Prasnam is one of the six branches of Vedic Astrology. Ashtamangalya Prasnam is a part of this Prasna branch usually conducted to ascertain the wishes of the deity in a temple or family deities. Ashtamangalya refers to eight (Ashta) auspicious (Mangala) items that are used in this type of divination.

These eight items are: ghee lamps (brass lamp with the wick in clarified butter), mirror, gold, milk, yogurt, fruits, book and white cloth. Deva Prasna is a special kind of Prasna (Prasna – question, horary astrology) specifically dealing with temple matters. Based on the nature of the flame of the lamp, number and quality of the Tambula (betel leaves), Ashtamangala numbers, Swarna Lagna, Arooda Lagna, the position of various planets in the 12 houses of the Rasi Chart, etc., the astrologer will answer the various Prasna-s (questions).

Success depends on a thorough knowledge of all the principles of Prasna Marga, plus a high degree of intelligence, great powers of observation and keen intuition stemming from spiritual practices and an austere, pure godly lifestyle. Since the subjects of Prasna are matters connected with temple and the presiding deities, only the very best astrologers can conduct the Ashtamangala Prasnam. Usually this is done in the form of a discussion among several scholarly astrologers present, so that chances of mistakes would be minimized, since the omission or error of one astrologer might be picked upon by another.

Each power centre in medieval Kerala was maintaining a body of fighters at their beck. Systematic training and strict rules of discipline for fighters were indispensable for an effective working of the system. It was in such circumstances that the 'Kalaris', which provided the institutional base for the bodybuilding and training in combat, became not only necessary but also essential.

A more scientific and specific categorization of 'Kalaris' is in terms of the measurement of the ground plan of the 'Kalari' Structure. Thus, the following types can be identified:

Aimpatteerati 52 ft.

Nalpatteerati 42 ft.

Muppatteerati 32 ft.

Pathinettati 18 ft.

Pantheerati 12 ft.

The nomenclature, which is based on the measurement of the ground, speaks about the size of the structure that ranges between twelve feet and fifty-two feet. The most common among these is the 'Nalpatteerati', (forty-two feet in length). All 'Kalaris' except the 'Pantheerati' bear a width that is half of the length. 'Pantheerati' is square with the same length and breadth.

The 'Kalaris' of the northern parts of Kerala are called 'Kuzhikkalari'. 'Kuzhi', meaning a pit because the soil is dug out from the ground of the structure. Generally a ''Kalari'' is 42 feet long and 21 feet wide, the enclosing space dug out to a depth of about 6 feet.

It is protected from the heavy rain and the sun by a gabled roof, which is thatched by plaited coconut leaves or palm leaves. Its sides are also covered with the same material. The surface of the ground is kept evenly rammed and smooth. 'Kannimoola', the southern-western corner of the ''Kalari'' ground is considered to be sacred to Goddess Durga, Chandika or Bhagavathi who is venerated as the 'Kalariparadevata'

In the case of Ullanat family, the Tharavad gradually ceased to be a family of martial art trainers and changed as a large family with many lineages owning a vast area of landed property with authority to wield power over the area. The Kalari’s true utility as a training ground was lost and it changed as a seat of the family deities. Today Kalari is the name of the family temple in Ullanat Tharavad where the Kalari Paradaivangal dwell.

Karanavar is the senior most member of the Tharavad. His wife is Ammayi, (Valiyammayi in Ullanat Tharavad). The Karanavar had the absolute powers to represent, possess and manage the Tharavad and its properties on behalf of its members. The Karanavar provided everything from pocket money to clothes to the members. He was also often accused of being autocratic in the exercise of his powers.

Even before the formation of the State of Kerala, there had been endeavors at land reforms, The Restriction on Possession and Ownership of Lands Bill, 1954 being the best example for the same. After the formation of the State of Kerala, the first major achievement was the Kerala Agrarian Relations Bill, 1957, which was passed on October 15, 1960. This Act was repealed in 1961 and was substituted by The Kerala Land Reforms Act, 1963. The Kerala Land Reforms Act, 1963 had provisions relating to the fixation of ceiling on land holdings, the vesting of lands in excess of the ceiling in Government, Assignment of surplus lands, abolition of tenancy system, etc.

The coup de grace came in 1969 with the enactment of the Kerala Land Reforms Act. This Act, which was an amendment of the earlier Land Reforms Act of 1963, for the first time, abolished absentee landlordism in Kerala. It conferred full ownership on tenants in respect of the lands in their possession and brought them into direct relationship with the State by the abolition of intermediary rights. Overnight hundreds of thousands of landlords were deprived of their land. "Land to the tiller" was the sole objective of the move which was enacted and implemented by the popularly elected Communist government of Kerala. The Act also hit various small-time landlords who had no other means of livelihood. These people had entrusted their land to tenants as they themselves were unable to cultivate it. The Act had provided for compensation but it was slow and inadequate.

Oracle, usually dressed in red and carrying a sword and a large brass anklet, who dances in frenzy (Thullal) at the festivals in Bhagirathi temples in Kerala. Possessed by the spirit of the deity, the oracle at times, spells out directions from the deity to the assembled devotees.

It is a law of inheritance through maternal nephews and nieces. It was exceptional in the sense that it was one of the few traditional systems that gave women liberty, and right to property. Under this system, women enjoyed respect, prestige and power. In the Marumakkathayam system, the family lived together in a Tharavad which comprised of a mother, her brothers and younger sisters, and her children. The eldest brother was known as the Karanavar and was the head of the household and managed the family estate. Lineage was traced through the mother, and the children "belonged" to the mother's family. All family property was jointly owned. In the event of a partition, the shares of the children were clubbed with that of the mother. The Karnavar's property was inherited by his nephews & not his sons.

Nair-s connect to and trace their lineage to a Tharavad - not to a member of the family. Tharavad names are quite an important element of social reckoning - though decreasing in importance these days. The Kerala rulers also followed the Marumakkathayam system.

Prof. Elamkulam Kunjan Pillai (Studies in Kerala History – Pages 292-322) regards the Marumakkathayam system, like the Janmi and the Kalari systems, as the product of the compelling socio-economic forces let loose by the Chola-Chera war of the eleventh century A.D. He has pointed out that the political and religious dominance of the Namboothiri-s, their rise to economic ascendancy as the Janmi-s of Kerala and the introduction of compulsory military training leading to the formation of the suicide squads or Chaver-s during the Chola-Chera war were the compelling circumstances which led to the switch-over from the patrilineal to the matrilineal system in Kerala.

However, Prof. M.G.S. Narayanan considers that Marumakkathayam existed among some communities like Nairs, Kshatriyas and Vetkovans even during the 9th century AD.

As Prof. Sreedhara Menon (Social and Cultural History of Kerala – Page 90) says “the system revealed in the course of its working several serious defects and eventually its continuance evoked strong resentment among the members of matrilineal families”.

A series of government legislation, starting with the Malabar Marriage Act of 1896, led to the elimination of Marumakkathayam in Kerala. It took some six or seven decades from the close of the 19th century to bring to an end a system which had flourished in Kerala for centuries

In 1933 the Madras Marumakkathayam (matriliny) Act was passed by the Legislative Council, allowing the division and partition of the matrilineal Taravad (joint-family).

In 1933, the Malabar (Madras) Namboothiri Act was enacted which gave the right to all Namboothiri males to marry within their own caste. The children of all such marriages became the legal heirs of property. Their earlier practice of allowing only the oldest male son to marry within the community, leaving his brothers to fend for themselves by taking Nair women as sambandham partners, was also put to an end.

Then came the Hindu Succession Act of 1956, the first major legislation by independent India directly affecting the system of property inheritance throughout India. This Act gave men and women all over the country equal right to inherit property. It also made monogamy compulsory for all Hindus. In Kerala, the Act set the seal on the matrilineal form of inheritance through the female line. The various changes brought about by the different Acts "helped usher in a new and progressive society in Kerala following the natural laws of inheritance and marriage and the code of conduct observed by progressive societies elsewhere in India and abroad," says Prof. Sreedhara Menon (Survey of Kerala History). As observed by him the matrilineal system became the relic of a bygone age but some lingering traces of the custom continue even today in the observance of certain customary ceremonies, and death and birth pollutions.

A local minor chieftain belonging to the Nair community, recognised by the king and appointed for local protection and giving judicious decisions in case of local disputes. The family and the descendants are recognised of a higher status amongst the Nair community.

A large measure especially for measuring paddy. According to the ancient scale of measuring prevalent in Kerala, 4 Uzhakku-s equal 1 Nazhi, 4 Nazhi-s equal 1 Itangazhi and 10 Itangazhi-s equal 1 Para. There is another smaller Para equalling 8 Itangazhi-s also. The larger Para was used while receiving Pattam from tenants.

Rent in kind or share of produce that the tenant of the land gave to the landholding households.

Some of the other terms relating to landholding are:-

Janmi is the absolute owner of the land.

Janmam is the right of enjoying proprietorship in land for lifetime in ancient Malabar and later the sole ownership of land under the British government.

Kanam is holding a land permanently as a hereditary protector though the absolute ownership was with the Janmi. Kanam was interpreted by British Courts as a customary tenure possessing the characteristics for both lease and mortgage.

Michavaram is the proprietor's rent of Janmi property after deducting the interest of the Kanam or money advanced by the tenant. When the Janmi met financial problem the tenants advanced money to their lords and so were not paying any rent or only a reduced rent or grain share. This balance rent after deducting the money lent is called Michavaram.

Verumpattam is the simple lease where the rent is paid for holding the land for a short period usually one year.

The Tharavad is a joint undivided Marumakkathayam family which is an impartible and corporate unit with inalienable rights on land belonging to the family. It now stands generally for the ancestral home. It gains its name from the context of which it is a part. Thara was a neighborhood, mainly Nair dominated. The Namboothiri dominated areas were called Ooru. Many Thara-s formed a Desam and many Desam-s formed a Nadu and many Nadu-s formed a Swarupam. Thara as a political organisation ceased to exist long before, but still is lively in many places as a community group. The many Nair houses associated with a temple and its surroundings called Thara is a common settlement cluster in the region.

The Tharavad now stands for historic association with generations of ancestors. It goes back several generations. Overburdened with inhabitants, the Tharavad split into manageable matrilineal groups. No marriage took place between members of a Tharavad as they were considered related by blood as brothers or sisters. Since the Tharavad had a brand of its own, it had vested upon the members a sense of responsibility to conduct them in a manner befitting the traditions. Each Tharavad also had a clan deity which was revered by those belonging to that particular Tharavad. Temples were also built to honour these deities. The Kalari Daivangal or the deities presiding over the practice of Kalaripayattu was usually the clan deities of Panickers and Kurup-s.

The Malabar Marriage Act of 1896, the Travancore Nair Act of 1912, 1925 and the Cochin Nair Act of 1920, dealing with the laws of marriage and family succession, right to property, protection and management have fundamentally affected the structure of Nair Tharavad-s. By the second half of the 20th century, the joint family system collapsed in Kerala. The last stone was the 1975 Joint Family Abolition Act. These brought about major changes in property ownership and occupational patterns. Nuclear family became the pervasive type and marked the end of feudal system in Kerala.

Sometimes when Tharavad or family grows extremely large, the descendants of the family are divided according to various female lines (Thai Vazhi; Thai means mother and Vazhi means line). They would live in separate buildings and may own that portion of the joint property which is theirs in the partition and which is managed by the Karanavar.

Tulu region is the area where the inhabitants speak the Tulu language. In the present day it is the region consisting of Uttara and Dakshina Kannada districts of Karnataka and a part of Kasaragod district of Kerala.

According to the work called “Keralolpatthi” narrating the origin of Kerala, supposed to have been written in the 17^th century by Tunjathu Ramanujan Ezhuthachan, the father of Malayalam literature, the early Tulu country was from Gokarnam to Perumpuzha of North Malabar.

Granthavari or Palace records occupy an important source material, especially for fixing dates in Kerala history. All successor states of the Perumal-s had left their own palace records. Being the records of day-to-day affairs, they reflect the social and economic aspects also. Most of such records of Zamorin’s palace are already lost but the remaining unpublished palm leaf records of the Zamorin are preserved in the Library of Vallathol Vidyapeetham, Sukapuram, Edappal, Malappuram District, Kerala. They are categorized as Kozhikkodan Granthavari.

A private estate generally assigned to temples by the Kings of Kerala which is exempt from assessment.