Number 35 - Information on residents

1813 – 1821 Alexander Brunton and Mary (neé Balfour) Brunton

In 1796, Alexander Brunton, (portrait by John Watson Gordon - collection University of Edinburgh) the son of a shoemaker, and at the time a theology student, took a post in Orkney teaching the two sons of Colonel Thomas and Frances Balfour. There he met the Balfours’ eighteen-year-old daughter, Mary, and the two were immediately attracted to each other. Six months later, Alexander was appointed Minister of Bolton Church, near Haddington, so left Orkney. Soon afterwards, by good chance, Mary was sent to a boarding school in Edinburgh and the two met again and became attached. The prospect of the son of a shoemaker, and impoverished minister, as a son-in-law appalled Mrs Balfour, so Mary was swiftly removed from the Edinburgh school and dispatched back to Orkney to be at a safe distance from the upstart minister. Whether by chance or design, or simply because he had impressed the congregation when staying on the island previously, the new Minister of Bolton was invited to preach in Orkney. His imminent arrival made Mrs Balfour all the more alarmed. So, to keep her daughter away from the nonentity she packed Mary off on holiday to relations who lived on the small island of Gairsay, comforted by the knowledge that any possibility of contact was impossible, for the island was a good distance from anywhere and only had thirty three inhabitants. It is not known how Mary and Alexander did manage to communicate given the isolation of the island, but communicate they certainly did. For in December 1798, in spite of what must have been a perilous crossing at that time of year, Alexander, like a knight from a fairy tale romance rather than one’s image of a Scottish protestant minister, rowed a small boat from the mainland across the treacherous sea to collect his young love and whisk her away. Mary’s parents were furious at the elopement but there was nothing to be done.

The couple married and set up home in Bolton, and although many viewed Alexander as an unfortunate match for Mary, and her parents remained embittered about the marriage, the couple themselves could not have been happier. Alexander encouraged Mary to expand her reading and Mary developed an interest in philosophy. She remarked in a letter to her sister-in-law that she was in favour of women learning ancient languages and mathematics, which was still a rare female accomplishment in that period. At the same time Alexander advanced his knowledge of Oriental languages. Alexander was keen to move on and when he secured the post of Minister of the New Greyfriars Church in 1801, the couple moved to Edinburgh. Mary was sad to leave the country: ‘I heartily regret the loss of my

quiet little residence which many nameless circumstances have endeared to me. Mr B is pleased with the change that gives him something to hope for and I think I can reconcile myself to anything that gives him pleasure.’ It seems to have been around this time that Mary (portrait) began writing, for Alexander later commented: ‘I do not know that, during her residence in East Lothian, Mary wrote anything beyond an ordinary letter. Even her letters at this period were very few. For letter-writing, as either employment or in itself as a recreation, she had an utter dislike.’ Yet once in Edinburgh, with her husband busy with university and church matters, Mary spent hours writing, although she kept her writing secret. She considered it merely as a pastime to pass the time and not of any importance. Yet, soon it took shape as a novel and its creation took over her life. ‘If I write every day, and all day, that may be done in fifty days. But I find in one way and another, half my time is abstracted from my business, as I now begin to consider this affair, at first begun for pastime!’ Having completed a large part of what was to be her first novel, Self-Control, she finally showed it to her husband. He said later: ‘A considerable amount of the first volume of Self-Control was written before I knew anything of its existence. When she brought it to me, my pleasure was mingled with surprise. From this time forward she tasked herself to write a certain quantity every day. Each evening she read to me what had been written in the course of the day.’

Before Self-Control was published in 1810, Mary was anxious about the potential consequences of being known as its author: ‘To be pointed at – to be noticed and commented upon – to be suspected of literary airs – to be shunned as literary women are, by the more unpretending of my own sex; and abhorred, as literary women are, by the more pretending of the other! …I would sooner exhibit as a rope-dancer.’ Thus Mary was more than happy for her novel to be published anonymously.


Her first novel was an instant success, with at least 500 copies being sold by the end of the first month. Yet the critical response was far more ambivalent: ‘parties [of commentators] have been formed respecting it; some extolling it to the skies, and others depressing it below its real merits.’ While Jane Austen was correcting the proofs of her first published novel, Sense and Sensibility, she wrote to her sister: ‘We have tried to get Self-Control but in vain. I am always half afraid of finding a clever novel too clever – and of finding my own story and my own people all foresaid.’ When she did eventually obtain a copy to read she had some reservations: ‘I am looking over Self-Control again, & my opinion is confirmed of its’ being an excellently-meant, elegantly-written Work, without anything of Nature or Probability in it. I declare I do not know whether Laura’s passage down the American River, is not the most natural, possible, every-day thing she ever does.’ Yet in spite of her reservations, Austen perhaps had some initial jealousy of the success of Brunton's book for later she wrote: ‘I will improve upon it, my heroine shall not merely be wafted down an American river on a boat by herself, she shall cross the Atlantic in the same way and never stop till she reaches Gravesend.’

The year after Self-Control was published Alexander applied for the post of Professor of Oriental Languages at the University of Edinburgh. ‘My Lord, May I request to offer myself to the notice of your Lordship as a candidate for the office of Professor of Hebrew in the University of Edinburgh. ..I would not take this step without being conscious of possessing, in some degree, the qualifications necessary for discharging the duties.’ But Alexander was unsuccessful.

Perhaps to ease Alexander's disappointment at not landing the job he craved, The Bruntons took a holiday in England and Mary wrote an engaging diary of the trip: ‘the first entrance to England is far from conveying favourable impressions. The country is bleak and dreary. The road abominable.’ While some parts of England did not impress her, London did, especially the Vauxhall Gardens: ‘bands of music were stationed, and English, Irish, Scotch, German and Turkish airs were performed by musicians in the garb of each country. Many thousands of well-dressed people were assembled in this gay scene. Upon the whole, Vauxhall is the gayest raree show possible – and no bad type of that kind of pleasure.’ Yet, she found the travelling and the constant new experiences tiring. ‘All the pomps and novelties of this world of wonders become nothing more to me than the shadows that flit along the walls of a prison. Everything tires me now!’ One suspects she also was keen to be home and able to write in peace.

Her second novel, Discipline, was published in 1814, again anonymously. Mary’s concern that sales of her second novel might suffer because its’ Highland scenes, would be compared to the recently published Waverley by Walter Scott proved groundless. Discipline was another success, being reprinted twice in two years. In the same year Alexander was at last awarded the degree of Doctor of Divinity, and due to the timely of the incumbent was appointed to be Professor of Oriental Languages. It was at this time that the Bruntons bought Number 18.

In 1815, the Bruntons again travelled to England and from her journal it appears that Mary enjoyed more of what she saw. Although she was relieved to return home, her pleasure at being back in Scotland was allied to seeing it anew: ‘The road to Edinburgh is right Scotch; though bleak and dreary, it is judicious and substantial. But oh! it is untold how dismally bare this country seems, after four months' acquaintance with "merry England!" I sigh over the thoughts of an Englishman's impressions on visiting mother Scotland. No wonder if we be hospitable! where one eternal winter constantly reminds us to draw together, and be social. Farewell, green fields and rural villages! Farewell, waving fences, and feathery woods, and flowery cottages! But welcome, mine own rugged Scotland! where, though all is bare and naked, everything bespeaks improvement, industry, intelligence; independence in the poor, and enterprise in the rich…. Our cottages range in vile rows, flanked with pig-styes, and fronted with dunghills; but our cottagers have Bibles, and can read them; they are poor, but they are not paupers. In some of the agricultural parishes of England we found more than half of the population receiving charity (if I may so prostitute the word!) from the remainder…. There is the most striking difference, the moment you enter Scotland, on the language of the people, and especially on the accommodation for travellers. "Horses quickly for Hawick," quoth the Doctor. "Ye'll get them in a wee, sir; but they are out at the park e'en now, and we maun send and catch them." At last they came! two unwieldy, raw-boned brutes, alike in nothing but their speed; and driven by a "vera canny lad" of sixty and upwards.’

Although keen to start a third novel, Mary’s health was poor and she was depressed: ‘As for my writing, it has been four months entirely discontinued. For the greater part of that time I have been utterly incapable of interesting myself in that, or indeed any other employment. The worst consequence however of my indisposition has been the uneasiness it has given to Mr. B; to him especially for he has felt it so much: and this has no doubt, tended to increase it.’ Alexander continually tried to encourage her to write. At his behest she drew up a framework for her third novel. She also began to learn Gaelic. Alexander was busy with lectures, sermons and work on his book, Outlines of Persian Grammar that was published in 1822.

In 1818, while working on her third novel, Mary finally became pregnant. She was forty years of age and although the pregnancy appeared to improve her health, it did nothing for her spirits. While Alexander was excited at becoming a father, Mary became convinced that she would die giving birth. This was a time when such fears were understandable for any pregnant woman, let alone one aged 40, but Mary become abnormally obsessed with making preparations for her demise. She chose the clothes she wished to be buried in, picked out objects that should be given to friends and relations in remembrance of her and even wrote the notices to be sent to people following her death. Sadly, her fears proved real. After giving birth to a stillborn son, Mary died a few days later.

Alexander’s loss of the wife he dearly loved, and of whose achievements he was immensely proud, and of the son he craved, must have been heart-breaking. Later he was persuaded to write a memoir of his wife: ‘It has been for twenty years my happiness to watch the workings of that noble mind – my chief usefulness to aid its progress, however feebly. Nothing is more soothing to me than to dwell on the remembrance of her – nothing more dear to me than to diffuse the benefit of her example….I am persuaded, that in all which she had done she was only trying her strength; and that if her life had been prolonged, the standard of female intellect might have been heightened, and the character of English literature might have been embellished by her labours.’ His memoir, the five chapters of the unfinished third book, Emmeline, some letters and sections of her engaging travel journal were published in 1819.

In 1821, Alexander moved out of Albany Street to live in University accommodation and two years later was appointed Moderator of the General Assembly of the Church of Scotland. In 1847, he gave up his Chair at the University, published his last work, Forms of Public Worship and moved to live with his niece and nephew in Perthshire, where he died in 1854 aged eighty two.

The contemporary writer, Fay Weldon, commented: ‘Improving the Brunton novels may be, but what fun they are to read, rich in invention, ripe with incident, shrewd in comment, and erotic in intention and fact.’

1821 – 1824 Mrs Anne (neé Gibson-Wright) Hunter of Blackness

Anne Hunter was the widow of Alexander Gibson Wright who died in 1812. He was a WS and in 1804 became a partner with the publisher Archibald Constable. She moved to live in Queen Street where her son, David, also lived for a time. This letter is to her son from Archibald Constable. Mrs Hunter was a supporter of a number of good causes, including the Society for the Support of Gaelic Schools. The 19th century saw the establishment of the first Gaelic school society - the Edinburgh Society for the Support of Gaelic Schools - in 1811. The society stated its purpose as being ‘to teach the inhabitants of the Highlands and Islands to read the Sacred Scriptures in their native tongue...to maintain Circulating Schools in which the Gaelic language only shall be taught.’ The new society attracted much support, with similar organisations being founded in Glasgow and Inverness. The early success of the Edinburgh society was such that by 1828 it had funded 85 schools in the Highlands and Islands.


1824 – 1844 Alexander Mudie

Alexander Mudie, a doctor, had returned to Edinburgh from his Jamaican estate, Mount Pleasant at St James, where he had owned 19 slaves. He was a widower as his wife, Elizabeth, aged 20, and their infant daughter had died in Jamaica in 1792.

In Jamaica, Mudie had been a member of one of the Masonic Lodges. Being the sugar capital of the world Jamaica had become a valuable British colony, and by 1813 was at the height of its dominance. Its commercial importance had spawned a wealthy and influential business class, many with direct family and business ties to Britain. Therefore, the Masonic Freemasonry of the time was predominantly white, upper-middle class, though a number of masons were Jewish. Jamaica offered Jews a freedom not yet available in much of Europe, and so many who had fled persecution in Portugal and other parts of Europe were attracted to the colony.

This was the time of the revolutionary wars and of high anti-Freemasonry sentiment disseminated by the Roman Catholic Church and, as a result, Freemasonry was viewed with some amount of suspicion by the authorities for political as well as religious reasons. Many governments of the day saw Freemasonic Lodges as meeting places for free thinkers and dissenters, and, therefore, as centres of revolt. For fear of political persecution, some West Indian Lodges had to meet under the guise of educational organisations, offering lessons in Spanish and English.

In 1835 following the Slavery Abolition Act Mundie received £432 15S 10D compensation for his freed slaves. He died in Albany Street in 1844.

1845 – 1850 James Richmond

James Richmond was a doctor and he may possibly have been a retired East India Company army surgeon. If so, then he served in India and received an annuity on retirement in 1839, and was married to Isabella Pringle.

1850 – 1865 Frederick and Eliza (neé Cockburn) Hope

The 1855 Valuation record states that the house was owned by William McIntyre and let.

Major-General Frederick Hope was a retired army officer. He and Eliza moved here with their four children. Hope’s father had been in the navy and Eliza’s in the army. Hope was an officer in various regiments, including the 72nd (Duke of Albany’s own Highlanders) Regiment of Foot. He became a director of the Scottish Naval and Military Academy. This was described as: ‘the only seminary in Scotland which furnishes a complete Course of Instruction to Young Men destined for the Military and Civil Services in all their departments. The system pursued at the Academy, while it has special reference to the examinations prescribed by the Horse Guards, Admiralty, and East India Company, is also designed to qualify Officers for the highest appointments in the service. Apply Military Academy Buildings, Lothian Road.’

Their three daughters all married: Eliza to Andrew Inglis in 1862, Louisa to Lionel Tollemache in 1869, and Katherine to the Reverend George Shaw in 1886. Their eldest son, Frederick, married Anna Gosling in 1860 but four years later accidentally drowned while serving as Aide-de-Camp to the Governor of Madras. Their other son, Charles married Leonora Orde in 1871 and later became the Justice of the Peace for Northumberland. No information found on their third son, Charles.

1865 – 1870 George Clark Ross

George Ross was the agent for the Scottish National Insurance Company. He also was a member of the City of Edinburgh Rifle Volunteers.

1870 – 1882 Lodgings

These were run by Ellen Jackson, a widow with one son. It may well have been that actors and entertainers seeking ‘digs’ when performing in Edinburgh were directed to Mrs Jackson’s Lodging House, for on the days of both the 1871 and 1881 census performers were lodging here.

1871 Lodger - Alfred Howard

Alfred Howard was an actor, and his young daughter, Lydia; better known as ‘The Fairy Actress’. Alfred had been presenting Lydia on stage from when she was only three-years-old. The review of the Edinburgh show was glowing: ‘This gifted little actress, now only six years of age, took her audience quite by surprise; everyone seemed astounded at the juvenile end blooming appearance of their little entertainer. A Lilliputian figure and childish face - the personification of simplicity - a light and airy carriage, free from constraint or affectation, and an arch smile playing over her plump, rosy face, at once gained for her the sympathies of all present, who received her with a burst of honest enthusiasm. Supported by Mr. Alfred Howard and Miss Kathleen Power, the entertainment commenced with a representation of Little Red Riding Hood, in which, of course, Miss Howard sustained the part of the heroine, and the perfectly natural and graceful manner in which she portrayed the character, excited the heartiest applause. In all her other representations she was equally successful, especially in her rendering of the characters of the Leading Lady in a laughable sketch of that title, Tom Tuff. Her recitals of Longfellow's Excelsior and Psalm of Life were also exceedingly beautiful, and as she performs on Monday and Tuesday evenings next, we should advise all to attend the entertainments of this extraordinary little "wonder."’

1881 Lodger - Harry Hamilton

Harry Hamilton was a member of a family that mounted spectacular Diorama shows, also known as ‘Excursions’. He was in the city to present a new show: ‘ Messrs. Hamilton beg to announce THE REAL and ONLY HINDOO SNAKE-CHARMER in England, Mr. GHEESA, from Lucknow, will appear with his Live Cobra Snakes, and also give his WONDERFUL INDIAN ILLUSIONS in the Grand Kaffinett. The RUSSIAN SKATERS and Mr. LOUIS LINDSAY will appear at every representation. CICERONE, with Songs. Mr SERRONI. Evenings at Eight; Saturday Evenings at half-past Seven. GRAND ILLUMINATED DAY EXHIBITIONS on SATURDAYS at Three, equal to the Evening Representations. Reserved Seats, 2s.; Second, 1s.; Third, 6d.’

The newspaper reviewer enjoyed the show: 'Messrs Hamilton’s new “excursion” includes pictorial representations of incidents in the late Russo-Turkish war, and sketches of places and people connected with the campaign. Glimpses of Cyprus being pleasingly dove-tailed between the battle-fields of the Balkans and Asia Minor. Among the more interesting features of the diorama are the blowing up of a Turkish iron-clad ship, the storming of a Moslem chapel in Constantinople, with fine illuminated effect, and a number of scenes at railway stations. In the “Russian Fair” some diverting incidents were introduced, not forgetting our old friend “Punch and Judy” whose antics greatly delighted the children. A very happily conceived scene is that representative of the rejoicing in London on the occasion of the Royal procession in connection with the recovery of the Prince of Wales. Mr Charles Serrone gives a perspicuous account of the various places visited and last night also sang several ballads with good effect. The Brothers Pelikoff and the Russian skaters contributed to vary the entertainment, and M. Gheesa, an Indian conjuror, performed some surprising feats. In a word, we found the new “excursion” every way worthy of commendation.’

The reviewer, and others who enjoyed Gheesa’s conjuring, would have been taken aback a few years later to read in their newspapers under the headline, ‘Outrage by an Hindoo Conjuror’, of how he had savagely attached his wife with an open razor, ‘inflicting dreadful injuries upon her face, temple, wrists, hands, and shoulders. He chased her out of the house and only ceased attacking here when her shouts for help brought a neighbouring blacksmith to her aid. Munshee Sheik Gheesa then calmly washed his hands and the razor in a tub of water, and said he would give himself up to the police.’ He was sentenced to ten years’ penal servitude, but soon after being imprisoned committed suicide.

1883 – 1888 John Chisholm

John Chisholm was a publisher, bookseller and stationer, and had his stockroom elsewhere in the building (probably the basement). (This advert is from 1843) 1888 Wishart and MacNaughtonIn 1888 the firm of Wishart and MacNaughton, solicitors, briefly took part of the house as their business premises – described as ‘writing chambers’.

From 1888 – 1892 the house appears to be empty. Possibly while it was being converted, as when was advertised for sale in 1891, it was described as consisting of four flats and having recently undergone a thorough overhaul, including having been ‘put into an efficient sanitary condition.’ The upset price was set at £1,200.

1892 – (around) 1960s Catholic Cathedral School

This house was purchased to extend the school at Number 37; then a Catholic Girl’s School. With the addition of Number 39 the school catered for both girls and boys. On St Andrews’s Day in 1892, as part of Catholic celebrations in the city, an audience of over 2,300, including the Archbishop and about 40 priests from all parts of the diocese, attended a concert given by the school’s 450 pupils at St Mary’s Cathedral. It was reported that ‘that the young ladies attending the upper class school, Albany-street, performed the "Reaper's Song and Drill" in character, and so successfully as to elicit unbounded approval.’

In 1894, the Sisters of Charity took charge of the schools. Ae newspaper reported the imminent arrival of ‘Sisters from Paris and London whose peculiarities of dress - the white hood with streaming cornettes – are well known.’

In 1907 a large hall was built in the garden areas behind, and contained a stage, dance-floor and balcony.

Around 1935, the school was re-opened after refurbishment and renamed St Mary’s Roman Catholic School. (Here two of the children in the school playground)