Throughout this article, you will see mentions of the Orishas Orunmila and Eshu-Eleggua spelled in different ways. As the English Translator of El Monte explains, “The disorienting variety of references in the opening passage of this chapter synthesizes Cabrera’s approach to densely encoded layers of language, history, and theology in Afro-Cuban tradition. For example, Cabrera refers to “Orumila or Orumbila,” then, as any devotee might, switches to “Orula” without necessarily pausing to explain that they are different epithets or iterations of a multifaceted mythological figure.” (70) In addition to this, working in multiple sites as an archive representing the many communities that populate the Black Atlantic leads to some different forms of spelling to accommodate Portuguese, English, and Spanish Language Phonetics. For ease, when speaking about the Orishas from my own voice as an archivist engaging with these varied works, I will refer to the Orisha consistently, however I have also compiled a list of spelling varieties which one can refer back to to smooth reading and analytical process.
Orunmila
Orúnla
Orúla
Orumila
Orumbila
Ifa
Orula
Eshu-Eleggua
Elegua
Ellegua
Elegba
Elegbara
Eshu
Esu
Exu
Legend and Biographical information surrounding the Orishas generally tend to pull from a wide variety of sources and imaginations. The Yoruba Religious Practices are strongest in Nigeria, Trinidad & Tobago, Cuba, and Brazil. Each Region will have their own stories and Odus, which are lore surrounding divination to contextualize the meaning (you can read more in our section on divination). Additionally, authors and cultural producers in the diaspora may engage with and retell Patakines in certain ways and according to certain contexts. These should not be viewed as diverging from historical accuracy but rather a substantive engagement with the Orisha and the meanings they imbue into quotidian life and decision making, across distinct temporal contexts. This section focuses less on Chronological order and rather on the meaningful folklore that help us get to know the Orishas and their storied lives, told by writers, diviners, and cultural producers in many different countries. Each source will be traced to its country of origin as the reader follows along. Geography should not be understood as a marker of cultural authenticity; this article does not attempt to posit or pit stories against each other based on the supposed authenticity of their practice to what is believed to have pre-existed in colonial times.
“Orúnla, first master of the Boards of Ifá,
Diviner of Destinies,
I Invoke you, so you watch over the childbirths of our women,
Let each child have a name,
Let their name be a shadow,
Let their Shadow be a sister
Along the uncertain paths.
But most of all, Orúnla,
Ask Changó,
Blacksmith of Laughter and affliction,
Not to take our Joy,
The laugh sparks that leaps
When your hammer strikes the anvil!
Let the Muntu ever be renewed
Let them be fertile wherever they may roam!
May they multiply in their women
And not die in the sea of bloodlines.”
-Manuel Zapatas Olivellas
In Changó, the Biggest Badass (p 30) (Colombia)
In Yorubaland, Nigeria
When Olodumare created the world, he sent celestial beings down to Ile-Ife, which was the cradle of civilization. Orunmila was one of those beings, and his gift to the Indigenes of this area was the Opon Ifa, or the sacred divination tray and the oracle consultation system. (43)
Yorubaland has a sacred geography in which Orishas and their devotees generally tend to correspond to locations (). This is less commonplace in the diaspora (). What makes Yoruba legend of Orunmila unique is his lack of origin to any one space in Yorubaland; he was born in Ife but is known everywhere. Oluwole writes, quoting from the Odù Osa Meji:
“When it was claimed that Orunmila was from Adó, he responded that he was not a native of Ado. That, on his visit to Adó, discovered the people had no religion. He preached and made them converts of Ifa.
He was also referred to as a man from òffà, his answer was that he was not from òffà, that he was there on a visit and healed Offa people of their sickness. At another time, when Orunmila was called a native of Ijero, he responded by saying that he only went there.
It was also said that he was born in ìkòlé. Denying this, Orunmila said he went there only to put an end to the practice of witchcraft. He also denied being a native of Iléshà. His explanation was that on a visit to the town, he found that the Oba and the High Chiefs had only a dress each. Orunmila taught them how to trade to overcome poverty.
This Ifa verse explains the source of the uncertainty about the real place of birth of Orunmila. The denials give credence to the view that he was born and raised at òkè Igèti Ile-Ife.” (44-45)
“Kongo Cruzado: Lukumí and Kongo Identities in Cuba: the Art of Francisco ‘Gordillo’ Arredondo” The International Review of African American Art. Vol. 20, No. 2., 2005 by Ivor Miller
“Eía! I have seen my native village sacked. Mothers driven with their flocks of goats and their children marked with the branding iron of fire. We babalaos resist once again and refuse to rebaptize our ancestors with the names of alien saints and virgins. We decided, therefore, to conspire against the Ngola. Each hut should be an altar, every heart a door closed to the invader.
Ifa, lord of the future past,
Eye open to memory,
Eye that penetrates the shadows that cover the morrow
You knew the betrayal of the Bakongo blacksmith!
Eía! Here am I, one more among the many Ngalas enchained for preserving the religion of our elders. I will not die of drowning in Yemaya’s waters, like all of you. Orúnla has reserved for me the Christians’ gallows and the bonfire of so many charred and hanged body may proclaim again and again the sunfire of Changó.”
-Manuel Zapatas Oliveiras
In Changó, the Biggest Badass (p. 54-55) (Colombia)
Arrival to the Black Atlantic
According to the Patakines (Stories) collected by Lydia Cabrera during her fieldwork in early 20th century Cuba, Shango was the first diviner, but traded his power for Orunmila’s capacity to inspire awe when dancing to the beat of the Batá Drums (69-70). To contextualize further, Shango’s immature behaviour and lack of interest in Divination was seen as destructive towards humanity (84). Orunmila was quite astute, but at the time very poor. Divination served as a way in which his ashe could serve towards a material gain and change in circumstance (85). Shango was more than willing to unburden himself from the responsibility of guiding humanity.
Orunmila’s divination talents were sought after in many different parts of Yorubaland, including in his own village. Married to Yemaya at the time, she assisted him but never herself divined. Though when Orunmila left to attend to business for a king from another community, Yemaya took on the role of diviner to support the village’s needs. This sparked outrage from Orunmila, who left her his divination system (the Diloggún) while devising his own only accessible to men. This is why the babalawo is a male-oriented cult today (Gonzalez).
While Babalawos are usually men, Gay Men are excluded from being able to initiate into Orunmila’s mysteries. However, Orunmila, from a distance, respects LGBTQ+ people due to once being saved by the Orisha Inle. Solimar Otrero, recording an interview with a Babalawo, writes in Archives of Conjure:
“Orula was walking through the desert and he was lost. He didn’t have any water. He didn’t have any food. In the end, he fainted from being so weak. Erinle and other beautiful creatures—who were between [being] men and women—pick him up and save him. Orula wakes up and sees that these people have saved him. From that time Ifa has to respect the adodi [gay men]. Up to a certain point.”
While Orunmila can speak to humanity through divination, like other Orishas with closely guarded secrets, he does not incorporate into his practitioners through spirit possession nor is crowned on the head (“crowned” refers to the initiatory process) (Cabrera 103).
Orunmila has a storied rivalry with Osain, the Orisha of the Herbs and the Forest. Osain’s powers are ambiguous and amoral, often perceived as being used for “witchcraft.” (105) Orunmila, who was poor in the days he worked with the magic of Osain, swore off against witchcraft. Nevertheless, we should not apply a good/evil dichotomy when observing the two Orishas, but rather understand divination and herbal medicine as separate domains. Like in nature, each Orisha possesses a particular skillset and capacity. As this page has and will explore, Orunmila has many interesting and complex entanglements with the Orishas that have informed who he is today
Excerpt from Comparative Philosophy Book "Socrates and Orunmila" by Sophie Oluwole (2017)
Babalawos in Ruth Landes’ City of Women
Ruth Landes’ City of Women was realized after the American Anthropologist spent 11 months between 1938 and 1939 in the Brazilian City of Salvador de Bahia. Her time there observed a strong Afro-Diasporic Religious Tradition and engaged deeply with a series of famous temple leaders to present a dynamic and complex tradition. As she writes in her article A cult matriarchate and male homosexuality, The Candomblé Temples of Salvador are women dominated (). There are, however, at the time of Landes’ writing, Babalawos who are present. Eliseo Martiniano do Bonfim was a central character in Landes’ book. Born in Brazil, Bonfim was one of a few Salvadorans from an upper middle class who dreamed of returning to Africa and did so upon the realization of their freedom. This community still exists today in and around Lagos. Yet Bonfim decided to return to Salvador de Bahia, after spending extensive time learning about the traditions as they were practiced in the “bush” of Yorubaland (). Bonfim is respected in Salvador but struggles to attract followers; the knowledge of Babalawos was of less interest to the community in favour of the practices of the Māe De Santas and their women oriented practices, with men opting instead to be Ogans (patrons, supporters) rather than Babalawos themselves (). While Landes arrives to Brazil at a time where the practice of the Babalawo is effectively dead in the popular practice of Salvador de Bahia, she arrives at a time when the practice is shifting towards the emergence of the “Cabloco” from Recife, which incorporates Indigenous Spiritualities and diverts from the established ceremonial protocols. Conversely, the cult of Babalawos remained popular in Cuba and This encourages us to also understand absence, presence, and emergence as a practice that is not exclusively moulded by outside forces but also rather displays a certain dynamism within the community indicating shifts and changes that occur.
Eshu and Eshus in Brazil
Like Anansi, the deity whose trickster nature populates the imaginary of many tales and legends, Eshu’s nature, for Christians, was seen as deviant and he became associated with the Devil as a result. This comparison, however, misunderstands the complexity of Yoruba Worldviews and Eshu-Eleggua’s nature and role within them. Nigerian Writer Wole Soyinka, speaking above, provides great insight into how this process of the Satanization of Eshu-Eleggua occurred.
As Soyinka mentions, the Yoruba worldview was structurally different from the Christian one because there was not a belief in Satan. To elaborate on the above writings as well as the part of the clip where he speaks about Brazil, the cult of the “Exus” in Brazil represents a mechanism in which marginalized people can empower themselves while working around oppressive Christian Moralities (). Pomba Gira, the female Exus, represent a certain type of reality that women in Brazil pass through yet these stories remain untold because they fall outside of the boundaries of acceptability.
Are Pomba Giras Archives?
The fascination with Pomba Gira in the Brazilian Popular imaginary represents an identification with a type of lifestyle which is often made absent from popular narratives. As Ruth Landes observes in City of Women, the lives of Black Women are complex and nuanced, influenced by many factors, most of all the state (). As we will explore below, there are nuanced forms of criminalization that take place through the enforcement of social structures in spite of the shifting legal context.
The Devil: Prof. Wole Soyinka Confirms #EsuIsNotSatan
Explode Coraçāo: a popular Brazilian Telenovela that showcased the culture of the “Ciganas” or Romani People. The popularization of this telenovela actually led to an interest in the “Cigana” Spirit amongst Umbanda Communities, which was closely associated with certain manifestations of Pomba Gira, who were said to have Romani Origin
Pomba Gira is found in liminal spaces (). Nevertheless, her manifestations are fully realized; they have names and histories. This presents a new idea of where history can be archived and how. When history intertwines with cartography, the idea is to generally establish certain sites as historical based on the characters that populated them; this requires a critical rethinking of cartography as a tool in the telling of history if we don’t first analyze who history privileges in its narrative construction ().
As M. Oleszkiewicz-Peralba writes, “Pombagira appears to embody a submerged and forgotten force, which was, at least formally, eliminated from Brazil with the disappearance of the Gẹ̀ lẹ̀ dẹ́ festivals by the end of the nineteenth century and the subsequent whitening and domestication of the iabás in White Umbanda.” () While the Brazilian Racial State continues its attempt at racial whitening, the realities on the ground are much more complex, which means that stories of marginal existences continue to resonate deeply with the population. This presents the opportunity for a certain emergence through the worship of Pomba Gira. As Blanchette et all write:
A collection of Cuban Patakines, or stories, compiled by Lydia Cabrera in her landmark work El Monte, recently translated in 2023 by David Font-Navarrete.
Eleggua facilitates the transfer of the Divination Tray from Shango to Ifa
““In another story, we are told, “In the beginning, before Olofi distanced himself from the world, he gave each orisha a mission. He gave out the jobs, and Elegua—because he’s such a tramp—was left without a job to do.” After a while, he complained to Changó about his situation. When the jobs were assigned, Changó had been tasked with Ifa. But Changó was very young and too much of a rumbero—there were sick people in the world, but no doctor, and Changó did not worry about curing them. On the advice of his mother Yemaya, who was Orula’s wife at the time, Changó handed ifa (ache, ifa, and okuele) over to Orula.” (85)
Why Eleggua Lives at the doorway
Orula has an Elegua. One day, Orula got dressed up: he dressed in white clothes from head to toe, every detail just right, and, swaggering around the way babalawos do, he went out. Elegua thought,“I don’t have a stove. I don’t have acha (a cigar). I have no owo. I have no obini (woman). I have nothing! Orula doesn’t give me anything.” And he left the house too. He went to the corner. People went by looking for Orula, and Elegua told them, “He moved.” When Orula came back, Elegua told him, “Nobody has come!” And time went on without anybody coming . . . Orula was inside his house and Elegua was on the corner, giving everyone fake directions to Orula’s house.
San Francisco watched his bread and butter go away, and he called Elegua. “Barayiku! Listen . . . Come here and have some food. I’m going to give you a woman . . . Which one do you want? Do you want Oshun? Oya? Yemaya?”
Elegua answered,“Bring me women to keep me company, but nothing more than that. I have my woman out there in the street.”
Elegua had Eson, but he was not serious about her.
Orula said,“Barayiku, I’m going to make a room for you, back there, so you can be comfortable. You can live there and eat well.”
“A room at the back of the house? Kosi! No, sir . . . Put me right here at the door . . . Just here to one side.”
“But you’re going to eat all of that? Smoked fish, hutia, epo, aguado, akuko, oti? All of that, right here at the door?”
“Yes sir. Right here. And if you don’t give me the food, I’ll go out and lock the door from the outside!”
That’s why Elegua lives in a little cabinet, or a little box, next to doorways . . . And if you don’t honor him, he leaves and punishes you.” (86)
Eleggua Obtains Ifa
“Elegua had asked Orunla to give him Ifa. But Orunla refused him categorically when Elegua confessed that, at that moment, he had no money to pay him.
Then Elegua jumped up in the air and landed on his own head, injuring himself with a deep wound which bled profusely. When Orula’s wife saw Elegua in her house, lying in a pool of blood, she got scared and pleaded with her husband to give Elegua what he wanted.
“Give him Ifa, or else we’ll get in trouble with the Law!” And Orula gave him Ifa for free, and Elegua went back to his corner happy.
Later, Olokun’s son Inle passed by the corner. Whenever he saw Elegua, Inle was in the habit of saying, “Salute me, Elegua. I’m a doctor. Ologun.”
But this time it was Elegua who stepped forward and said, “Salute me, because I’ve been initiated in Ifa.” Olokun’s son said, “I don’t believe you .”
He asked Elegua to divine for him, and Elegua said,“There’s a big tree at your house that fills up with birds in the evening . . .”
“Bah! Liar. You already knew that perfectly well without divination.” “Wait,” said Elegua. “This morning, your mother yelled at you. She was indignant, because you grabbed her butt, then her husband surprised you .”
Surprised, Olokun’s son responded, “That’s true. That’s a secret. You couldn’t have seen it, and nobody could’ve told you about it.”
Olokun’s son told his mother about the encounter with Elegua. He told her that he had resolved to become a babalawo. When Olokun approved her son’s decision, he went to ask Elegua how much he would charge to initiate him in Ifa.“Lots of money and lots of goods!”
Olokun’s son agreed to give him everything he asked for, and Elegua initiated him to Ifa. Then he paid Orula twice what Orula had asked for to make Elegua’s Ifa.” (87)
Elegua Abanuke’s friendship with Orunmila
Elegua (Abanuke) is the best ally of Orula—the god Ifa—and, of course, babalawos. “He is their security.” “Elegua protects the babala a lot.” No one needs Elegua more than a babalawo.“Orula and Elegua are one.” (The Eleguas that belong to Orula, like Laroye Biba Kikeño, have a small metal arrow on the top of their heads.)
In another legend, Orula is forced to demonstrate his clairvoyance to Olofi, and he passes the test thanks to Elegua (Abanuke):
“Baba, they say there’s a Black man with red skin, Orumila, performing divination.”
“Orula? Bah! There’s no better diviner than me.”
“Well, they’re saying he is, Father. They say he can see everything. He predicts what’s going to happen and what happened in the past by making marks in white powder on a wood tray, or by tossing a chain.”
Olofi, who was the world’s most suspicious old man, wanted to confuse Ifa. “I’ll find out whether or not his mouth tells lies. Yo fémma . I’ll show them. They say old Olofi’s ñangando. I’m going to dress up and make a face like egun (muerto). Tell them I died.” (88)
Whenever the Supreme Being speaks in one of these tales, the narrator assumes the flavor and style of speech of negros bozales. Elegua goes everywhere, he sees and hears everything, and he gets involved in everything. He sat and listened to Olofi’s conversation, then he ran to Orumila and told him everything he had heard. Soon, Orula was summoned to see Olofi, who was lying rigid on a platform surrounded by his children and his “entourage,” who were all crying and lamenting over him:
“Ay! Ay! Olofi ya okuo. Olofi! Look at him! Ya Ikú!” Then Orula arrived at Olofi’s side and said, “Olofi is not aro (sick).30 Olofi is odara, agadagodo (healthy, strong)! Olofi is not okuo (dead). Our Father Olofi wants to know if I’m a diviner, if I ofe (see), and that’s why he’s pretending to be dead.”
Then Olofi congratulated him and agreed to give Orula whatever he wanted. The first thing Orula asked for was parubo Elegua, the food Elegua was awaiting: “akuku kereke [a young rooster], epo [palm oil], akute [hutia], eya [fish], obi [coconut], akara [buns], oti [liquor], acha [tobacco, cigars], atana [candle], aguado [corn]. Modije! Thank you.” (89)
Documents on Criminalization - 18th, 19th Century
"Emancipation: A Curse to the Negro." De Bow's Review, 15:4, 1853: 325-432. Accessed from Slavery in America and the World: History, Culture, and Law (Hein Online)
Discusses the Post Emancipation Environment in Jamaica at the time. Is critical of the
relative freedom now afforded to freed slaves and indicates there was a certain “reversion” (or perhaps public openness) to Black Populations practicing “Obeah,” which unsettles the writer in the review.
“Colonization Society." African Repository 1:11, 1826: 321-352. Accessed from Slavery in America and the World: History, Culture, and Law (Hein Online)
This article is somewhat repentant of the colonial power’s approach to introduce
Christianity to enslaved populations through violence, instead encouraging a civilizing mission to occur in which Christianity is more thoughtfully and thoroughly preached to the population.
Post Emancipation and Nation State Co Optation - 19th, 20th, 21st Century
Miller, Ivor L. “Religious Symbolism in Cuban Political Performance.” TDR : Drama
Review 44, no. 2 (2000): 30–55. https://doi.org/10.1162/10542040051058690.
Popular Imagery (Movies, TV shows, Music) - 20th, 21st Century
Padrón, Ian, dir. Habanastation. 1990; Havana, Cuba. Accessed from:
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=nbr88QEfqn8&t=1987s&ab_channel=IANPADRON-YOUTUBE.
Newspapers and Magazines - 20th Century
Elosegui, Felipe. "El Diloggun: Libro de los Secretos de la Creencia Lucumí." Bohemia, September 12 1954.
This article explores a series of Patakines and practices associated around the
Diloggun Divination System. The article’s title, which is in Spanish, translates to “the Diloggun: Book of Secrets of the Lucumí Beliefs.” Interestingly enough, it should be observed that the word Lucumí is used to refer to the practice as opposed to more common terms like “Santería” or “Brujería,” in contrast to the English Caribbean Context where “Obeah” is used somewhat inaccurately to refer to a wide range of cultural practices without specifying its root origin. Not having to explain or elaborate what Lucumí means indicates a widespread knowledge of the term on the island, indicating a considerably more open environment in the mid 20th century despite historical persecution.
Religious Artifacts and Ceremonies
Academic Contributions - 20th Century
Cabrera, Lydia. El Monte : Notes on the Religions, Magic, and Folklore of the Black and Creole
People of Cuba. Translated by David Font-Navarrete. First edition. Montreal: Duke University Press, 2023. https://doi.org/10.1515/9781478023340.
One of the foremost literary works documenting the folkloric and religious traditions of Afro-Cuban Practitioners in the 20th century, covering everything from Patakines (stories) to religious practices and spells.
Landes, Ruth. The City of Women. 1st University of New Mexico Press ed.
Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1994.
Landes’ book explored the cultural ecosystem of Salvador de Bahia’s Residents over an
11 month period from 1938-1939, analyzing the women dominated Terreiros or Candomblés led by female priestesses and how these religious sites structured the daily life and social relations amongst the city’s residents. The Orixás permeate all aspects of the social life, both in material and immaterial ways. It also traces some documentation of the little known Back-to-Africa movement in Brazil, where Salvadorans returned to Nigeria at various points upon acquisition of their freedom from slavery. This is worth exploring further since we think as the Yoruba Religious Transculturation that occurred as happening in a one-way direction, whereas the story of Martiano de Bonfim indicates there was sustained connection maintained between Africa and Brazil by Black Communities themselves.
Academic Contributions - 21st Century
Olúwolé, Sophie B. Socrates and Orunmila: Two Patron Saints of Classical Philosophy. Lagos,
Nigeria: Ark Publishers, 2017.
Literary Works
Zapata Olivella, Manuel, trans. by Jonathan Tittler. Changó, the Biggest Badass.
Lubbock, Tex: Texas Tech University Press, 2010.
Earle, William. Obi or, the History of Three-Fingered Jack. In a Series of Letters from a Resident
in Jamaica to His Friend in England. London: printed for Earle and Hemet, No. 47, Albemarle-Street, Piccadilly, 1800.
(Description from Early Digital Caribbean Archive Reference Entry) William Earle's Obi is a sentimental and episodic interpretation of one of Jamaica's folk heroes: Jack Mansong, a runaway slave and Maroon leader. Following the first London edition of Earle's novel, Obi was also published in 1804 by Isaiah Thomas, Jr. in Worcester, Massachusetts. Outside of these two editions, excerpts from Earle's novel were also included in several pamphlets and chapbooks, anonymously published in London in 1829.
Williams, Cynric R. Hamel, the Obeah Man. London: Printed for Hunt and Clarke, 1827.
Vernacular Archives