Linguistic Landscape, also known as LL, is the study of visual and written languages in public spaces. This may include the study of signs, billboard, restaurant postings, and store labels. What types of signs are used? What language is being portrayed and what is being left out? What specific characters, colours, fonts, and visuals are visible as well as salient in its specific locational context? Linguistic landscape draws on various disciplines, ranging from politics, economics, linguistics, sociology, law, and more; and in recognizing this, understanding the contestations and motivations of language usage in public spaces may become easier.
In comparing the two Montreal Chinatowns present, it is interesting to implement Linguistic Landscape lenses to analyze their spatial identities. How is Chinese, English, and French being used similarily or differently by shop owners? What religious, social, historical, and political implications are there? Let us take a look.
Traditional V.S. Simplified
In our informal landscaping of the Old Chinatown signages, we noticed a dominant usage of traditional written Chinese characters over simplified written Chinese. This was particularly seen on majority, if not all shops and restaurants - both long-standing as well as recent. In contrast, the signs of restaurants within the New Chinatown region are dominantly simplified written Chinese characters on signs.
Chinese V.S. French V.S. English
In line with Quebec's language laws, "French letters on signs must be double the size of other languages" (Freed, 2023). These laws, initially established in 1977, soon began to be enforced more heavily around Montreal's Chinatown starting the 1990s (Freed, 2023).
According to the Chicago Tribune, this fued particularly began when over half of Montreal Chinatown's businesses received warning notices of displaying English & Chinese dominant signs illegally; and further, that these store signs had to be replaced accordingly. In protestation, it is said that the Chinese community in Montreal banded together, demanding that "the government’s demand would suppress and disparage the symbols of a noble language, ruin the special nature of Chinatown and impair it as a tourist attraction" (Chicago Tribune, 1998). Soon after, little to no reports against the signages in Chinatown were received thereafter.
This stand against political language encroachment can be seen in browsing the signage in Old Chinatown. Majority of the stores, mixed between entirely Chinese characters and/or smaller English & French translations underneath, ultimately maintain a dominant Chinese language presence on their store signs. This is in great contrast to images seen within the New Chinatown region, wherein many stores have their restaurant names completely translated into French/English and place this on full display.
In addition, one more unique phenomenon is the use of solely Chinese in both places. In New Chinatown, there are no stores with solely Chinese on signs. In contrast, various crevices throughout the vicinity contain pockets of only Chinese on doors, walls, corners, and shop signs.
Flashiness of Signs
One highly interesting point of difference between the signages in both Chinatowns is the varying flashiness and colourfulness used. Both areas had varying amounts of flashy use of signages (neon, vibrant, LED).
What does this say about the two Chinatowns? In referring back to historical context, perhaps a lot. Let us recall: Old Chinatown has long been the victim of discrimination, real estate projects, and more that have encroached on its boundaries. Especially in looking at residential adjustments, in less than fifty years, the once primarily residential neighbourhood became predominantly commercial. Updates to the area—the conversion of Rue De La Gauchetière into a pedestrian zone in 1981 and the construction of decorative arches to mark Chinatown’s entrances—were fought for as a compromise to preserve this historically significant space for the Chinese community. In line with this thinking, many of the idiosyncratic language usages could potentially be representative of this desire to preserve, to resist, and to be grounded.
Traditional v.s. Simplified
For traditional characters, they carry much weight and symbolism of a traditional, cultural, and authentic Chinese presence. In having traditional Chinese characters on display in contrast to simplified, this could indicate such a desire to preserve both the once existing (larger) Chinese community of its historic times, as well as establish a strong connection to its culture within this space moving forward. Within the New Chinatown region, the lack thereof of traditional characters may indicate how such a history and motivation is not as present in its shopkeeping - and therefore, simplified characters do well enough of a job for their personal, commercial usage.
Chinese v.s. French v.s. English
In looking at the different usage of Chinese, English, and French, similar motivations could be interpreted. Firstly, in looking at the relationship between Chinese and French, the tenacity and determination to preserve the Old Chinatown as a safe space for the Chinese immigrant community to reside - to maintain a piece of history and culture meaningful to this community - propelled action against French as a language and policy overstepping the boundaries of Chinese language as meaningful to the space. In contrast, since those values, motivations, history, or community sentiments are not as present in New Chinatown - merely instead being a space for commercial usage - do not place as much emphasis on the preservation of Chinese characters on signage.
In looking at the use of English, similar sentiments can be extracted. It is interesting to see how in New Chinatown, there are many more examples of French and English being the only languages used among restaurant signs for Chinese stores than those in Chinatown. This may indicate and further emphasize the lack of preservation for a sense of Chineseness among the New Chinatown community as noted above.
Finally, one more unique phenomenon is the use of solely Chinese in both places. In New Chinatown, there are no stores with solely Chinese on signs. In contrast, various crevices throughout the vicinity contain pockets of only Chinese on doors, walls, corners, and shop signs. These spaces could be argued to be signalling who is and is not allowed in these spaces. For those immersed in this community, these signs that only they understand signal to them that they are welcomed into these spaces. In contrast, by not including translations into French or English leave out a greater community as consequence.
Flashiness of Signs
Finally, when comparing the types of signs in terms of visuals, colours, and flashiness, it is interesting to see how both areas used a mix of neon, vibrant signs at the front of their stores. How can this be interpreted? Both spaces have flashy signs, but what are the similarities and differences in why these signs exist?
One possible point on the vibrant and colourful signages in Old Chinatown could be interpreted as a possible desire to create an ultimate Chinesenness for the sake of commercialization. Using very stereotypical fonts, colours, images, in addition to brighter lights draws the passerby's eye, this space orients itself towards flashy marketing tactics. This is not necessarily good or bad. For one, in establishing Old Chinatown as stereotypically Chinese, it has led to increasing gentrification (i.e. modern bubble tea shops, the increasing commercialization of the space with stereotypical modern Chinese stores) and as some might argue, takes away from the "authentic" nature of Chinatown and the initial Chinese immigrant community entirely. And yet, one could argue such a desire to stand out as inherently Chinese is a political means to stand one's ground in the face of gentrification itself as well. Just as there were attempts to demolish parts of Chinatown in the past, the establishment of Chinatown as a unique space that "represents" Chinese culture by excessively promoting Chineseness may provide the community with reasons as to not rid of this space - for it differs in culture from the rest. New Chinatown, on the other hand, does not seem to have as many flashy signs or images on display that follow stereotypical Chinese patterns. This may be because such worries of gentrification and preservation of space are not vital issues at hand. Rather, commercialization is priority - and signages thus adapt to fit the commercial trends accordingly.
In looking at New Chinatown, similar sentiments can be argued. However, what may be different from the usage of flashy signs in contrast to those used in Old Chinatown is the intention behind such usage. Whereas the flashy signs in Old Chinatown may be arguable to be a means of "preservation" through creating Chineseness, the flashy signs in Guy-Concordia could be argued to be mostly a consequence of simply marketing and commercialization: as a way to attract passerbys attention and grab them into entering their stores. Why do we feel so? Because of what languages are used on these signs. Whereas most of the Old Chinatown signs with flashy indicators use Chinese characters, those in Guy-Concordia are dominanted primarily by French and English (or possibly by the restaurant's logo). Through the difference in language, it may hint to the intentions and motivations behind these flashy signs.