White Fraternalism: Manhood Politics of the Second K.K.K. in Americus

This sparked public commentary in the local press as the Americus Times-Recorder expressed support for white supremacy but questioned the manhood politics of the Klan, asking readers to “reject the notion that respectable and honorable men don masks” to participate in “civil strife.” These debates reflected larger debates over social order and power in the early 20th c.:  rather than condemn the Klan, the Americus Times-Recorder advocated for faith in ‘modern’ government systems to maintain racial hierarchy instead of masked vigilantism. 

Yet even as the Klan sought to expand its' appeal to white men of the region, conflicts over the nature of the organization emerged in the local press.  A January 1921 editorial in the Americus Times-Recorder, for example, declared opposition to the Klan's growth even while expressing concern about the potential for unrest among African Americans in the neighboring communities.  In describing a recent Columbus, Georgia incident, the editor quipped, “as we understand the modern Klan, its chief object is the maintenance of law and order, peace among the races and the prevention of violence. In this case, had a Klan existed in Columbus, some alert member probably would have discovered the arming of the negroes and steps would have been taken  to quench the fires of hate and fear that came so close to a terrible tragedy.” At the same time, the editor also concluded that they were “condemning with all the force of which we are capable, every movement—  particularly a secret and masked organization—that seeks to play on the prejudices of the people, and disturb their peaceful relations, whether white or black, Jew or Gentile, Catholic or Protestant,” acknowledging that the aim of the Klan was not to maintain real peace but to instigate racial disharmony. 

In the Americus Klan No. 95 advertisement, there is an element of secrecy to the group that alludes to an air of social stigma around joining the Klan. Instructing applicants to not discuss signing the application with anyone, the ad suggested there was considerable risk at openly touting Ku Klux Klan membership in Americus. The Americus Times-Recorder validated that sentiment in several articles. The paper expressed that there is “no place in our political scheme for the mask,” taking the hardline stance that “masked government, masked politics and masked justice have no place in Georgia.” The paper pondered the need for secrecy of membership if the activities of the Klan were truly honorable. 

Because masculinity was a critical tenet of the Klan’s interpretation of honor and patriotism, debates about the organization often referenced ideas relating to public recognition of honorable manhood, given the secrecy of Klan membership. The white men who joined the Klan were often less economically secure than typical for their race, gender and class, with small-business owners and medium-skill laborers who worked in agriculture most prevalent. Without economic success, white men found themselves adrift, and vulnerable to the Klan’s messaging. Racial politics that placed white men at the top of a hierarchal pyramid were central to the Klan’s doctrine. As historian Kelly Baker wrote, “their emphasis on manliness conveyed the fraternity’s anxiety about the role of white Protestant men in the American Nation.” She also notes that “white men molded evangelicalism to complement their role in society, by […] recreating manliness to affirm white men,” and by establishing laws, political and social systems designed intentionally to cultivate that supremacy. Fraternal organizations, like the Klan, helped contribute to sense of brotherhood, male comradery, and a shared sense of identity that contributed to the group’s popularity.

Despite this popular interest in the Klan, tensions over the group's respectability and influence continued to linger in Americus. Just one month after DeBarr’s lecture, the Americus Times-Recorder published an editorial entitled “Ku Klux Klan Will Fall of Its Own Weight.” Questioning the Klan’s “necessity” in Georgia, the column asked men who may consider joining the Ku Klux Klan to use their “highest judgement” when considering affiliation.  The editor suggested some support for the group historically, noting that “when the original Klan was formed after the close of the Civil War there was no constituted government […]. The South was in the grip of ignorant negroes, unscrupulous Yankee camp followers and unprincipled politicians…”  But in the 20th century, the editor penned, “If the Klan is not a revolt, why should its membership be secret?”  There was no need for such an organization in “present time,” the Americus Times-Recorder argued, due to the purposefully cultivated “modern systems” of institutionalized racism, designed to inherently favor white men, their traditional families and their economic health.  

It is important to recognize that there was no debate in the local press about the need for white men to assert 'law and order' in Americus or elsewhere.  If the Americus Times-Recorder identified concerns with the secrecy, ritual, and extralegal actions of the Klan, it also explicitly supported the mission of maintaining white supremacy in Georgia.  Thus despite the tensions over the respectability of the Klan, organizations like the Americus Klan No. 95 played an important part in articulating the white racial, gender and class politics of Sumter County in the early 20th century, and solidifying the racial hierarchy that still remains today.