Lucio Schirò D'Agati

Born on 18 March 1877 in Altofonte (formerly Parco) in the province of Palermo, Schirò was of Arbëreshë descent, with his parents originating from Piana degli Albanesi, a community known for its Albanian heritage. Schirò's early life was shaped amidst the socio-political upheavals consequent on the Unification and the failure of the Liberal government (largely northern bourgeois) to solve the economic and social inequalities of the south. At the age of only 15, Schirò became involved with the Sicilian Workers' Fasci, a socialist and labor movement, where he came under the influence of key figures such as Nicola Barbato and Bernardino Verro. This mass democratic, socialist movement had been founded in 1891 in Sicily among the peasant proletariat, miners and workers, but was suppressed during a military intervention in 1893.  This early involvement with socialist ideals would shape his future endeavors. Schirò joined the Guardia di Finanza, becoming a non-commissioned officer and remained there for almost five years. Dedicating himself to self improvement through reading, 'he delved in particular into works of theology, philosophy and politics'. (Benecchi 2011: 165) [Rochat notes that his security file described him as 'brigadiere della guardia di finanza', ie. a retired 'brigadier of the Guardia di Finanza'. (Rochat 1990: 108)]

In 1902 he married Consiglia Orlandini in a civil ceremony. She would follow him in his appointment to positions with the Guardia and then as a pastor, from Puglia to Abruzzo and Umbria, where his first four children were born. Another seven would be born in Scicli. Schirò collaborated with Tito Oro Nobili in Umbria, where they laid the groundwork for a socialist organization in the region. Inspired by his reading of the works of John Wesley, Schirò entered the Methodist Episcopal Church ministry. In 1908, Schirò moved to Scicli, a vital agricultural hub in southeastern Sicily, where he served as a Methodist pastor. The Church there had been founded in 1897, and 'gained momentum especially in the following years when Giovan Battista Gattuso di Brancaccio, a southern noble who had fought with Garibaldi, was its pastor.' (Spini 2002: 243) Gattuso built membership around two local workers organizations, la Società Operaia and la Società Agricola. In 1904, however, there were massacres at Buggerai and Castelluzzo, and riots by the starving broke out in Scicli, which were suppressed by troops. 'Of seventy-one Sciclitans brought to trial for these agitations, sixteen were evangelicals, among them Pastor Gattuso. Although he was accused of being the main instigator of the people, he was acquitted but had to move to Modica because no one in Scicli was willing to rent him lodging anymore. Soon after came the end of the Italian Evangelical Church and the community of Scicli.' (Spini 2002: 243)  Schirò therefore had to rebuild the membership almost from scratch.  His efforts to attract workers to socialism bore fruit as he established a local section of the Italian Socialist Party (PSI) and strengthened an existing peasant league. In addition, he put in place a broad social justice strategy attacking the poverty caused by the local establishment locking up the land and the wealth, the decayed state of the city and the scourge of alcoholism. He organized primary schools, after-school activities, evening courses for illiterates, nursery schools, holiday camps for children, a cooperative where the poor could purchase products at moderate prices, and strengthened the local "peasants' league".  (Benecchi 2011: 166)

On March 23, 1913, Schirò began publishing Il Semplicista, a bi-weekly journal that served as the political and religious voice of the Methodist Church in Scicli. Through this publication, which continued until March 1915, Schirò attempted to harmonize Christian and socialist thought. Among its themes were the promotion of equal rights for women, secular schools, after-school programs and patronage for the provision of bread, cloths and books for poor primary school pupils, freedom of expression of thought, and of course disarmament. (Benecchi 2011: 166) The fortnightly also contained columns that talked about the environment and agriculture. Despite running for Parliament in the Modica constituency, he garnered only a few hundred votes. On 25 January 1915, popular agitations broke out in Scicli due to poverty, and Schirò was prosecuted on charges of inciting the tumultuous crowds: however, he was acquitted. During World War I, Schirò adopted a staunchly pacifist stance, using Il Semplicista to voice his opposition to the war. This pacifism defined his role during the tumultuous years of 1914 to 1918, even when In 1917 he was conscripted.  After the war, on 1 March 1919, Schirò resumed the publication of Il Semplicista, continuing until 22 March 1924. This period saw the incorporation of Marxist elements into the publication, as Schirò criticized both reformism and left-wing extremism. His political influence grew as he was elected Secretary of the Socialist Federation of Siracusa and in 1920 he was elected Mayor of Scicli, Provincial Deputy, and Vice-President of the Provincial Council of Siracusa. His electoral slogan was: "We want quality votes, not quantity of votes and by quality votes we mean those of all who are thirsty for Justice and Love".  (Benecchi 2011: 166) ‘On 6 November 1920 the red flag flew for the first time on the bell tower of San Matteo, a custom that is still repeated today in the event of an electoral victory for the left’. (Calvo 2004) He set about attempting to introduce the first welfare state in the region- but quickly ran out of time. The rise of the mass party had cut across the centuries old political machinery in Scicli run by close knit consortia of wealthy families. Moreover, Calvo notes that there were tensions between the competing Methodist, Catholic and state school systems, which were patronized by Catholics, Protestants and non-believers alike, undermining the ancient patronage system. ‘Defeated electorally, the local oligarchy resorted to the last available resource, namely squad violence. Nationalists, fascists and rabble hired among the urban underclass organized, under the leadership of the Modican nationalist leader Stefano Rizzone Viola, several punitive expeditions.’ The ‘Liberals’ coordinated with the new Fascist party, broke into Schirò’s house and threatened to kill him and his pregnant wife unless he resigned: he did so. Local people got the message: at the next election in 1921, the Socialist vote collapsed across the region. (Calvo 2004)  Despite multiple attempts, Schirò was unsuccessful in his national parliamentary bids in 1919, 1921, and 1924. 

The rise of Fascism brought particularly significant challenges for Schirò, as the regime cracked down on both Mafia and socialist opponents in Sicily. In 1924, Schirò was subjected to violence and personal attacks by fascists: not unlike the infamous  May Day Massacre at Portella della Ginestra (carried out possibly by the Mafia against leftist supporters) Schirò was shot and wounded in a public meeting by a gang of squadristi, and one of his companions was killed. The evangelical church and the school that Schirò had established were set on fire. The people rose up, driving the fascists away: the leader of the squadristi ended up seeking refuge with the pastor, who saved him from the enraged crowd. In the following years, as the regime solidified, the evangelical peasants of Scicli had to stand guard over their church at night with rifles to prevent the fascists from burning it down. (Spini 2002: 373)  Unlike numbers of his fellow Methodist pastors, who joined the Fascist party and even reported on their own members and colleagues (Rochat 1990: 19), for nearly two decades, from 1924 to 1943, Schirò faced ongoing persecution and surveillance under the Fascist regime, particularly in his roles in the Methodist Church and its affiliated elementary school in Scicli. On 30 December 1929, for instance, Schirò was subjected to precautionary detention on the occasion of the heir to the throne's wedding, because he was 'included in the list of dangerous subversives to be arrested on the eve of holidays and ceremonies; thanks to the vigorous intervention of the superintendent C. M. Ferreri, he was released on 6 January and then removed from this particular list of subversives.' (Rochat 1990: 108 n31)

With the fall of Fascism in 1943, Schirò returned to the PSI and emerged as a leading figure in the provincial branch. He presided over the 'Committee for the Purge' in Ragusa, demonstrating wisdom and balance in this role. From 1944 to 1947, he once again served as Mayor of Scicli and as a provincial deputy, while returning to his pre-War role as a publicist and leader of the Movimento dei Partigiani della Pace (Partisans of Peace Movement).

Lucio Schirò passed away on 30 June 1961, in Scicli. His life was characterized by a persistent commitment to his principles of socialism and pacifism, his efforts to integrate these with his religious beliefs, and his resilience in the face of persecution.  His daughter, Miriam, went on to write a biography of her father, Un lottatore senz'armi: Il mio padre, Lucio Schirò D'Agati (Milano: Zephyro, 2003).  During a 1982 conference in Scicli dedicated to his life and times Schirò was described as the "Martin Luther King of south-eastern Sicily". The parallels are apparent - he was a dissenting minister, a pacifist social gospeller, and a social mobilizer for equality and the rights of the excluded. The fact that the Sciclitani are still talking about him indicates the depth to which a selfless life attached to a powerful belief could have even in apparently hostile times.

Sources:

Benecchi, Valdo, Guardare al Passato, Pensare al futuro: Figure del metodismo italiano, Torino: Claudiana, 2011

Calvo, Rudy Francesco, Tra Prima e Seconda Repubbilca. Il caso Scicli, tesi di laurea, 2004. Università degli Studi di Roma La Sapienza

Rochat, Giorgio, Regime Fascista e Chiese Evangeliche: Direttive e articolazioni del controllo e della repressione (Torino: Claudiana, 1990).

Schirò, Miriam, Un lottatore senz'armi: Il mio padre, Lucio Schirò D'Agati (Milano: Zephyro, 2003)

Spini, Giorgio, Italia Liberale e Protestanti: gli invisibili (Torino: Claudiana, 2002)