Letter to Chiang Kai-Shek, July 1930

Internal Political Division

Warlord Era and Fragmentation: Although the Nationalist Government (Kuomintang, KMT) had nominally unified China in 1928 under Chiang Kai-shek, much of the country remained fragmented. Warlords still controlled large regions, and their allegiance to the central government was tenuous. Conflicts between the Nationalist forces and regional warlords persisted.

Central Plains War (March 1929-1930): This civil war occurred between Chiang Kai-shek’s Nationalist government and a coalition of former allies turned opponents, including Feng Yuxiang, Yan Xishan, and Wang Jingwei.By July 1930, this war was at its peak. Chiang aimed to consolidate his power, while his rivals sought to challenge his authority over the Nationalist Party and China.

Rise of Communist Movements:The Chinese Communist Party (CCP), led by figures like Mao Zedong and Zhu De, was expanding its influence in rural areas through guerrilla warfare and revolutionary base-building.By 1930, the Jiangxi Soviet had been established, serving as a key base for Communist activities against the Nationalist forces.

Geopolitical Trends 

Japanese Expansionism:Japan was increasingly asserting its dominance in East Asia, especially in Manchuria (Northeast China). The Mukden Incident, which would lead to Japan’s full-scale invasion of Manchuria, was only a year away (1931).The presence of Japanese troops in the region was a constant reminder of the external threat to China’s sovereignty.

Foreign Imperialism and Unequal Treaties: Western powers still held significant influence in China through treaty ports, extraterritorial rights, and economic concessions.The Nationalist government sought to revise these unequal treaties as part of its nationalist agenda, but progress was slow.

Economic Challenges:China faced economic instability, exacerbated by warlord conflicts and weak central governance.The global Great Depression (starting in 1929) was beginning to impact China’s economy, affecting trade and increasing internal dissatisfaction.

Key Figures 

Chiang Kai-shek:As leader of the Nationalist government, Chiang was focused on defeating his internal rivals and centralizing power.

His government was also engaged in suppressing the Communists through military campaigns.

Yan Xishan and Feng Yuxiang:These regional leaders were key opponents in the Central Plains War, challenging Chiang’s leadership of the KMT.

介公主席座下：閱報知馮煥章有下野出洋訊，桂系既倒，閻、張皆服從中央，統一名符其實。公此後一人當國，設施究將如何，仆以海外旁觀之身，念興亡有責之義，辄越萬里，專貢片言，以為根本大計，惟在速立民憲而已。近世紀全世界大勢所趨，中山先生四十年奔走號呼，其祈嚮知道者，不外民憲一途。蓋治亂循環，新陳代謝，必實行憲政，乃可以免革命而促進化，此東西各國之常規也。論者徒見蘇俄、突蹶、義大利、西班牙之近事，便臆斷黨治將代憲治而興，不知此特歐戰後反動中一時之現象，其終究仍非復返憲治無以共存。同盟會早有憲政之主張，民國建元即為《臨時約法》之頒布，近聞國府亦議規定訓政期限。公果乘此千載一時，恪遵總理遺囑，立開國民會議，制定民國憲法，召集正式國會，取消一黨專政，實行政黨政治，使不同政見得依法發揮，最高政權得和平更迭，則中山為華盛頓，而公為林肯，造四百兆人之福利，來億萬斯年之謳歌。舉今日之左派、右派、桂系、奉系、馮系、閻系以及其他各黨各派各系，同隸憲治旗幟下，放棄武力陰謀，從事公民運動，進退各循常軌，得失無所容心，長治久安，道在是矣。或謂國民資格不及，訓政成熟有待，不知惟有實行憲治，國民資格方能養成，訓政經驗方得實際。今於小學兒童，手工技藝，尚主自動教育，實地練習，國民參政，何獨不然？或又謂政治公開，各黨並立，國民黨及國府要人之地位將大動搖。不知惟有實行憲治，國民黨乃永保革命之成績，國府要人乃永受群眾之尊崇，將來任何政黨，孰不認國民黨為建國先驅，中山及公等為開國元老，猶之美國南部、北部，共和黨、民主黨，一致奉華盛頓、林肯為國父也。為國為身，萬無一失，何懼不為？其不然者，中國豈止一桂系一馮煥章，桂系倒未必不再起，馮煥章去未必不重來，且一桂系倒而百桂系起，一馮煥章去而無數馮煥章來，雖漢高、明太，聖神文武，無以應之，時不同也。公左右人才雖多，諮詢雖廣，然畏公者不敢進此言，反公者不願進此言，求利於公者不肯進此言。不佞固超然於此三者•用特不避斧鉞，直布腹心。倘謂為可聽，而惠賜裁復，當再盡其辭。杏則公為失人，而仆為失言。瞻望海天，曷其有極！

To the Chairman: 

I read in the news about Feng Huanzhang’s stepping down and departure abroad, and that the Guangxi faction has fallen, while Yan Xishan and Zhang Xueliang have both submitted to the central government. The unification of the nation has now truly become a reality. With you as the sole person leading the country going forward, how will you proceed with governance?

As one who observes from overseas but feels a sense of duty toward the rise and fall of the nation, I have crossed ten thousand miles to offer this humble suggestion. I believe that the most fundamental and urgent task is to swiftly establish a constitutional government.

The trend of the modern world in recent centuries has been toward constitutionalism. Dr. Sun Yat-sen devoted forty years of tireless advocacy for this goal, and his ultimate aspiration was none other than constitutional governance. History has shown that the cycle of order and chaos, the renewal of the old and the birth of the new, can only be broken through the implementation of constitutionalism. This is the regular path of nations, whether East or West.

Some may point to the recent examples of Soviet Russia, Turkey, Italy, and Spain to argue that party rule will replace constitutional governance. However, this is merely a temporary reactionary phenomenon following the Great War. Ultimately, the world cannot coexist without returning to constitutional governance.

The Tongmenghui (Revolutionary Alliance) had long advocated constitutionalism. The founding of the Republic of China began with the promulgation of the Provisional Constitution. I have recently heard that the Nationalist government is considering setting a time limit for the period of tutelage. If you can seize this once-in-a-lifetime opportunity, faithfully follow the instructions of our late leader (Sun Yat-sen), and convene a National Assembly to draft a constitution, establish a formal parliament, end one-party rule, and implement a system of political parties, it will allow differing political views to be expressed legally and ensure the peaceful transition of supreme power. In this way, Dr. Sun will be regarded as China’s Washington, and you will be its Lincoln, bringing welfare to 400 million people and earning their praises for countless generations.

All factions today—the left and right, the Guangxi clique, the Fengtian faction, the Feng faction, the Yan faction, and all other parties and groups—should unite under the banner of constitutional governance, abandon force and conspiracy, engage in civic movements, and follow proper procedures for advancing and retreating. In doing so, personal gains or losses will no longer matter, and the nation will achieve long-term stability and peace.

Some may argue that the citizens lack the qualifications for this, and that the maturity of the period of tutelage requires more time. But how can the citizens’ qualifications improve without the practice of constitutional governance? Only by implementing constitutionalism can the experience of tutelage be actualized.

Today, even elementary school children are taught practical skills through active education and hands-on practice. Why should civic participation in governance be any different? Others might say that opening up politics and allowing different parties to exist will destabilize the positions of the Nationalist Party and government officials. But only by implementing constitutionalism can the Nationalist Party preserve the achievements of the revolution, and only then can government leaders enjoy enduring respect from the people. In the future, no political party will fail to recognize the Nationalist Party as the pioneer of nation-building, nor fail to acknowledge Dr. Sun and yourself as the founding fathers. Just as in America, the South and North, Republicans and Democrats alike, revere Washington and Lincoln as national fathers.

For the sake of the nation and for yourselves, there is absolutely no reason not to act. What is there to fear? If this course is not followed, China will see not just one Guangxi faction or one Feng Huanzhang, but perhaps the resurgence of many Guangxi factions and many Feng Huanzhangs. Even if one Guangxi clique falls, another may rise; even if Feng departs, he may return. Indeed, with one Guangxi faction gone, countless more may arise; with one Feng gone, innumerable others may follow. Even the great leaders of the Han and Ming dynasties, with their unparalleled wisdom and power, could not cope with such circumstances. The times are different now.

Although you are surrounded by many talented people and consult widely, those who fear you dare not speak these words, those who oppose you are unwilling to speak them, and those who seek personal gain will not speak them. I, however, am beyond these three groups, and thus dare to speak with full candor, without fear of punishment, and reveal my true thoughts.

If you consider these words worth hearing, I would be honored to receive your response and further elaborate my views. Otherwise, it will be your loss in not heeding advice, and my loss in speaking out in vain. As I gaze toward the vast sea and sky, I wonder when it will ever end!

興亡有責 (Xīng wáng yǒu zé)

Literal meaning: “Responsibility for the rise and fall.”

Contextual meaning: This phrase encapsulates a Confucian sense of moral duty, implying that every individual bears responsibility for the nation’s prosperity or decline.

Past Usage: 天下興亡，匹夫有責

"The rise and fall of the world is the responsibility of every individual." This phrase originally appeared in Gu Yanwu's "Rizhilü: Zhengshi," against the backdrop of the Qing army entering the pass. His original sentence was: "To protect the country, it is the duty of the king and his ministers; to protect the world, it is the responsibility of every common person." 

The eight-character formulation comes from Liang Qichao. It means that protecting a country's political system from being overthrown is the duty of emperors, ministers, and officials; however, the rise and fall of the common people and national culture concerns everyone's interests, thus every citizen has an undeniable responsibility.

名符其實(Míng fú qí shí)

Literal meaning: “The name matches the reality.”

Contextual meaning: This idiom means that something lives up to its name or reputation, often used to describe authenticity or alignment between appearance and substance.

Past Usage: In "Impressions of the National Games" by Mao Dun

千載一時(Qiān zǎi yī shí)

Literal meaning: “Once in a thousand years.”

Contextual meaning: This phrase emphasizes the rarity and preciousness of an opportunity.

Past Usage:" From "Letter to King of Kuaiji."

長治久安(Cháng zhì jiǔ ān)

Literal meaning: “Long-term stability and enduring peace.”

Contextual meaning: A classic phrase used in Chinese political discourse to describe an ideal state of governance where stability and peace are maintained over generations.

Past Usage:It originates from "Book of Han: Biography of Jia Yi.

得失無所容心(Dé shī wú suǒ róng xīn)

Literal meaning: “Personal gains and losses are of no concern.”

Contextual meaning: This phrase appeals to selflessness and prioritizing the greater good over individual interests.

漢高、明太(Hàn Gāo, Míng Tài)

Literal meaning: “Han Gaozu and Ming Taizu.”

Contextual meaning: Refers to the founding emperors of the Han and Ming dynasties (Liu Bang and Zhu Yuanzhang), known for their exceptional leadership and historical significance. These figures symbolize supreme wisdom and unparalleled power in Chinese history.

Reference: Ming Tai Zhu was the founding emperor of the Ming Dynasty. He was also the second commoner-born monarch who unified the country after Han Gao Zhu, the first emperor of the Han Dynasty. 

總理遺囑(Zǒng lǐ yí zhǔ)

Literal meaning: “The late leader’s testament.”

Contextual meaning: Refers specifically to Sun Yat-sen’s political testament, which is a key ideological document for the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT).

 憲政(Xiàn zhèng)

Literal meaning: “Constitutional governance.”

Contextual meaning: Refers to a system of government based on a constitution, emphasizing rule of law and political institutions.

Reference:  The theory of the three stages of "military government, training government, and constitutional government" is a political roadmap designed by Sun Yat-sen. On January 29, 1923, Sun Yat-sen published an article titled "History of the Chinese Revolution" in the commemorative edition of the Shenbao's 50th anniversary, stating: "Revolutionaries, besides destroying the enemy's power, must also pay attention to the cultivation of national construction capabilities; this is why revolutionary strategy is necessary. My revolutionary strategy defines three periods for the revolution: the first is the military government period, the second is the training government period, and the third is the constitutional government period."

訓政(Xùn zhèng)

Literal meaning: “Period of tutelage.”

Contextual meaning: A concept in Sun Yat-sen’s political philosophy where the government would guide the people during a transitional period before full constitutional governance.

Reference: In the old feudal era, when the emperor abdicated and became the emperor emeritus, the successor emperor still had to follow instructions to handle major affairs, or the empress dowager ruled the country from behind the curtain, which was called "training".Now it generally refer s to a stage in the founding of the Republic of China proposed by Sun Yat-sen. According to Sun Yat-sen's "Outline of the Founding of the Republic of China", China's founding was divided into three stages: military rule, training, and constitutional government. Training is the second stage

放棄武力陰謀(Fàng qì wǔ lì yīn móu)

Literal meaning: “Abandon force and conspiracy.”

Contextual meaning: A plea for factions to resolve disputes through legal and political processes rather than through violence or intrigue.

Vision for Constitutional Governance

Advocacy for Constitutional Reform: The letter calls for the establishment of a constitutional government as the cornerstone for China’s stability and progress. This reflects a belief in governance by law and institutions rather than by individuals or factions. 

Sun Yat-sen’s Legacy: Jiang  Kang Hu invokes Sun Yat-sen’s vision of constitutional governance, framing it as the ultimate goal of the revolution. 

Pragmatism Over Ideology: Instead of focusing on offensive strategies or reclaiming lost territories (like Manchuria), Jiang Kang Hu prioritizes the preservation of core territories through institutional reform, emphasizing long-term stability over short-term gains.

Critique of One-Party Rule

The letter critiques the dangers of one-party rule under the Nationalist Party, warning of stagnation, factionalism, and loss of public trust. It suggests that political diversity and peaceful power transitions are essential for a stable state.By proposing a multi-party political system, Jiang Kang Hu suggests Chiang to relinquish exclusive control and allow for broader participation in governance.

Strategic Proposals

The letter offers concrete steps for implementing constitutional reform, including:

-Convening a national assembly to draft a constitution.

-Ending one-party dominance and implementing party politics.

-Establishing mechanisms for peaceful transitions of power.

-Encouraging all factions to unite under the banner of constitutional governance, abandoning force and intrigue for civic movements.

Rhetorical Strategies

Historical References: The writer draws parallels to historical figures like Washington and Lincoln, portraying constitutional governance as a path to national greatness. This could be interpretated as appealing to Chiang’s sense of legacy and ambition.

Warnings of Consequences: The letter warns of recurring factionalism and instability if reforms are not undertaken, suggesting that reliance on force alone cannot achieve long-term stability.

Direct Appeal: Jiang Kang Hu writes with urgency and sincerity, positioning himself as an observer with no personal agenda

Criticism of Chiang’s Leadership

Implicit in the letter is a critique of Chiang’s reliance on authoritarian measures and military strategies. It challenges him to adopt a broader vision of governance that prioritizes institutional reform over personal or party power.The writer points out that surrounding advisors may fear or flatter Chiang, leaving him isolated from honest and necessary advice.

Significance and Legacy

This letter reflects a tension between authoritarianism and constitutionalism during the early Republican era in China. It highlights the aspirations of reformers who sought to balance the need for strong leadership with the principles of democracy and rule of law.The proposals in the letter foreshadow some of the challenges that would later plague the Nationalist government, including factionalism, loss of public trust, and failure to address systemic reforms, ultimately contributing to its decline and the rise of the Communist Party.