Communications Institutions
Charlie Hebdo and a clash of journalistic perspectives on responsible reporting
Apr 28, 2015
(Essay on respect vs free speech)
Charlie Hebdo and a clash of journalistic perspectives on responsible reporting
Apr 28, 2015
(Essay on respect vs free speech)
Part 1: Three Theoretical Models may be used to Analyze the Media’s Response to the Attack on Charlie Hebdo
Part 2: The Correct Theoretical Model that Media Outlets Should Have Followed in their Decision to Print / Not Print the Visuals
Sources Referenced
Appendix
Appendix A
Appendix B
Appendix C
The terrorist attack on Charlie Hebdo cartoonists in January 2015 and the subsequent responses from other news organizations may be viewed as the clash of three perspectives of the media: libertarian (“free press”), authoritarian, and social responsibility.
Charlie Hebdo and a few other papers have a libertarian perspective. Freedom of expression is the first of human rights, trumping even freedom of religion. Journalists and satirists have the right to publish any view of others and must be immune from all restrictions. The rights of individuals are supreme, greater than the rights of the state and of religious groups (McQuail, 2015).
The French Revolution and the U.S. Constitution are the clearest advocates of freedom of expression and its supremacy to state or religious strictures. The French Revolution affirms laicite (secularism) as the cultural edifice, replacing the Catholicism of the previous French state. Religious persons, whether from Catholic French heritage or Muslim immigrants, are expected to acculturate to the secular French norms, at least for public acts (Legifrance, 1905; Ministère de l’Éducation nationale, 2004; Cavanaugh, 2011; Charlie Hebdo, 2015). The U.S. Bill of Rights places freedom of expression first. Freedom of religion is subservient to individual rights. In the U.S., for instance, gay rights trump religious strictures in most judicial decisions.
English language media outlets that re-published the cartoons on their websites include Bloomberg News, The Huffington Post, The Daily Beast, Gawker, Vox, The Washington Free Beacon, and the BBC (Daily Beast, 2011; Bloomberg Photos, 2015; Lachlan, 2015; Plunkett, 2015; Read, 2015; Taibi, 2015; Taub, 2015). Other media publications that reprinted cartoons from Charlie Hebdo include Germany’s Burliner Kurier and Hamburger Morgenpost (whose office was then firebombed), Poland’s Gazeta Wyborcza, three Danish newspapers and BT tabloid (Colchester, 2015; Grieshaber, 2015; Madi, Ryder, Macfarlane, Beach, & Park, 2015; Reuters, 2015). Satirical media outlets around the world have a similar libertarian view of the media, and published their own controversial cartoons in response to the attack (ABC News Online, 2015; Bell & Hills, 2015; Gehad, 2015; Keneally, 2015; Mae & Smith, 2015) (Appendix A).
Islam means submission, and the fundamental precept of Islam is submission to the will of Allah (God). Sharia law, following Mohammed’s statement in the Koran, explicitly prescribes death as the punishment for blasphemy or even lesser offenses, such as disrespect of the Prophet Muhammad.
Media practices under authoritarian theory are subordinate to state authority. Media is censored in advance, and punished for deviations from government guidelines or ideology (McQuail, 2005). For Islam, the state is the califate, subservient to the law of Allah, headed by descendants of Muhammad, and ruled by Sharia law.
Supporters of the attack said the cartoonists were “asking for it” because certain followers of Islam forbid any visual depiction of the prophet Muhammad (AFP, 2015; Amani, 2015; Auerbach, 2015; Baseel, 2015; Black, 2015; Cormack, 2015; Choudari, 2015; Dilip, 2015; Dowling, 2015; Hawkes, 2015; Hope, 2015; Hürriyet Daily News, 2015; ITV News, 2015; March, 2015; National Review, 2015; Quinn, 2015; Raju, 2015; Reuters, 2015; Rudaw, 2015; Sobieski, 2015; Taheri, 2015; The Malaysian Insider, 2015; Verma, 2015; Yusufzai, 2015). Editors that republished the cartoons in certain countries were arrested (Barnagarwala & Rao, 2015; Punwani, 2015). Others protested the depictions of Muhammad in Charlie Hebdo, but maintained that violence was not the answer (RT, 2015).
The social responsibility model came about in response to the free press model. The technological and commercial development of private press in media outlets that adopt the free press model has led to increased power of a single class, and lower chances of access for individuals and diverse groups. Media outlets under the social responsibility model are under conditional private ownership that is not only answerable to the consumer and shareholder, but to society at large. They must avoid distributing content that may bring institutions or groups in society unfairly into disrepute, or encourage violent forms of behavior (McQuail, 2005).
Most news organizations and liberal politicians in the West have social responsibility perspectives of the media. Freedom of expression is officially supported, but it is trumped by progressive social interests: diversity, gay rights, minority rights, women’s rights, and the rights of oppressed people. The imperialist history of European nations and their colonial past in Africa, Asia, and the Middle East now require that Westerners refrain from actions restricted by the traditions of Islam and other developing world cultures. The attackers in the Charlie Hebdo incident shouted that they were vindicating Islam and the sanctity of the prophet Muhammad, and almost all Muslim organizations around the world viewed the caricatures of Muhammad as mortal sins. Western politicians and newspapers denounced the Charlie Hebdo killings, but they also considered the publication of the Muhammed cartoons as improper, not justified by freedom of expression. Most news magazines and papers declined to show the actual cartoons in their stories about the killings. News organizations that covered the Charlie Hebdo shootings without showing the cartoons include The New York Times, New York Daily News, CNN, Al-Jazeera America, Associated Press, NBC, MSNBC, and The Daily Telegraph, among others (Gold, 2015; Mathis-Lilly, 2015).
The social responsibility perspective of the media reflects preferences and respect. The preferences form of social responsibility favors certain positions as inherently better. Freedom of expression is transformed into speech codes. On many Western college campuses, speech that does not comply with homosexual or transgender views may be banned as hate speech. Similarly, in traditional Muslim societies, speech that does not comply with Sharia may be banned as anti-Muslim. The preferences form of social responsibility leads to an authoritarian perspective, with the dominant ideology taking the place of the state.
The respect form of social responsibility acknowledges that the world is imperfect. Freedom of expression assumes an ideal world, where speech does not inflame passions. In the real world, some societies view certain statements or presentations as evil. The ultra orthodox Jewish communities in mea she’arim and bet shemesh view immodestly dressed women as an abomination, and inhabitants post signs dictating women’s dress code for their neighborhood. Extremists within the ultra orthodox neighborhoods yell obscenities and throw objects at outsiders who do not dress according to their signs. The signs, however, do not reflect the laws of the land. These neighborhoods are in the middle of public health clinics and bureaucratic offices where persons from all around Jerusalem and bet shemesh must frequent. By demanding respect of their traditions, the dress code signs not only promote the extremists to violence; they legitimize it.
When Charlie Hebdo republished its cartoons days after the January 7, 2015, attack, riots in developing countries left dozens of persons dead or injured and twenty churches burned (Graham-Harrison, 2015; Massalaki, 2015). Secular persons may laugh at caricatures of prophets, saints, and gods, but religious communities revere their images. In a Muslim country, publishing a caricature of Muhammad violates Muslim law. The advent of the internet and social media makes the world into a global forum. Cartoons by satirists at Charlie Hebdo are broadcast throughout the world. The satirists may believe that all expression is permitted, as assumed by French secularism. They do not respect the views of a billion Muslims who see their satires as blasphemous.
A proponent of the social responsibility model would say that free speech must weigh the benefits to individuals against the morals of cultures. In this view, the morals of cultures draw the line to global freedoms. It ask persons to legitimize slut shaming and victim blaming within ultra orthodox Jewish neighborhoods. It asks persons to legitimize murder and retribution in secular countries, because in a globalized era, Muslim law transcends physical boundaries.
The New York Times op-ed columnist, David Brooks, defends the free press model. He explains that healthy societies do not suppress speech, but they do grant different standing to different types of people. “Wise and considerate scholars are heard with high respect. Satirists are heard with bemused semirespect. Racists and anti-Semites are heard through a filter of approbrium and disrespect” (Brooks, 2015). Many of the Charlie Hebdo cartoons are immature and intentionally provocative, and would be censored from non satirical newspapers as disrespectful. But one paper’s antics should not restrict the liberties of other political cartoonists (Appendix B).
Creating a line of respect where free speech ends promotes retribution from offended peoples and cultures (Appendix C).
There must be no line to free speech. McQuail (2005) quotes John Stuart Mills in his statement explaining why free speech is the best way to arrive at truth and expose error:
the peculiar evil of silencing the expression of an opinion is, that it is robbing the human race, posterity as well as the existing generation, those who dissent from the opinion, even more than those who hold it. If the opinion is right, they are deprived of the opportunity of exchanging error for truth; if wrong, they lose what is almost as great a benefit, the clearer perception and livelier impression of truth, produced by its collision with error.
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