In 1973, the term Ebonics, known today as African-American Vernacular English, was made to stray away from 1960s terms used for their speech that was attached to harmful connotations. The word had not been popularized and used for a long time until 1996, when the Oakland Unified School District tried to establish it as an African language standalone from academic English (Rickford). This motion has set various linguists and masses into debates about the decision. Misunderstandings arose as people interpreted the proposal as teaching Ebonics as a subject or teaching while using Ebonics. After the controversy, the district decided to reform its proposal, specifying the goal to use Ebonics as a bridging tool for learning rather than replacing academic English altogether. This helped gain support from people, and the motion was set forth (Mufwene). However, Ebonics was again involved in drawbacks after a middle-class elementary school was not included in implementing Ebonics in education. The lawyers argued that the children’s speech rights were not satisfied, thus causing another mass uproar. This caused the removal of Ebonics and the implementation of using academic English in education. In 1997, people tried to revive Ebonics in education but failed to do so after being accused of prioritizing political and racial motifs rather than the educational interests of the community (Chandler).
African-American Vernacular English has also become present in legal systems, or courtrooms, to be more specific. AAVE has always been a topic of discussion in courtrooms, with jurors finding witnesses or defendants “not that credible” because of their way of speech. Another issue lies within court transcribers who have, most often than not, inaccurately transcribed testimonies of people who use AAVE due to a lack of knowledge of the dialect. These mistranslations often lead to false reports, producing an invalid court decision basis. However, people would argue that this is deeply rooted in preexisting prejudices against the African community due to the court’s lack of care in providing proper training in dialects, especially AAVE, for essential persons in the courtroom (Winter and Scott-Bacon).
African-American Vernacular English has also made its way to pop culture through different means. Music and television are some of the most popular ways people are exposed to AAVE. With this, it is essential to remember that representation is a factor to consider when releasing AAVE into pop culture due to the culture’s way of influencing perceptions of certain groups. Countless narratives of AAVE being used to talk about violence in the African community have been produced through songs and films. Although it may not pose harm to the naked eye, the subliminal relation between AAVE and violence becomes a threat to the perception of people in the community (Shammet). This will be further elaborated on in the following pages.
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Chandler, D.L. “Little Known Black History Fact: The Battle over Ebonics.” Black America Web, 7 Oct. 2021, https://blackamericaweb.com/2020/01/17/little-known-black-history-fact-the-battle-over-ebonics/.
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Mufwene, Salikoko. “Ebonics.” Encyclopædia Britannica, Encyclopædia Britannica, Inc., n.d., https://www.britannica.com/topic/Ebonics.
Rickford, John. “What Is Ebonics (African American English)?” Linguistic Society of America, n.d., https://www.linguisticsociety.org/content/what-ebonics-african-american-english.
Shammet, Tagwa. “AAVE Is Not Your Internet Slang. It Is Black Culture. The Commonwealth Times.” The Commonwealth Times, 18 Feb. 2021, https://commonwealthtimes.org/2021/02/18/aave-is-not-your-internet-slang-it-is-black-culture/.
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Winter, Ryan, and Claire Scott-Bacon. “Courtroom Semantics: The Impact of Ebonics.” Monitor on Psychology, American Psychological Association, 2016, https://www.apa.org/monitor/2016/10/jn.