Employment Equality - 2015

In 2015, research looked at the performance of this 'other' part of the public sector on employment equality.

In relation to disability equality, the research found :

The employment data published by public bodies provides no evidence that there is any awareness that there could be even the remotest prospect of institutional discrimination in the sector’s employment of disabled people. There is also no evidence that disability discrimination in employment in the sector is to be eliminated in a coherent, planned manner based on gathering good quality evidence and analysis, and linked to measureable targeted changes in the lived experiences of disabled people.

For the benefit of those readers, students, elected members and public servants who come to disability equality with a limited understanding on the backstory and history of disability equality, an important context to this area of research is to be aware that the law on disability equality and the obligations it places on public bodies to be seen to be eliminating disability discrimination is not something new to this century, but has roots which reach well back into the last century. It is now some 45 years since the Chronically Sick & Disabled Persons Act of 1970, which first gave rights to disabled people. The Disability Discrimination Act 1995 gave rights to disabled people to prevent discrimination on the grounds of disability, including in the area of employment. In 2005 the Disability Discrimination Act was amended to extend anti-discrimination protection and placed disability equality duties on public bodies. More legislation on disability equality followed in the Equality Act 2010.

For those who prefer depth to their history on the social struggle for disability equality and which provides a detailed backdrop against the slow pace of enshrining disability equality piecemeal in a legal framework, this timeline on the disabled people’s movement provides important context to the struggle for equality.

This failure of public bodies in Scotland to act decisively on institutional discrimination on the grounds of disability means that for a lot of young disabled people alive today, they will live out their lives and die before demonstrable and evidenced equality of employment opportunity is available to them.

On ethnicity, the research concluded :

The employment data published by public bodies provides no evidence that there is any awareness that there could be even the remotest prospect of institutional discrimination in the sector’s employment of BME people. There is also no evidence that race discrimination in employment in the sector is to be eliminated in a coherent, planned manner based on gathering good quality evidence and analysis, and linked to measureable targeted changes in the lived experiences of BME people.

For the benefit of those readers, students, elected members and public servants who come to race equality with a limited understanding on the backstory and history of race equality, an important context to this area of research is to be aware that the law on race equality and the obligations it places on public bodies to be seen to be eliminating race discrimination is not something new to this century, but has roots which reach well back into the last century. It is now some 50 years since the Race Relations Act of 1965 first outlawed discrimination on the grounds of colour, race, ethnicity or national origin. It was extended in the 1968 Act to include a remit in the spheres of employment and housing. In the Race Relations Act of 1976, almost 40 years ago, the Commission for Racial Equality was created to make sure the even more robust provisions of that Act on racism and discrimination were implemented. More legislation on race equality followed in 2000, 2003, 2006, and in the Equality Act 2010.

This failure of public bodies in Scotland to act decisively on institutional racism means that for a lot of young BME people alive today, they will live out their lives and die before demonstrable and evidenced equality of employment opportunity is available to them.

When looking at LGB equality, research concluded :

The employment data published by public bodies provides no evidence that there is any awareness that there could be even the remotest prospect of institutional discrimination in the sector’s employment of LGB people. There is also no evidence that LGB discrimination in employment in the sector is to be eliminated in a coherent, planned manner based on gathering good quality evidence and analysis, and linked to measureable targeted changes in the lived experiences of LGB people.

For those who prefer depth to their history on the social struggle for LGB equality and which provides an holistic context to the struggle for measureable equality in employment, this timeline from Stonewall reminds all involved that the struggle for LGB equality did not start with the 2010 Equality Act and can be traced back to 1290 when the first mention in English common law was made on punishment for homosexuality.

This failure of public bodies in Scotland to act decisively on institutional LGB discrimination means that for a lot of young LGB people alive today, they will live out their lives and die before demonstrable and evidenced equality of employment opportunity is available to them.

The final protected characteristic looked at in the research was in religion, and specifically at employment equality enjoyed by - or denied to - those people identifying as Catholic, where the conclusion was :

The employment data published by public bodies provides no evidence that there is any awareness that there could be even the remotest prospect of institutional discrimination in the sector’s employment of Catholic people. There is also no evidence that religious discrimination and sectarianism in employment in the sector is to be eliminated in a coherent, planned manner based on gathering good quality evidence and analysis, and linked to measureable targeted changes in the lived experiences of Catholic people.

For the benefit of those readers, students, elected members and public servants who come to religious equality for Catholic people with a limited understanding on the backstory and substantial history of religious discrimination and sectarianism, a timeline of sorts on the institutional discrimination against Catholics in the UK since the 16th century provides a strategic context to the nature and scale of how embedded it is in our society. It is only since 2003 that the law has been clear in providing protection from discrimination in employment on the basis of religion, and since 2006 in accessing goods and services. The most recent legislation providing for protection from discrimination on the grounds of religion is in the Equality Act 2010.

This failure of public bodies in Scotland to act decisively on institutional discrimination and sectarianism against Catholics means that for a lot of young Catholic people alive today, they will live out their lives and die before demonstrable and evidenced equality of employment opportunity is available to them.