出不穷，又在一定程度上扭曲了这些人物形象。这种扭曲，一部分确实有"还原历史"的效果，但更多的则是毫无根据的胡乱想象，反而使得其塑造的新形象距离历史本真的形象更加偏离。本文将基于史书原文，对一些相对流行但偏差较大的历史形象进行纠正或补充。
As one of the most popular chaotic periods in Chinese history, the late Han and Three Kingdoms era has seen its key figures deeply integrated into Chinese popular culture, remaining a perennial topic of fascination among the public. On one hand, as a highly successful classical Chinese novel, Romance of the Three Kingdoms crafted many iconic portrayals of these historical figures. On the other hand, with the proliferation of television programs, online forums, and social media over the past few decades, eye-catching and "deconstructed" reinterpretations of these classics have emerged in abundance, further distorting the depictions of these individuals. While some of these distortions do contribute to "restoring historical truth," most are baseless fabrications that create new portrayals even further removed from historical reality. This article aims to rectify or supplement some of the more popular yet significantly inaccurate portrayals based on the original historical texts.
一、刘备
蜀汉势力是三国演义的主角，其所塑造的经典人物也是最为成功的，因此本文从蜀汉人物开始。蜀汉的创业核心刘备在《三国演义》中被塑造为一个仁义、爱哭、同时自身缺乏军政能力的"道德模范"，被鲁迅批评为"显刘备之长厚近似伪"。近年来对刘备形象的翻案则多将刘备描述为一个道貌岸然的伪君子。相较于历史上的刘备而言，这两种叙事都有较大的偏差。刘备出身于河北涿郡，祖父"世仕州郡"，在当地实际上是有一定势力的豪族，但刘备"少孤，与母贩履织席为业"，意味着家道中落。汉末时代，河北涿郡是相对远离政治中心的"边地"，其地民风彪悍，而刘备的性格显然受到这样的影响。《三国志》虽然描述他"喜怒不形于色"，但史料中却记载其一生中多次发怒，比如如下的几条著名的记载：
1. Liu Bei
The Shu Han faction is the protagonist in Romance of the Three Kingdoms, and its portrayal of iconic characters is among the most successful. Therefore, this article begins with figures from Shu Han. In Romance of the Three Kingdoms, Liu Bei, the founding core of Shu-Han, is depicted as a virtuous, emotional, and somewhat inept "moral exemplar," a characterization criticized by Lu Xun as "displaying Liu Bei’s kindness to the point of insincerity." In recent years, counter-narratives about Liu Bei often portray him as a hypocritical figure cloaked in moral righteousness. Compared to the historical Liu Bei, both of these interpretations deviate significantly from the truth. Liu Bei was born in Zhuo County, Hebei, where his grandfather "held official positions in local administrations," indicating that his family had some influence as a local gentry clan. However, Liu Bei's early life was marked by decline, as he "was orphaned young and made a living with his mother by selling straw sandals and weaving mats." During the late Han period, Zhuo County in Hebei was a relatively remote border region far from the political center, with a culture known for its bold and fierce character, which evidently influenced Liu Bei's personality. Although the Records of the Three Kingdoms describe him as "not revealing his emotions outwardly," historical records document several instances of Liu Bei’s anger throughout his life, including the following well-known examples:
怒鞭督邮：督邮以公事到县，先主求谒，不通，直入缚督邮，杖二百，解绶系其颈著马枊。
怒斩杨怀：璋勑关戍诸将文书勿复关通先主。先主大怒，召璋白水军督杨怀，责以无礼，斩之。
怒征东吴：初，先主忿孙权之袭关羽，将东征，秋七月，遂帅诸军伐吴。孙权遣书请和，先主盛怒不许。
Angrily Flogging the Inspector: An inspector arrived in the county on official business. Liu Bei sought an audience but was denied. Enraged, Liu Bei forcibly entered, tied up the inspector, gave him 200 lashes, and hung the inspector's sash around his neck, tying him to a horse.
Furiously Executing Yang Huai: Liu Zhang issued orders to the border garrison commanders to cut off communications with Liu Bei. Upon learning this, Liu Bei became enraged. He summoned Yang Huai, the military commander of Baishui, accused him of disrespect, and executed him.
Angrily Campaigning Against Eastern Wu: Initially, Liu Bei was incensed by Sun Quan's attack on Guan Yu and planned an eastern campaign. In the autumn of July, he led his armies to attack Wu. Sun Quan sent letters seeking peace, but Liu Bei, in a fit of rage, refused.
由此可见，刘备的"喜怒不形于色"更多是其待人之道，其本真的性格是直率易怒的。但这并不代表刘备是那种让属下害怕的领导，因为刘备对待属下与百姓的确是以宽厚著称，如在徐州时"外御寇难，内丰财施，士之下者，必与同席而坐，同簋而食，无所简择。衆多归焉。" 黄权投降魏国后不牵连其家人："先主曰：'孤负黄权，权不负孤也。'待之如初。" 简雍用开玩笑的方式暗讽其恶政时，开怀大笑，不对其加罪。对待诸葛亮则更是推心置腹，举国托付。汉末三国军阀屠戮百姓如家常便饭，但这样的记录也从未在刘备的军事生涯中出现过。陈寿在《三国志》中对刘备的总评是"知人待士，有高祖之风。" 从这些材料都能看出来，刘备对待自己人非常宽仁友善，对待作为弱势群体的百姓也以仁厚著称，因此在荆州时才会有"南州士从之如云"的盛况。
From this, it can be seen that Liu Bei’s characteristic of "not revealing his emotions outwardly" primarily applied to his interactions with others, while his true personality was straightforward and quick to anger. However, this does not mean Liu Bei was the type of leader who instilled fear in his subordinates. On the contrary, Liu Bei was widely known for his magnanimity toward both his followers and the common people. For instance, during his time in Xuzhou, he "defended against external threats and distributed wealth generously within, treating even the lowest-ranking officers as equals, sharing the same seat and food without discrimination. As a result, many flocked to him." When Huang Quan surrendered to the Wei kingdom, Liu Bei did not punish his family, saying: "I failed Huang Quan; he did not fail me," and continued to treat them as before. When Jian Yong humorously criticized his poor governance, Liu Bei laughed heartily and did not hold him accountable. His trust in Zhuge Liang went even further, entrusting the entire state to him with full confidence. While other warlords of the late Han and Three Kingdoms period often slaughtered civilians indiscriminately, no such records exist in Liu Bei's military campaigns. Chen Shou’s evaluation of Liu Bei in the Records of the Three Kingdoms praises him as "a leader who recognized talent and treated his subordinates well, possessing the charisma of Emperor Gaozu of Han." From these accounts, it is evident that Liu Bei was exceptionally kind and generous toward his people and was particularly renowned for his benevolence toward the common folk. This explains why, during his time in Jingzhou, there was a grand phenomenon of "scholars and people from the southern provinces gathering under his banner like clouds."
易怒的性格与对待百姓下属的宽厚是如何在刘备身上融为一体的呢？实际上这并不矛盾，刘备这样的性格是一种比较经典的游侠型的性格，常常起到"社会凝结核"的作用。或许是由于其出身和早年经历的缘故，这样的人形成了一定的处事原则，对于身边人往往抱有同情，尤其不愿意以强凌弱，因此对待身边人相当友善；然而，他缺乏在官场与人搓麻将的经验，在乱世的底层社会中练就出来了一身暴脾气，尤其是当自己的尊严与核心利益受到侵犯时，很可能会因失去理智而大怒。刘备的这种豪迈的游侠性格也可以从他与陈登、法正、田豫、牵招等人的亲密关系中窥见。陈登有湖海之气，法正恩怨分明，田豫、牵招都是尚义轻财的人物，而刘备与这些人都意气相投，足见刘备本人也是这种充满江湖气息、重义轻利的爽快人。这样的性格是刘备在天下打出英雄名号的重要基础，但同时也是阻碍刘备在群雄逐鹿中拔得头筹的要因。刘备生平的几次重大失策（丢失徐州、险失荆州、兵败夷陵）都源自于其做事出于意气而非经过谨慎决策的性格特点。
How did Liu Bei’s quick temper reconcile with his kindness toward the common people and his subordinates? In fact, these traits are not contradictory. Liu Bei’s personality reflects a classic youxia (wandering hero) archetype, which often plays the role of a "social nucleus" for cohesion. Perhaps due to his background and early experiences, such individuals develop certain principles of conduct. They tend to be empathetic toward those around them, especially unwilling to bully the weak, and thus are exceptionally kind to those in their circle. However, lacking experience in the intricate social games of officialdom, Liu Bei developed a fiery temper through his struggles in the chaotic lower levels of society during turbulent times. When his dignity or core interests were threatened, he was prone to losing control and reacting with intense anger. Liu Bei’s bold and heroic youxia character can also be seen in his close relationships with figures such as Chen Deng, Fa Zheng, Tian Yu, and Qian Zhao. Chen Deng was broad-minded and ambitious, Fa Zheng was clear about both kindness and grudges, and Tian Yu and Qian Zhao valued righteousness over wealth—all traits that resonated deeply with Liu Bei. His camaraderie with such individuals demonstrates that Liu Bei himself was also a straightforward, chivalrous figure, full of a martial world spirit that prized loyalty and righteousness over material gain. This personality formed a key foundation for Liu Bei’s reputation as a heroic figure in the world. However, it was also a significant obstacle to his ultimate success in the competition for supremacy among warlords. Liu Bei’s major strategic failures—losing Xuzhou, nearly losing Jingzhou, and his defeat at Yiling—all stemmed from his tendency to act on impulse rather than careful deliberation.
《三国演义》对刘备的军事能力也进行了相当程度的弱化。刘备早年能够混迹于诸侯之间，就是基于其能够聚众的能力与在战场上的骁勇。不过刘备因为"不甚乐读书"，因此没有怎么接受过系统性的军事教育，加之实力有限，因此早年败仗较多。在积累了足够的军事经验后，尤其是在得到诸葛亮之后，刘备势力的军事体系逐渐成型，因此他在征益州、攻汉中的过程中就表现出来了一代名将的素质，连曹操都无法当其锋锐。与刻板印象不同，后期刘备的用兵特点反而是以狡猾和行险著称，尤其是汉中之战夺取定军山的谋划堪称大手笔，可谓是数十年经验的大成。夷陵之战的前期他也展现出了足够的实力，但在意气用事与过于轻敌的双重作用下被江东的名将陆逊抓住机会一举击败，晚节不保，甚为可惜。
总体而言，历史上的刘备是一个豪迈豁达、重义轻利、脾性急躁、充满江湖气息、对待自己人和弱势群体都非常宽厚的雄主，与同时代许多英雄都有不菲的交情，用兵也以顽强狡猾著称，但因缺乏系统性的学识以及决策不够谨慎而失去了很多发展壮大的机会。刘备为何说自己得到诸葛亮是"如鱼得水"，不单纯是因为诸葛亮才华超群，更重要的或许是因为诸葛亮恰恰拥有刘备相对欠缺的品质。
Romance of the Three Kingdoms also significantly downplays Liu Bei’s military abilities. In reality, Liu Bei's early survival among the warlords was largely due to his charisma in rallying followers and his bravery on the battlefield. However, because Liu Bei "did not particularly enjoy reading," he lacked systematic military education. Coupled with his limited resources, he suffered numerous defeats in his early years. After accumulating sufficient military experience, particularly after gaining Zhuge Liang’s assistance, Liu Bei’s military system gradually took shape. During his campaigns to conquer Yizhou and capture Hanzhong, he displayed the qualities of a great general, to the extent that even Cao Cao could not withstand his sharp offensives. Contrary to the stereotypical image, Liu Bei’s later military strategies were characterized by cunning and risk-taking. The capture of Dingjun Mountain during the Hanzhong campaign, for instance, was a brilliant strategic maneuver and the culmination of decades of experience. In the early stages of the Battle of Yiling, Liu Bei also demonstrated substantial strength. However, under the dual influence of acting on impulse and underestimating his opponent, he gave Eastern Wu’s renowned general, Lu Xun, an opportunity to deliver a decisive defeat. This tarnished his later achievements, which is deeply regrettable.
Overall, the historical Liu Bei was a bold and open-minded leader, valuing loyalty over personal gain, with a fiery temper and a strong martial world spirit. He treated his followers and vulnerable groups with great kindness and generosity. He forged close relationships with many heroes of his time and was known for his tenacious and crafty military strategies. However, his lack of systematic knowledge and insufficient caution in decision-making caused him to miss many opportunities for growth and consolidation. Liu Bei’s statement that obtaining Zhuge Liang was "like a fish gaining water" was not solely due to Zhuge Liang’s unparalleled talent. More importantly, Zhuge Liang possessed precisely the qualities that Liu Bei himself lacked.
二、诸葛亮
诸葛孔明毫无疑问是中国历史上最为知名的人物之一。与刘备类似，诸葛亮在《三国演义》中的形象被进行了极端化处理，鲁迅称之为"状诸葛之多智而近妖"，在后世的很多文学作品中甚至被塑造成了一个类似妖道的角色。近年来的一些翻案文章又抓住陈寿对其应变将略的质疑大作文章，贬低诸葛亮的军事才能，甚至质疑诸葛亮的忠诚。这些解读不仅与真实的诸葛亮有较大偏差，而且也使得诸葛亮的形象过于扁平化，失去了真实诸葛亮的一些精彩的个人特色。
2. Zhuge Liang
Zhuge Liang (Kongming) is undoubtedly one of the most renowned figures in Chinese history. Similar to Liu Bei, Zhuge Liang’s portrayal in Romance of the Three Kingdoms underwent extreme dramatization, which Lu Xun criticized as "depicting Zhuge Liang's intelligence to the point of being almost supernatural." In many later literary works, he was even depicted as a character akin to a sorcerer. In recent years, some revisionist articles have focused on Chen Shou’s critiques of Zhuge Liang’s adaptability and strategic skills, using them to downplay his military capabilities and even question his loyalty. These interpretations not only deviate significantly from the historical Zhuge Liang but also render his character overly simplistic, stripping away many of the fascinating personal traits of the real Zhuge Liang.
真实历史上的诸葛亮更多被描述为一个杰出的政治家而非神鬼莫测的军事家，这一点经过近二十年来很多大众传媒的影响，已经有了相当的社会认知基础。然而，诸葛亮的政治才能突出，并不代表其缺乏军事才能；诸葛亮在其身后的中国历史上经常被当作三国时代顶尖名将的代表，并且这与《三国演义》毫无关系。尤其与《三国演义》所不同的是，尽管在书中他被描写为一个在战场上把对手算计得团团转的神人，历史上的诸葛亮却是以制度建设、士兵训练、阵型设计闻名，而非以奇谋诡计著称。《三国志》称诸葛亮"治戎为长"，"作八阵图，得其要云"，《晋阳秋》称诸葛亮"善抚御，戎政严明"，这些都突出了诸葛亮的长处在于打造军队的战斗力、设计作战体系。诸葛亮同时还改善连弩，发明了提升后勤运输效率的木牛流马，说明其在军备开发上也有建树。这也是诸葛亮北伐能够将同为名将、手握重兵的司马懿逼得消极避战的底气所在。
In real history, Zhuge Liang is more accurately described as an outstanding statesman rather than the otherworldly military strategist depicted in Romance of the Three Kingdoms. This understanding has gained significant recognition in recent decades, thanks to the influence of popular media. However, Zhuge Liang's exceptional political abilities do not imply a lack of military talent. Throughout Chinese history, he has often been regarded as one of the top generals of the Three Kingdoms era—a view independent of Romance of the Three Kingdoms. Unlike his portrayal in the novel as a near-omniscient figure who outwits opponents on the battlefield at every turn, the historical Zhuge Liang was renowned for institutional development, soldier training, and formation design, rather than for cunning stratagems. The Records of the Three Kingdoms describes him as "most proficient in military governance" and notes his creation of the "Eight Formation Diagram, mastering its essence." The Jin Yang Qiu praises Zhuge Liang for his "skill in command and strict military discipline." These sources highlight his strengths in building military effectiveness and designing operational systems. Zhuge Liang also improved the repeating crossbow and invented the wooden ox and flowing horse to enhance logistical efficiency, showcasing his contributions to military technology. These innovations, along with his organizational prowess, gave him the confidence to confront Sima Yi, another renowned general commanding a formidable army, and force him into a passive defensive strategy during the Northern Expeditions.
除了个人才能上的刻画偏差外，后世作品往往还过多突出诸葛亮北伐未获成功的悲情，但这一点恐怕与诸葛亮本人的性格不符。诸葛亮未出山时就以顶尖将相管仲、乐毅自比，读书"观其大略"，年仅二十七岁就只身出使江东，说服孙权建立同盟，尽显一代名士风范。晚年他虽承托孤之重，但也不像很多文学作品所描述的那样身形憔悴满面愁容。南征时他考虑"诸将才不及己"而亲自领兵，八阵图训练成功后他声称"自此行师，庶不覆败"，即使最后一次北伐面对司马懿闭门不出，他也略带讽刺地指出"苟能制吾，岂千里而请战邪！"这些材料充分表明，诸葛亮即使在生命晚年，也更多是一副自信满满、志在必得的姿态，而不是被巨大的压力压得喘不过气。后世对其悲情的渲染或许是基于"鞠躬尽瘁，死而后已"这句名言，但这句话所出自的《后出师表》是否是诸葛亮所作都很成疑问。
Beyond the misrepresentation of his personal abilities, later works often overemphasize the tragic tone of Zhuge Liang’s failure in the Northern Expeditions. However, this portrayal likely does not align with Zhuge Liang’s actual personality. Before entering the political stage, Zhuge Liang compared himself to top-tier statesmen and generals like Guan Zhong and Yue Yi, studying texts "to grasp their general principles." At just 27 years old, he independently traveled to Eastern Wu and successfully persuaded Sun Quan to form an alliance, fully demonstrating the demeanor of a distinguished figure. In his later years, while bearing the heavy responsibility of supporting the state after Liu Bei’s death, Zhuge Liang was not the haggard and sorrowful figure often depicted in literature. During the Southern Campaign, he personally led the army, considering that "other generals lack sufficient talent." After successfully training troops with the Eight Formation Diagram, he declared, "From now on, I can march without fear of failure." Even in his final Northern Expedition, facing Sima Yi’s refusal to engage, Zhuge Liang sarcastically remarked, "If he could truly contain me, would he need to ask the court's permission for battle from a thousand miles away?" These accounts show that, even in his later years, Zhuge Liang remained confident and resolute, not crushed under enormous pressure. The later emphasis on his tragic image may stem from the famous phrase, "To exhaust oneself in service, until death," attributed to him. However, the authenticity of this phrase from the Later Memorial on the Northern Expedition is highly questionable, as it is uncertain whether Zhuge Liang authored the work.
诸葛亮在性格上虽然高傲，但在具体行事上却是以谨慎、周到闻名。诸葛亮能够成为中国历史上极为少有的完身完名的摄政大臣，就是因为他做事慎重，史称"专权而不失礼，行君事而国人不疑"，虽然掌握了绝大的权力但却从不越矩，不做以权谋私的事情，因此让所有人都对其敬服。真实的历史上也从未有过刘禅拖诸葛亮后腿的记载，刘禅对这位相父非常敬重，诸葛亮对刘禅也未"以臣凌君"，甚至刘禅还在诸葛亮死后处决了对诸葛亮出言不逊的李邈。当代的很多电视剧着力刻画刘禅、诸葛亮之间的矛盾，这些都是子虚乌有的艺术创作。当然，诸葛亮性格的谨慎有可能限制了其在北伐战争中的发挥，但北伐未获成功的原因主要还是由于两国实力的巨大差距以及翻越秦岭导致的后勤难题，很难判断诸葛亮的谨慎性格占了多少的影响。
Zhuge Liang, though proud by nature, was renowned for his cautious and meticulous approach to affairs. He became one of the rare regents in Chinese history to maintain both personal integrity and a spotless reputation precisely because of his prudence. Historical accounts praise him as someone who "exercised sole authority without overstepping propriety, conducted state affairs without causing suspicion among the people." Despite wielding immense power, he never abused it for personal gain, earning universal respect. Historically, there is no record of Liu Shan undermining Zhuge Liang. On the contrary, Liu Shan deeply respected his regent, and Zhuge Liang never "overstepped his position as a subject to overpower the sovereign." After Zhuge Liang's death, Liu Shan even executed Li Miao for speaking disrespectfully of him. Modern television dramas often emphasize conflicts between Liu Shan and Zhuge Liang, but these are purely fictional artistic creations. Of course, Zhuge Liang's cautious personality might have limited his effectiveness during the Northern Expeditions. However, the primary reasons for their lack of success were the significant disparity in strength between the two states and the logistical challenges of crossing the Qinling Mountains. It is difficult to determine how much Zhuge Liang’s caution directly influenced these outcomes.
相较于汉末三国时代的其他诸多人物，诸葛亮在史书中的形象的确是近乎高大全，以至于作为对手后裔的司马炎都要专门找人整理学习诸葛亮的治国用兵之道。历史上的诸葛亮气度非凡，自视极高，长于阳谋，做事周到，在军事和政治两方面都有杰出才能，并且其才能尤其体现在制度体系建设、行政管理、发明创造等领域。同时，根据史书记载，诸葛亮在撰文（《出师表》）、音乐（《琴经》）和绘画（南征后为当地部族作画）上也都有一定的建树。他确实担得起司马懿对他的评价：天下奇才。相较之下，他在使用奇谋诡计上反而缺乏记载，这有可能是他在北伐事业上未能取得重大突破的原因。
Compared to many other figures of the late Han and Three Kingdoms period, Zhuge Liang's portrayal in historical records is indeed remarkably exemplary. Even Sima Yan, the descendant of his rival, went to the extent of commissioning a study of Zhuge Liang’s methods in governance and military strategy. Historically, Zhuge Liang was a man of extraordinary poise, highly self-assured, and adept at open and straightforward strategies. He was meticulous in his actions and demonstrated exceptional talent in both military and political realms, particularly excelling in institutional development, administrative management, and innovative inventions. Additionally, historical records suggest Zhuge Liang made contributions in literature (Memorial on the Northern Expedition), music (Treatise on the Qin), and painting (creating works for local tribes after the Southern Campaign). These accomplishments affirm Sima Yi’s assessment of him as a "genius of the world." By comparison, there are relatively few records of Zhuge Liang employing cunning or deceptive strategies, which may partly explain why he was unable to achieve significant breakthroughs in his Northern Expedition campaigns.
三、关羽和张飞
关羽在三国时代后逐渐被民间神化；但相较而言，《三国演义》中对关羽形象的描绘与历史上的关羽反而较为接近。历史上的关羽被称为"有国士之风"，其主要原因就在于他报效曹操后继续追随刘备的行为，既体现了对故主刘备的忠义，也报答了曹操对他的厚待，的确可以称得上是一段佳话。其性格的弱点则在于"护前"（逞强好胜）以及"刚而自矜"，处事缺乏灵活手腕，因而未能处理好荆州内部的人际关系，给了孙权偷袭的可乘之机。
3. Guan Yu and Zhang Fei
After the Three Kingdoms period, Guan Yu gradually became deified in popular culture. However, in contrast, the portrayal of Guan Yu in Romance of the Three Kingdoms is actually closer to the historical figure. Historically, Guan Yu was described as having the "bearing of a noble statesman," primarily due to his actions in returning to Liu Bei after serving Cao Cao. This not only demonstrated his loyalty to his original lord, Liu Bei, but also repaid Cao Cao’s generosity, making it a truly remarkable story of honor and righteousness. Guan Yu's main character flaws lay in his tendency to be "overly self-assured" (arrogant and eager to prove himself) and his "pride and self-conceit." These traits made him inflexible in handling interpersonal relationships, particularly within the internal dynamics of Jingzhou, which ultimately gave Sun Quan the opportunity to launch a surprise attack.
相较而言，张飞的形象反而经过了较为夸张的艺术处理。《三国志》对张飞的评价是"暴而无恩"，但并非《三国演义》以及现代作品里那种莽撞无谋的形象。虽然《三国志》对张飞的记载相对简略，但从有限的材料中依然能够看出张飞虽然勇猛，却绝非无谋之将。张飞生平最著名的胜仗便是率军在宕渠与张郃相对峙，张飞率军一万从小路进攻，将张郃的部队前后分割，使其不得不扔下部队仅率十多人逃回汉中。张郃在《三国志》中的评价是"以巧变为称"，应当是智勇兼备的将领，但却被张飞利用地理击败，足见张飞在用兵上实有智计。但是反过来说，现代又有一些文章把张飞描述为出自名门望族的儒将，这也是矫枉过正的说法。《三国志》记载张飞在当阳长坂"据水断桥，瞋目横矛"，结合其"暴而无恩"的评价，大概率是一副强悍的猛将形象，但勇猛之余也有军略。其性格弱点是对下属过于暴虐严厉，因此最后被部下所杀。
In comparison, Zhang Fei's image has undergone more exaggerated artistic interpretation. The Records of the Three Kingdoms describes him as "violent and lacking kindness," but this does not align with the reckless and brainless portrayal often seen in Romance of the Three Kingdoms or modern adaptations. Although the historical records about Zhang Fei are relatively sparse, the available material suggests that while he was fierce, he was by no means a mindless general. Zhang Fei's most famous victory was during his confrontation with Zhang He at Dangqu. Leading a force of 10,000, Zhang Fei attacked from a narrow path, splitting Zhang He’s troops and forcing him to abandon his army and flee to Hanzhong with only a dozen men. Zhang He is highly praised in the Records of the Three Kingdoms as a commander known for his "skillful adaptability," indicating he was a general of both intelligence and courage. Zhang Fei’s ability to leverage terrain to defeat Zhang He highlights his strategic acumen in warfare. On the other hand, some modern interpretations have gone to the opposite extreme, portraying Zhang Fei as a scholarly general from an aristocratic family, which is also an overcorrection. The Records of the Three Kingdoms recounts Zhang Fei's famous stand at Changban, where he "stood by the river, broke the bridge, glared, and brandished his spear." Combined with the description of him as "violent and lacking kindness," he was most likely a strong and ferocious warrior. However, his military prowess was not without strategy. Zhang Fei’s main character flaw was his excessive severity and cruelty toward subordinates, which ultimately led to his assassination by his own men.
历史上的关羽有一定的文化水准，喜欢读《左传》，对地位较低的士兵友善而看不上士大夫；张飞则与之相反，尊敬士大夫却对底层缺乏恩德。关羽用兵也以骁锐狡猾著称，张飞与其大约相近。结合前文对刘备后期用兵风格的叙述，可见这三兄弟的用兵风格实际上都是类似的，前期突出勇猛，到后期积攒了足够的经验后则可称得上是智勇兼备，但各自的性格缺陷也导致了每人最后的挫败（荆州，阆中，夷陵）。
Historically, Guan Yu possessed a certain level of cultural literacy; he enjoyed reading Zuo Zhuan and was noted for being friendly toward lower-ranked soldiers while holding disdain for the scholar-official class. Zhang Fei, in contrast, showed respect for scholar-officials but lacked kindness toward the lower ranks. In terms of military strategy, Guan Yu was known for his sharpness and cunning, a trait that Zhang Fei also shared to a certain extent. When combined with the earlier discussion of Liu Bei's later military style, it becomes evident that the three brothers shared similar approaches to warfare. In their early careers, they emphasized boldness and bravery, but as they accumulated experience, they evolved into commanders who could be described as both intelligent and courageous. However, their respective personality flaws ultimately contributed to their downfalls: Guan Yu's loss of Jingzhou, Zhang Fei's assassination at Langzhong, and Liu Bei's defeat at Yiling.
四、刘禅
后主刘禅也是一个因为文学艺术的异化描写导致后世形象出现偏差的典型人物，《三国演义》甚至将刘禅描述为一个缺乏主见、智力不足的昏君，用以反衬诸葛亮北伐的艰难。在历史上，刘禅虽然不足以被称为英主，但也绝非智谋短缺的昏君。《三国志》对其的评价是"任贤相则为循理之君，惑阉竖则为昏暗之后"，甚至有人评价刘禅"可次齐桓"，意在体现刘禅能够任用诸葛亮、蒋琬、费祎等贤臣维持国家稳定，但同时自身操盘能力相对缺乏，容易被小人带偏。但并没有历史材料说明刘禅有先天的智力缺陷，反而还有诸葛亮对他的"智量过于所望"的评价。由于蜀汉在他的手上亡国，因此后人往往会怪罪于刘禅的暗弱，而忽略了刘禅作为君主的一些闪光点。
The later ruler Liu Shan is another classic example of a historical figure whose image has been distorted by literary and artistic portrayals. Romance of the Three Kingdoms depicts Liu Shan as a weak-willed and intellectually deficient ruler, using this characterization to highlight the challenges Zhuge Liang faced during the Northern Expeditions. However, historically, Liu Shan, while not an exemplary ruler, was far from being a dim-witted monarch. The Records of the Three Kingdoms evaluates him as "a ruler who could govern reasonably under virtuous ministers but would become muddled under the influence of eunuchs and sycophants." Some even compared him to Duke Huan of Qi, noting his ability to appoint capable ministers like Zhuge Liang, Jiang Wan, and Fei Yi to maintain the state’s stability. However, his own lack of strong leadership and decisiveness left him susceptible to manipulation by less scrupulous individuals. There is no historical evidence to suggest that Liu Shan had any inherent intellectual deficiencies. On the contrary, Zhuge Liang once praised him for being "more intelligent and perceptive than expected." Because the fall of Shu Han occurred during his reign, later generations often blamed Liu Shan's weakness, overlooking some of his positive qualities as a ruler.
刘禅在历史上所体现出的最大的优势便是作为君主的克制与宽仁。甚至可以说，若非刘禅的克制仁厚，很可能无法成就诸葛亮这位名垂青史的摄政大臣。在诸葛亮尽心北伐的这几年中，刘禅没有体现出任何对其的忌惮与掣肘；诸葛亮死后，他留下的行政班底刘禅也照单全收。这在历代君王中可以说是难能可贵，有多少君主能够完全容忍一个功高震主、兵威强盛的权臣？刘禅倾心放权，诸葛亮行事周全，两人可以说是共同成就了中国历史上这一段政治佳话，而刘禅在其中的作用往往被忽略。不仅如此，诸葛亮死后的十多年内，刘禅也不过多干涉蒋琬、费祎的行政，使得这两人能够继承诸葛亮的成规治理蜀汉。在这段时间中，诸葛亮还安排了董允这位刚正不阿的大臣管理刘禅的纳妾事宜，董允作风极为严格，但刘禅也并未因为董允的严厉而加罪于他或在其身后对其打击报复。可以看出，刘禅虽然不如其父刘备那样有雄才，但是的确是继承了其父的宽厚性情，甚至在自我克制的层面上还优于其父，这使得蜀汉能够在诸葛亮时代做到"政修民理，威武外振"，在蒋琬、费祎时代也能做到政局清明。终刘禅一世，除了作乱的魏延外，刘禅从未在蜀汉内部对臣下及其三族大开杀戒。
Liu Shan's greatest strength as a ruler, historically, lay in his restraint and magnanimity. One could even argue that without Liu Shan’s tolerance and benevolence, Zhuge Liang might not have achieved his legacy as a renowned regent. During Zhuge Liang’s years of devoted efforts in the Northern Expeditions, Liu Shan never displayed any suspicion or impeded his work. After Zhuge Liang’s death, Liu Shan fully accepted the administrative team Zhuge Liang left behind. This level of trust and restraint is rare among monarchs—how many rulers in history could tolerate a powerful minister with overwhelming military and political influence? Liu Shan’s willingness to delegate authority and Zhuge Liang’s thorough governance together created a political success story that is remembered in Chinese history. However, Liu Shan’s crucial role in this partnership is often overlooked. Moreover, in the decade following Zhuge Liang’s death, Liu Shan refrained from interfering with the administration of Jiang Wan and Fei Yi, allowing them to continue Zhuge Liang’s policies in governing Shu Han. During this time, Zhuge Liang had appointed Dong Yun, a principled and incorruptible minister, to oversee Liu Shan’s concubine arrangements. Dong Yun was extremely strict in this role, yet Liu Shan neither punished him for his sternness nor sought revenge against him posthumously. This demonstrates that while Liu Shan lacked the ambition and capabilities of his father Liu Bei, he indeed inherited his father’s lenient and kind-hearted nature. In terms of self-restraint, Liu Shan even surpassed Liu Bei. This self-discipline allowed Shu Han to achieve "sound governance and stable society, with military power projected outward" during Zhuge Liang’s era and maintained clear and orderly administration under Jiang Wan and Fei Yi. Throughout Liu Shan’s reign, apart from Wei Yan’s rebellion, he never engaged in mass purges or unleashed violence against ministers and their families within Shu Han. This legacy of moderation and magnanimity contributed significantly to the political stability of Shu Han during his reign.
而刘禅的弱点，恐怕也是其优点的一体两面。由于过于克制宽厚，缺乏主动进取的雄心，因此在费祎之后，刘禅无法平衡蜀汉的政局，使得姜维、黄皓、诸葛瞻之间内斗不断，最终导致蜀汉被一战灭国。同时，又因为性情过于克制被动，因此在灭国之前没有咬牙坚持，在蜀汉军队还有一战之力时就轻率投降，致使将士心有不甘而拔刀砍石；同时也由于这样的性格，日后才能说出"此间乐，不思蜀"这样的名言，司马昭都无奈评价道"人之无情，乃可至于是乎！" 正因为这样的表现，刘禅被同情蜀汉的后人所厌恶唾弃。
Liu Shan's weaknesses, perhaps, are the flip side of his strengths. His excessive restraint and leniency, coupled with a lack of ambition and initiative, meant that after Fei Yi's death, Liu Shan was unable to balance Shu Han's political dynamics. This allowed internal conflicts among Jiang Wei, Huang Hao, and Zhuge Zhan to escalate, ultimately leading to Shu Han's defeat in a single campaign. Additionally, his overly passive nature led him to surrender hastily before the kingdom's destruction, despite Shu Han’s army still having the capacity to fight. This left many soldiers bitter and angry, with some even drawing their swords and striking the rocks in frustration. His temperament also led to his later infamous remark, "Life here is enjoyable; I have no longing for Shu," when questioned about missing his homeland. This comment prompted Sima Zhao to exclaim in exasperation, "How can someone be so devoid of sentimentality?" Such behavior caused Liu Shan to be despised by later generations who sympathized with Shu Han. They viewed him as a symbol of weakness and betrayal, overshadowing the more nuanced aspects of his rule.
综上所言，刘禅作为君主，其短处并不在于智力短浅，而恐怕是在于"主观能动性"不足，不像刘备、诸葛亮那样把蜀汉的事业当作自己奋斗的目标，过于追求演好他应该表演出的角色。因此，当辅佐者是名相时则垂拱而治，辅佐者是小人时则朝纲混乱，国家将亡时也不作过多挣扎，寄人篱下时则表现得过度"无情"。这样的性格未必不能在特定的环境下成为一名仁君，但可惜的是蜀汉所面对的是不图强则败亡的危局，刘禅这样的秉性难以承担如此重任。
In summary, Liu Shan’s shortcomings as a ruler did not stem from a lack of intelligence but rather from insufficient "subjective initiative." Unlike Liu Bei or Zhuge Liang, Liu Shan did not seem to view the cause of Shu Han as his personal mission, instead focusing excessively on playing the role expected of him. When supported by virtuous ministers, he governed passively and allowed capable officials to manage the state. However, when influenced by unscrupulous individuals, the court descended into chaos. As the kingdom neared its fall, he made little effort to resist, and after surrendering, his overly detached demeanor—such as his infamous "Life here is enjoyable; I have no longing for Shu" remark—gave the impression of being excessively "heartless." Such a personality might make for a benevolent ruler under specific circumstances, but unfortunately, Shu Han faced a critical juncture where survival demanded strength and initiative. Liu Shan’s temperament was ill-suited to such a precarious situation, making him incapable of bearing the heavy responsibilities required of a leader in Shu Han’s dire circumstances.
五、庞统
在《三国演义》中，庞统以才名亚于诸葛亮、其貌不扬著称。历史上的庞统并没有其貌不扬这条记载，《三国志》仅表明他年轻的时候"朴钝"；其才名亚于诸葛亮虽然与演义的形象相称，但历史上的庞统的风格与诸葛亮还有一些其他的区别，这样的区别并不为大众所熟知。《三国志》记载庞统在南郡任功曹时，善于品评人物。后来庞统在周瑜手下任功曹，周瑜死后庞统为其送葬，又评论江东陆绩、顾劭、全琮三位人物。汉末三国时代，士人圈子往往会通过相互评价来获得声望，从而影响仕途；比如曹操就因为被许邵评价为"治世之能臣，乱世之奸雄"而感到非常高兴。庞统精于此道，大概率当是谋求功名之人。另外，庞统评价人物往往"过于其才"，其目的自称是在乱世之中"兴风俗，长道业"，显然有改变时局的志向。而诸葛亮居隆中耕地以修身，虽然才名已很高，又与荆州士人圈子有深厚的联系，却直到二十七岁都未入世，或是已经做好了终老泉林的打算。由此可见，庞统在乱世之中有着更加积极入世的态度，期望通过自身影响力改变时势；而诸葛亮的态度应当更加消极，也缺乏在乱世中谋求功名的欲望，符合其在《诫子书》中所展现出的道家风格。其最终出山很可能就是被刘备的真诚所感召，因而许以驱驰。
In Romance of the Three Kingdoms, Pang Tong is portrayed as second only to Zhuge Liang in talent, known for his unassuming appearance. However, historical records do not mention anything about his appearance. The Records of the Three Kingdoms only notes that he was "plain and slow-witted" in his youth. While his reputation as being second only to Zhuge Liang aligns with the novel's depiction, there are notable differences in their styles that are less known to the public. According to the Records of the Three Kingdoms, Pang Tong served as a secretary (gongcao) in Nan County, where he excelled at evaluating people. Later, while serving under Zhou Yu, Pang Tong continued this practice, even offering assessments of Eastern Wu figures such as Lu Ji, Gu Shao, and Quan Cong after Zhou Yu's death. During the late Han and Three Kingdoms era, scholars often built their reputations and influenced their careers through mutual evaluations. For example, Cao Cao was greatly pleased when Xu Shao famously described him as a "capable minister in times of peace, a treacherous hero in times of chaos." Pang Tong was adept at this method, likely as a way to seek fame and recognition. Pang Tong’s evaluations of people were often "exaggerated beyond their true abilities," which he claimed was to "inspire customs and promote moral values" in a time of chaos. This reveals his ambition to reshape the era through his influence. In contrast, Zhuge Liang, who cultivated himself by farming in Longzhong, had already gained widespread fame and had strong ties to the intellectual circles of Jingzhou. Yet, he remained out of public service until the age of 27, possibly prepared to live out his life in seclusion. This comparison shows that Pang Tong had a more proactive and worldly approach during the chaotic times, seeking to change the era through his active involvement. Zhuge Liang, on the other hand, exhibited a more passive attitude and lacked the desire to pursue fame or power in a turbulent world, consistent with the Daoist philosophy reflected in his Admonition to My Son. His eventual entry into public service was likely a response to Liu Bei’s sincerity, which moved him to pledge his service.
另外，庞统与诸葛亮并署军师中郎将。他随刘备入蜀征战，亲自统军攻城，被流矢射中身亡。因此庞统并非大众认为的纯粹的谋士，而是有兵权的将军。诸葛亮与此同。
Additionally, Pang Tong and Zhuge Liang both held the title of Military Advisor General of the Household (Junshi Zhonglang Jiang) and he accompanied Liu Bei on his campaign to enter Shu. Pang Tong personally led troops in an assault on a city and was killed by a stray arrow. Thus, Pang Tong was not merely a strategist, as commonly believed, but also a general with military command authority. The same applies to Zhuge Liang.
六、曹操
接下来探讨曹魏的两个重要人物的历史形象与大众形象的异同。首先便是其奠基人曹操。相较于蜀汉人物长期以来被各种文学作品异化、扁平化、或拔高或贬低，曹操在通俗文学《三国演义》中的形象反而是相对丰满、也比较贴近史实。曹操这个人物既有英雄气，也有超世之才，同时也是奸雄，这些特点在《三国演义》里都有很好的体现。因此，对于曹操而言，相比于"纠偏"，本文试图用更统一的人格框架来描述史实的曹操形象。
6. Cao Cao
Next, let us examine the historical and popular depictions of two significant figures in Cao Wei, starting with its founder, Cao Cao. Compared to the figures of Shu Han, whose portrayals in various literary works have long been distorted, oversimplified, or exaggerated—either elevated or demeaned—Cao Cao's image in the popular novel Romance of the Three Kingdoms is relatively well-rounded and closer to historical reality. Cao Cao is depicted as both a heroic figure and a man of extraordinary talent, yet also as a cunning and ambitious "traitorous hero". These traits are well captured in Romance of the Three Kingdoms. Therefore, for Cao Cao, instead of "correcting" his image, this article seeks to describe the historical figure of Cao Cao within a more unified personality framework.
曹操的才略是无需质疑的，其人在军事、政治、文学层面均有突出的表现。相较于诸葛亮的周全谨慎，曹操的才能更以机变无方著称。这与曹操的性格不无关系。曹操从小便"机警有权数，任侠放荡，不治行业"，"好飞鹰走狗，游荡无度"，显然是一个不遵从传统游戏规则的人。但曹操也并非游手好闲之辈；他年轻时的理想是成为征西将军，爱好读书、喜研兵法，二十岁举孝廉成为洛阳北部尉就干出了棒杀当权宦官亲戚的事情，因此被调往顿丘。后来他任济南相，也是以严法治理，取得了成效；但很快朝廷调他任东郡太守，但由于不愿屈身侍人，他又称病辞官回去隐居了。综合这些经历来看，曹操是一个极为自负、桀骜不驯且愤世嫉俗的人，在性格上表现得相当极端，掌握权力时做事情不留余地，一旦受挫后又很容易产生逆反对立心态；这是一个ego很强的人的经典表现。
Cao Cao's talents are beyond question, with outstanding achievements in military strategy, politics, and literature. Compared to Zhuge Liang’s meticulous and cautious approach, Cao Cao’s abilities are characterized by adaptability and resourcefulness. This is closely tied to his personality. From a young age, Cao Cao was described as "clever and skilled in strategy, unruly and unrestrained, indifferent to traditional professions," and he was known for "enjoying falconry and hunting, living recklessly." Clearly, he was someone who did not conform to conventional norms. However, Cao Cao was not a mere idler. In his youth, his ambition was to become the General Who Conquers the West. He loved reading and studying military strategy. At the age of 20, he was appointed as a xiaolian (a recommendation for filial and upright behavior) and became the North District Commandant of Luoyang. There, he famously executed a corrupt eunuch’s relative with a cudgel, leading to his reassignment to Dunqiu. Later, as Chancellor of Jinan, he governed with strict laws and achieved notable results. However, when the court reassigned him as Prefect of Dong Commandery, he refused to submit to others, feigned illness, and resigned to live in seclusion. From these experiences, it is evident that Cao Cao was an extremely self-confident, defiant, and cynical individual. His personality displayed considerable extremes—he was uncompromising in wielding power and prone to rebellion and antagonism when frustrated. This is the classic behavior of someone with a strong ego.
起事之后，他通过杰出的才能在河南这一四战之地立稳了脚跟，迎奉天子获得了政治上的优势，以弱胜强击败了袁绍、攻下了河北，然后又兵不血刃地夺得了荆州。这十余年间是曹操势力扩张最顺利的一段时间。在这个时间段的早期，由于轻率地诛杀边让导致事业差点败亡、以及相比于袁绍实力较弱等缘故，能看到他在有意地压制自己的个性，例如官渡之战后不追究下属与袁绍暗地里通信以表现其大度。这段时间，除了杀戮过重外，曹操整体上的确表现出了匡扶天下秩序的命世之臣风范。而在初步统一北方后，曹操就逐渐压抑不住自己的强烈个性，先是轻率用兵导致赤壁战败，然后又开始了自己的霸府之路。晚年的曹操，在军事征伐上似乎失去了早年那股坚韧、果断的劲头，其核心目标都放在了推动汉魏禅代之上。
After launching his campaign, Cao Cao leveraged his exceptional abilities to establish a strong foothold in Henan, a strategically critical region. By installing the Emperor under his control, he gained a significant political advantage. He achieved victories against stronger forces, defeating Yuan Shao and conquering Hebei, and later taking Jingzhou without a fight. These ten-plus years were the smoothest period of expansion for Cao Cao’s power. In the early stages of this period, due to setbacks such as the impulsive execution of Bian Rang, which nearly led to the collapse of his efforts, and his weaker position compared to Yuan Shao, we can see him consciously suppressing his natural personality. For instance, after the Battle of Guandu, he chose not to hold his subordinates accountable for secretly corresponding with Yuan Shao, demonstrating magnanimity. During this time, aside from his excessive killing, Cao Cao indeed displayed the qualities of a statesman destined to restore order to the world. However, after initially unifying the north, Cao Cao gradually struggled to restrain his strong personality. This first manifested in rash military decisions, leading to his defeat at the Battle of Red Cliff, and then in his transition toward establishing his dominion as a hegemon. In his later years, Cao Cao seemed to lose the resilience and decisiveness that characterized his early military campaigns. His primary focus shifted to facilitating the abdication of the Han dynasty in favor of Wei.
曾经我觉得曹操从早年到晚年经历了从英雄到野心家的蜕变，但现在我更倾向于认为曹操的性格从早年到晚年实际上是自洽的。曹操因为其性格中的自负与桀骜导致其难以容人，但这一点在其事业的早期被他过人的军事才华所掩盖，天下豪杰会因为赏识其才能而追随他一并匡扶汉室；形势的困难也迫使他一定程度上压抑了自身的性格。一旦他成为优势方后，一方面曹操势力与汉室之间的对立开始凸显成为重要矛盾，另一方面曹操个人也开始彻底放飞自我。以曹操天生的自负与桀骜，他很难做到像诸葛亮那样行事周全有礼来使天下人敬服，也不可能无故退让放弃自己多年打下的基业。因此，依靠他的声威和严酷统治来压制反对派也就成为其必然选择。
I once thought that Cao Cao underwent a transformation from a hero to an ambitious schemer over the course of his life, but now I am more inclined to believe that his personality was consistent from beginning to end. Cao Cao’s arrogance and defiance made it difficult for him to tolerate others, but this trait was initially masked by his extraordinary military talents. Heroes from across the land followed him to restore the Han dynasty because they admired his abilities, and the difficult circumstances forced him to suppress his natural disposition to some extent. Once he became the dominant power, however, two major shifts occurred. On one hand, the tension between Cao Cao’s forces and the Han dynasty became the central conflict. On the other hand, Cao Cao began to fully unleash his true self. Given his innate arrogance and defiance, it was unlikely for him to act with the meticulousness and decorum of someone like Zhuge Liang to win universal respect, nor was it feasible for him to relinquish the empire he had spent years building. Thus, relying on his personal prestige and harsh rule to suppress opposition became an inevitable choice.
李世民曾评价曹操"一将之智有余，万乘之尊不足"，其根本原因就在于曹操过于突出的个性与自我意识。《曹瞒传》称曹操"每与人谈论，戏弄言辞，尽无所隐，及悦大笑，至以头投杯案中，肴膳皆沾污巾帻，其轻易如此"，就是这种近乎夸张的个性的一个注脚。这种强烈个性既是曹操才华和文学灵感的源泉，也是其事业未能至臻至善的原因之一。很多观点称曹操是中国历史上"最复杂"的人物之一；从以上的角度来看，曹操其人并不复杂，反而有一种纯粹感，所谓的复杂只是由于传统的"好人做好事，坏人做坏事"这种审美标准的固有缺陷罢了。
Li Shimin once commented on Cao Cao, saying, "He has more than enough intelligence as a general but lacks the dignity befitting a ruler of ten thousand chariots." The fundamental reason lies in Cao Cao's excessively strong personality and self-awareness. The Biography of Cao Man describes him as "whenever he conversed with others, he spoke and joked without reservation. When he was delighted, he laughed uproariously, sometimes throwing his head onto the table, spilling food and drink onto his garments—so frivolous was his demeanor." This vividly illustrates his almost exaggerated personality. This intense individuality was both the source of Cao Cao's talent and literary inspiration and one of the reasons why his endeavors fell short of perfection. Many view Cao Cao as one of the "most complex" figures in Chinese history. However, from this perspective, Cao Cao is not so much complex as he is pure in his essence. The so-called complexity arises only because traditional aesthetic standards—where "good people do good things, and bad people do bad things"—are inherently flawed in their judgment.
七、司马懿
司马懿在大众中的形象往往以"抵抗诸葛亮"与"高平陵之变"为基准，将其刻画为一个阴鸷、隐忍的狠辣人物。这种形象当然不能说错，但却也显得过于简略。尤其是因为对阵诸葛亮的用兵策略较为保守，使得司马懿在很多现代作品中都被设计为擅长防守的形象。史实中的司马懿与这样的形象有着不小的出入。
7. Sima Yi
Sima Yi's popular image is often based on his "resistance to Zhuge Liang" and the "Gaoping Tomb Incident," portraying him as a sinister, calculating, and ruthless character. While this depiction is not inaccurate, it is overly simplistic. In particular, due to his relatively conservative military strategies when confronting Zhuge Liang, many modern works depict Sima Yi as a master of defense. However, the historical Sima Yi differs significantly from this portrayal.
从用兵和谋略的角度，历史上的司马懿反而多是以大胆而果断著称。早年还是曹操的策士时，曹操进攻张鲁，司马懿就建议曹操一鼓作气攻下整个益州，但曹操未予采纳。领兵之后，司马懿先是在荆州对抗进犯的东吴军队，干净利落地击败了诸葛瑾、张霸。诸葛亮北伐之前，先前投降魏国的孟达有了反复之意，司马懿"倍道兼行"，出其不意地率军赶到了上庸，击斩孟达。在抵御诸葛亮北伐之后，司马懿率军进攻辽东公孙渊，也是以雷霆万钧之势，在几个月之内就完成了整个征伐事宜。高平陵之变后，王凌在寿春起事，司马懿表现出了一贯的作风，一边写信假意赦免之，一边率领军队快速赶到了王凌的大营，迫使王凌自缚投降。不难看出，与大众印象不同，司马懿的用兵风格极为凌厉，且多有诈谋，完全不是那种谨小慎微的风格。李世民在《晋书》对其的评语中形容道"兵动若神，谋无再计"，可谓是相当准确。
From the perspective of military strategy and tactics, the historical Sima Yi was actually known for his boldness and decisiveness. Early in his career as an adviser to Cao Cao, he suggested that Cao Cao seize the opportunity to conquer all of Yi Province during the campaign against Zhang Lu, though the advice was not adopted. Once he began commanding troops, Sima Yi first demonstrated his prowess in Jingzhou by decisively defeating the invading forces of Eastern Wu, led by Zhuge Jin and Zhang Ba. Before Zhuge Liang's Northern Expeditions, the previously surrendered Meng Da showed signs of rebellion. Sima Yi, traveling at double speed, unexpectedly reached Shangyong and swiftly executed Meng Da. After defending against Zhuge Liang's campaigns, Sima Yi launched an offensive against Gongsun Yuan in Liaodong. With overwhelming force, he completed the campaign within a few months. Following the Gaoping Tomb Incident, when Wang Ling rebelled in Shouchun, Sima Yi maintained his characteristic approach: while writing letters to feign forgiveness, he swiftly led troops to Wang Ling’s camp, forcing him to surrender in bonds. Contrary to the cautious image commonly associated with him, Sima Yi's military style was highly aggressive and often employed deception, showing no signs of timidity. Emperor Taizong of Tang (Li Shimin) aptly summarized Sima Yi in the Book of Jin as "his movements in war were like the divine, and his strategies required no second deliberation." This description captures his essence accurately.
即使是对抗诸葛亮，司马懿也并非一味采取保守策略。诸葛亮第四次北伐时，张郃建议采取相对保守的策略，通过大军卡住要道，出动奇兵袭扰其后，以此与之持久，但司马懿并没有听从，而是率军紧逼诸葛亮的军队并主动发起进攻，但在卤城被诸葛亮击败。后来，诸葛亮第五次北伐进攻关中，曹魏官方选择了坚守不战的策略以避其锋芒，司马懿是这一策略的执行者。但即使如此，史书中也记载了司马懿利用武功水涨水的机会出动上万骑兵进攻诸葛亮的孟琰部，但被诸葛亮越水击退。由此可见，司马懿面对诸葛亮时的保守策略并不符合其个人风格，而是基于诸葛亮军队战斗力强的被动选择。
Even in his confrontations with Zhuge Liang, Sima Yi did not always adopt a purely defensive strategy. During Zhuge Liang's fourth Northern Expedition, Zhang He proposed a relatively cautious approach: blocking key routes with the main army while using elite forces to harass Zhuge Liang's rear, aiming to prolong the conflict. However, Sima Yi rejected this advice and instead led his troops to press Zhuge Liang’s forces aggressively, even launching an offensive, though he suffered defeat at Lucheng. Later, during Zhuge Liang's fifth Northern Expedition targeting Guanzhong, the official strategy of Cao Wei was to avoid direct confrontation and rely on defensive measures to blunt Zhuge Liang's offensive. Sima Yi acted as the executor of this strategy. Nevertheless, historical records note that Sima Yi exploited the opportunity presented by the rising waters of the Wugong River, leading over 10,000 cavalry in an assault on Meng Yan’s forces under Zhuge Liang. Although the attack was repelled, it shows that even in this context, Sima Yi did not adhere to a completely passive stance. This suggests that Sima Yi's seemingly cautious strategies when facing Zhuge Liang were not reflective of his personal style but rather a pragmatic response to the formidable combat strength of Zhuge Liang's army.
从上述内容来看，司马懿的用兵风格虽以果断多谋著称，但在面对强大的对手时也能迅速转换策略，这说明他是一个极为冷静的机会主义者。史书记载，司马懿在军队中的时候表现得威严厚重，在朝则温和有礼，可以在不同的角色之间灵活切换，也完全符合其在用兵上的特点。曹操有极为突出的个性，刘备有游侠脾性，诸葛孔明忠贞周至，这些三国人杰都有着鲜活的个人特点，而从司马懿身上却几乎看不到明显的个人特色，其每一步似乎都充满了冷静的利弊计算，在不同的局势下能走出风格迥异的最优解，的确是一位可怕的人物。至于部分观点将司马懿一生的所有行动都理解成隐忍不发、为未来篡权做准备，则完全是基于结果论将其对抗诸葛亮的军事策略进行过分扩展，不具备太多的参考价值。
From the content above, it can be seen that while Sima Yi’s military style is known for decisiveness and cunning, he could swiftly adapt his strategies when facing powerful opponents. This demonstrates that he was an exceptionally calm opportunist. Historical records describe Sima Yi as commanding and authoritative in the military, while appearing gentle and courteous in court. His ability to transition seamlessly between different roles perfectly aligns with his adaptable approach to warfare. Cao Cao had a strikingly distinct personality, Liu Bei embodied the spirit of a wandering knight, and Zhuge Liang was known for his unwavering loyalty and meticulousness. These prominent figures of the Three Kingdoms each had vibrant personal traits. In contrast, Sima Yi appears to lack any obvious personal characteristics. His actions seem entirely governed by cold calculations of advantages and disadvantages, allowing him to craft vastly different optimal solutions in various situations—making him a truly formidable figure. As for the perspective that interprets all of Sima Yi’s actions as part of a long-term plan for seizing power, this is largely the result of hindsight bias. It overextends his military strategies against Zhuge Liang to fit this narrative and lacks substantial evidence to be considered credible.
八、周瑜
周瑜又是一个真实形象在现代被异化的汉末人物。一方面，《三国演义》为了突出诸葛亮的智谋，设计了"三气周瑜"的桥段，还编排了"既生瑜，何生亮"这一名句，凭空给周瑜安上了一个气量狭小的印象。另一方面，苏东坡著名的《念奴娇》里又将周瑜描述为"羽扇纶巾"的儒将风格，使得现代很多人把《三国演义》中诸葛亮的形象搬到了周瑜的身上，甚至三国相关的游戏作品中周瑜也常常被塑造为一个略偏阴柔的将领。这些艺术创作与史实中的周瑜实在是相去甚远。
8. Zhou Yu
Zhou Yu is another Late Han figure whose true image has been distorted in modern portrayals. On one hand, Romance of the Three Kingdoms exaggerated Zhuge Liang's brilliance by creating the "Three Times Zhou Yu Was Infuriated" storyline and fabricating the famous line, "Since there is Yu, why must there also be Liang?" These inventions gave Zhou Yu an unjust reputation for being petty and narrow-minded. On the other hand, Su Dongpo's famous poem Niannujiao depicted Zhou Yu as a "scholarly general with a feather fan and silk cap," leading many in modern times to project Zhuge Liang's image from Romance of the Three Kingdoms onto Zhou Yu. Even in Three Kingdoms-themed video games, Zhou Yu is often portrayed as a slightly effeminate strategist. These artistic creations deviate significantly from the historical reality of Zhou Yu.
周瑜在历史上可以说是一位志向远大、极有胆魄的人物，充满了阳刚之气。早年在袁术麾下时，认为袁术终究无所成，便投奔了密友孙策。孙策英年早逝，周瑜率兵赴丧，以此稳定了内部局势，为孙权立业立下第一功。赤壁战前，曹操军势强大，整个江东上下大多都建议归顺，唯有鲁肃、周瑜两人力排众议，周瑜直接声称："... 地方数千里，兵精足用，英雄乐业，尚当横行天下，为汉家除残去秽。况操自送死，而可迎之邪？" 其英雄之气溢于言表。在赤壁与刘备共同击败曹操后，周瑜又进往南郡，与曹仁攻战一年，其间中箭亦能"案行军营，激扬吏士"，最终拿下南郡。
Zhou Yu was, historically, an ambitious and daring figure, exuding masculine vigor. In his early years under Yuan Shu's command, he realized that Yuan was destined for failure and instead joined his close friend Sun Ce. When Sun Ce passed away at a young age, Zhou Yu led troops to attend the funeral, stabilizing internal affairs and making a pivotal contribution to Sun Quan's eventual establishment of power. Before the Battle of Red Cliff, when Cao Cao's forces were overwhelmingly strong, most in Jiangdong advocated for surrender. However, only Lu Su and Zhou Yu adamantly opposed this idea. Zhou Yu boldly declared: "... With thousands of miles of territory, well-trained and sufficient troops, and heroes eager to serve, we should still aim to dominate the world and rid the Han dynasty of its corruption. Besides, Cao is walking to his own death—why should we welcome him?" His words brimmed with heroic spirit. After defeating Cao Cao alongside Liu Bei at Red Cliff, Zhou Yu advanced on Nanjun and fought Cao Ren for a year. Even after being struck by an arrow, he continued to "inspect the camps and rouse his officers and soldiers," ultimately capturing Nanjun.
赤壁战后，孙刘两家共分荆州。刘备此时早已是名满天下的英雄人物，麾下有关羽、张飞两员猛将，更兼得到诸葛亮为其发展实力，连曹操都对其极为忌惮。但周瑜并没有被这位年长他十多岁的大人物所吓阻，甚至向孙权献计试图软禁刘备，然后得关羽、张飞为其所用，但孙权并未采纳。后周瑜又率兵进攻益州，试图拿下刘璋、张鲁，以马超为援，从而对曹操实现包围；但在进军路途上去世，其宏大志向未能伸展。考察当时情形，南郡北有曹操，南有刘备，周瑜在赤壁之战领兵一万人，其后也不会多出太多，但他敢于以此等条件向西进攻巴蜀，实现全据长江的愿景，实在可以称得上是有壮志奇节。孙权晚年对陆逊评价道："公瑾雄烈，胆略兼人"，这才是周瑜的真实写照，而非现在一些人所想象的女性化角色。
After the Battle of Red Cliff, Sun Quan and Liu Bei divided Jingzhou between them. By this time, Liu Bei was already a hero renowned across the land, with the mighty generals Guan Yu and Zhang Fei under his command, as well as Zhuge Liang aiding his rise in power. Even Cao Cao regarded him as a significant threat. However, Zhou Yu was not intimidated by this figure, who was more than ten years his senior. He even advised Sun Quan to detain Liu Bei and bring Guan Yu and Zhang Fei under their control, though Sun Quan did not adopt this plan. Later, Zhou Yu led an army to attack Yizhou, aiming to defeat Liu Zhang and Zhang Lu and secure Ma Chao’s assistance to encircle Cao Cao. Unfortunately, he passed away en route, unable to realize his grand ambitions. Given the circumstances at the time—with Cao Cao to the north of Nanjun and Liu Bei to the south—Zhou Yu commanded only 10,000 troops at the Battle of Red Cliff and likely not many more afterward. Yet, he dared to advance westward into Bashu with the vision of securing complete control over the Yangtze River. Such courage and ambition truly mark him as a man of extraordinary vision and resolve. In his later years, Sun Quan praised Zhou Yu to Lu Xun by saying, "Gongjin possessed heroic resolve and unmatched courage," a description that better reflects Zhou Yu's true character, rather than the feminized portrayal some imagine today.
另外，《三国志》记载周瑜"性恢弘"，唯独与程普不睦，但《江表传》又记载程普之后对其愈加敬服，言"与公瑾交，如饮醇醪，不觉自醉"，可见周瑜的确是有很高的人格魅力。刘备后来对孙权言道："公瑾文武筹略，万人之英，顾其器量广大，恐不久为人臣耳"，虽然不知是否是在挑拨孙、周之间的关系，但可以肯定的是周瑜的确体现出了成为一方之主的潜质，而非一个普通的将领。因此，历史上的周瑜是一个志向远大，雄烈过人，兼具军事才能与人格魅力的名将，是江东历史少有的有争天下之志的人物。
Additionally, Records of the Three Kingdoms describes Zhou Yu as "broad-minded in nature," though he initially did not get along with Cheng Pu. However, Jiang Biao Zhuan later records that Cheng Pu grew increasingly respectful of Zhou Yu, stating, "Interacting with Gongjin is like drinking fine wine; one becomes intoxicated without realizing it." This demonstrates Zhou Yu's undeniable personal charisma. Liu Bei later remarked to Sun Quan, "Gongjin is a hero among ten thousand, skilled in both civil and military strategies. Considering his broad vision and grand ambitions, I fear he will not long remain a subordinate." While it is unclear whether Liu Bei was trying to sow discord between Sun Quan and Zhou Yu, it is certain that Zhou Yu exhibited the potential to become a leader in his own right, far beyond that of an ordinary general. Thus, the historical Zhou Yu was a figure of great ambition, exceptional valor, and a rare combination of military talent and personal charisma. He was one of the few in Jiangdong's history who aspired to contend for supremacy over the land.
九、鲁肃
由于其在孙刘双方联盟中所发挥的重要作用，鲁肃在大众印象中往往是一个忠厚长者。但考察历史记载，这样的形象恐怕与史实有所偏差。《三国志》记载，鲁肃出身于富贵家庭，"性好施与"，又"不治家事，大散财货，摽卖田地，以赈穷弊结士为务，甚得乡邑欢心"。《吴书》更是记载鲁肃"学击剑骑射，招聚少年，给其衣食，往来南山中射猎，阴相部勒，讲武习兵。"，被家乡父老称作"狂儿"。显然，鲁肃并非一个单纯与人为善的老好人，而是一个视钱财若无物、充满了侠士精神的领袖人物，与刘备颇有相似之处。这样的性格特征也决定了其宽广的决策格局，因而能够在第一次见孙权时就为其陈帝王大计，能够在曹操大军压境时力挽狂澜、坚决抵抗。鲁肃在志向上与周瑜相类，只是在具体决策上他倾向于联合刘备共同对抗曹操，而非像周瑜那样试图吞并刘备的势力独自与曹操对敌。《吴书》称鲁肃为人方严，内外节俭，治军严整，同时还善于谈论，有过人之明，无疑是一位拥有大将之才的人物。《三国志》将其与周瑜并传，其所宜也。
9. Lu Su
Due to his significant role in the Sun-Liu alliance, Lu Su is often perceived by the public as a benevolent elder. However, an examination of historical records suggests that this impression may deviate from reality. According to The Records of the Three Kingdoms, Lu Su was born into a wealthy family and was "fond of generosity," further described as someone who "did not manage household affairs, distributed his wealth liberally, sold his fields and properties to aid the poor and make connections with gentlemen, earning great favor from his community." The Book of Wu (Wushu) provides additional insight, recording that Lu Su "studied swordsmanship and horseback archery, gathered young men, provided them with clothing and food, roamed the southern mountains to hunt, and secretly trained and drilled them in military exercises." His actions earned him the nickname "wild youth" from the elders in his hometown. Clearly, Lu Su was not simply a kind-hearted and agreeable individual but rather a leader with a disdain for wealth, imbued with the spirit of a knight-errant. In this way, he bore similarities to Liu Bei. These traits also shaped his broad strategic vision, allowing him to present a grand imperial plan to Sun Quan during their first meeting and to steadfastly advocate for resistance when faced with the overwhelming threat of Cao Cao's forces. In his aspirations, Lu Su was similar to Zhou Yu, differing primarily in strategy: he preferred to ally with Liu Bei to jointly oppose Cao Cao, rather than attempting, as Zhou Yu did, to annex Liu Bei's forces and face Cao Cao alone. The Book of Wu describes Lu Su as "upright and austere, frugal both personally and publicly, strictly disciplined in military affairs, articulate in discussion, and possessing exceptional insight," leaving no doubt that he was a figure with the talent of a great general. It is fitting that The Records of the Three Kingdoms includes him alongside Zhou Yu in the same biography.