Article by Elsa Lawlor-Gazzea (10.04.2025)
The 21st of April of 2025 is the day forecasted for the deportation of four foreign residents living in Berlin, due to their participation in the ongoing demonstrations in protest of the mass killings carried out by the state of Israel and the IDF. Three of the four persons targeted are EU citizens from Ireland and Poland, while the fourth is a US citizen. All four deportees face allegations ranging in severity from calling a police officer a “fascist” to “supporting Hamas”. The latter allegation lacks any sort of formal basis.
A number of the allegations against the four individuals either lack evidence or have been disproven, with some of these allegations resulting in acquittals in court. The others have not been brought before a criminal court at all. All allegations lack categorical proof, rendering them baseless and the four accused efficaciously innocent.
Unknown woman forcibly detained by a group of policemen at the Humbold Uni Protests (TAGESSPIEGEL)
The unprecedented move on deporting legal residents of Germany, three of which are EU citizens usually entitled to freedom of movement between EU states, raises serious questions about Germany’s crackdown on civil liberties, such as freedom of speech. For what possible reasons does the German state see the deportation of these four persons warrantable? Acknowledging the legality of their residence and the utter lack of convictions on any of the proposed allegations, it is abundantly clear that the affected are targeted solely by reason of their opinions regarding Israel's war on Gaza and the exercising of their constitutional right to free speech. Does the German state have the right to deport individuals for exercising their constitutional right to freedom of speech and expression? A right so integral to Germany’s character that it appears in Germany’s Basic Law, in the form of Article 5: “Every person shall have the right freely to express and disseminate his opinions in speech, writing and pictures, and to inform himself without hindrance from generally accessible sources”. To what extent are these deportation orders legally admissible?
The deportation orders were issued by the state of Berlin, whose Senate administration oversees immigration enforcement, under German migration law, which does not require criminal convictions for deportation. Internal pressures from the department led to dissension, with bureaucrats from the branches of the Senate of Berlin clashing. Immigration authorities such as Silke Buhlmann, head of crime prevention and repatriation at the immigration agency, fervently objected to the orders of deportation. In an email directed towards Berlin Senate’s Interior Department, Ms. Buhlmann raises concerns pertaining to the legality of the deportations, stating that the legal basis for the deportations is simply insufficient, rendering the prospective deportations unlawful. She references director of the national immigration office, Engelhard Mazanke as a figure who shares these concerns. Buhlmann refuses to sign the deportation order and comply with the directive to conduct hearings for the individuals. This remonstration was overruled by Berlin Senate Department official, Christian Oestmann, who ordered the directive to be complied with and the expulsion orders to be carried out, regardless of the concerns raised.
Three of the four deportation orders cite Germany's national pledge to defend Israel (Staatsräson) as justification. “Staatsräson” is a pledge and effectively just a concept at the end of the day. Oberhäuser, of the Bar Association’s immigration committee, states that “Staatsräson is a principle rather than a meaningful legal category”. Additionally, recently a parliamentary body argued that there are no legally binding effects of the provision. Legal experts, including Oberhäuser, argue that using Staatsräson in deportation proceedings is legally dubious and impermissible under constitutional law.
Demo Signs at the "Defend the Berlin Four Rally" on 07.04.2025 (Instagram: @molotov.potography)
The German Deportation Law is grounded in the principle of proportionality rather than requiring a criminal conviction. This means that individuals can be deported without having committed a crime, based solely on an assessment of their perceived threat to public order. Authorities are instructed to weigh public interest against personal factors such as an individual’s level of integration, family ties and duration of stay in Germany. Under § 53 of the German Residence Act, deportation can be justified for broadly defined reasons such as “political activity” or causing a “public disturbance.” These terms are open to wide interpretation, allowing the migration authorities significant leeway in determining who qualifies as a threat. This lack of specificity creates a system vulnerable to selective enforcement, enabling decisions that may reflect political motives more than objective legal standards.
In examination of the proportional and contextual factors surrounding the residencies of the four affected individuals in Germany, it becomes clear that they have strong and legitimate grounds to remain. This is in addition to the obvious legal issues surrounding the allegations and the biased misuse of the principle of “Staatsräson”. Two of the four individuals are transgender: Longbottom (27) and Wlaszczyk (35), who are respectively American and Polish.
Longbottom has been ordained a two year ban from the Schengen Zone, which will now affect his masters degree at the Alice Salomon University in Berlin. He is unsure if he will now be able to complete his degree, despite having only another six months to go before finishing it. The prospect of moving back to the US under the Trump administration scares him as he worries for his safety.
Wlaszczyk believes claims of anti-semitism are predominantly a racist tactic levelled against Palestinians, Arabs and Muslims in Germany, making the deportations due to assumed anti-semitism just an extension of this. Though he is officially recognised as a Polish citizen, he has lived in Germany since the age of ten and harbors much grief in parting with the circles and communities he has spent most of his life building/residing in. The nonprofit news organization “The Intercept” qualifies that there was a “sense of an impending loss of community [...] among the protesters,” with the Irish deportees, Shane O’Brien (29) and Roberta Murray (31) both attesting to the fact that Berlin is now their home. Murray states “I’m not making any plans for Ireland. I believe that we will win — and that we’ll stay. I don’t believe this will hold up in a court”, while O’Brien says “My illusion of Berlin has been shattered by the lack of response to the genocide”.
Roberta Murray (31) attending a pro-Palestine protest (RTE NEWS)
These cases reflect more than isolated administrative decisions—they point to an emerging apparatus of repression in Germany, one that targets political expression under the guise of maintaining public order. The selective use of deportation powers against activists, combined with the state’s expanding definition of what constitutes a threat, sends a clear message: dissent, particularly when it challenges Germany’s pro-Israel stance, will not be tolerated. This is not just a crackdown on individuals, but on ideas—and on the right to voice them. What’s unfolding bears troubling resemblance to past and present tactics used in other states, notably the United States, where immigration status has long been weaponized to stifle protest. That Germany, with its history, is now adopting similar mechanisms to silence political speech marks a disturbing shift. It suggests the country is entering a period defined not by democratic resilience, but by institutionalized fear and control.
Sources:
Moss, Daniel. "Germany Moves to Deport EU Citizens for Pro-Palestine Protests." The Intercept, 31 Mar. 2025, https://theintercept.com/2025/03/31/germany-gaza-protesters-deport/. Accessed 7 Apr. 2025.
"Leitung und Organisation." Landesamt für Einwanderung, Berlin.de, https://www.berlin.de/einwanderung/ueber-uns/leitung-organisation/. Accessed 7 Apr. 2025.
Picture Sources:
"Nach Besetzung an der Humboldt-Uni: Auch Vermittler und Beobachter bekamen Strafanzeigen." Der Tagesspiegel, [Publication Date], https://www.tagesspiegel.de/wissen/nach-besetzung-an-der-humboldt-uni-auch-vermittler-und-beobachter-bekamen-strafanzeigen-11871035.html.
"Any restriction of free movement must be 'justified' - EU." RTÉ News, 2 Apr. 2025, https://www.rte.ie/news/world/2025/0402/1505355-irish-germany-deportation-order/.
@molotov.photography and @irishblocberlin. “You can’t deport a movement / Defend the #berlin4 rally.” Instagram, 7 Apr. 2025, www.instagram.com/p/DIO1WUiMcy3/.