Reading the Ending of "Game of Thrones": Patriarchal Ideology and Women (Mis)representation | Blog Post #1 [Navarro]
In the context of media, representation and ideology are inextricably linked. It can even be said that the two are mutually reinforcing. As Shoemaker and Reese (2014) noted, even as media content is shaped by ideology, it also serves the same by maintaining the status quo. For instance, the under/misrepresentation of minorities in media is arguably conditioned by ideology in as much as it imposes “beliefs about who is and isn’t worthy of inclusion, what roles are appropriate for different groups, and what is just” (Croteau & Hoynes, 2019, p. 288). In turn, this under/misrepresentation, in so far as they are perceived as reliable reflections of reality, perpetuates the ideology.
Let’s take patriarchy as an example. Patriarchal ideology glorifies men as inherently superior and more valuable than women; it advances masculinity as dominance and femininity as weakness. This ideology used to seep into media unapologetically then but now it assumes more subtle forms. In the international entertainment scene for example, while there is an effort to include a proportional number of women and other marginalized sectors as protagonists, narratives still inevitably shift to the theme of white male dominance. Let’s consider the highly acclaimed Game of Thrones. While it has an array of characters that represent various marginalized sectors and appears to elevate women to a pedestal of superiority through the characters of Cersei and Daenerys, by the end of the story, power (as embodied in the crown) still goes back to men in the person of the omniscient, Bran.
It is important at this point to note that the ending was written by two men. In this regard, the analysis of content as reflection of producers -- and their fantasy as Zizek (2019) noted -- may be relevant, on top of reading it as an enclosed text as undertaken herein (Croteau & Hoynes, 2019, p. 288).
Writing about the ending of the Game of Thrones, a philosopher and cultural critic noted that “The view of Daenerys with mad-furious expression flying on a dragon and burning houses and people expresses patriarchal ideology with its fear of a strong political woman” (Zizek, 2019). That it was necessary for her (and Cersei) to be eliminated is thus symptomatic of patriarchy’s anti-feminine ideal of women as docile, timid, and subordinate. It perpetuates the idea – in as much as “readers and audiences develop… [a] sense of the social world through their exposure to… entertainment media” (Croteau & Hoynes, 2019, p. 341) – that women are not ought to be capable of taking part in politics, handling power and inflicting violence (qualities often associated with men) even if it is for emancipation and justice. Consequently, it establishes and shapes our social reality (Shoemaker & Reese, 2014) in and around patriarchy.
This disparity and stereotype in representation couldn’t be truer, and perhaps even more pronounced, in the context of the Philippines. In the country, the efforts to abolish gender expectations and roles is constantly hampered by movies and soaps that reinforces the image of a meek, obedient wife and the domineering husband who is the ultimate authority in family-centered narratives. Hopefully, as society gradually breaks free from the reins of patriarchy, and moves towards inclusivity, media representations would render equal visibility and be more empowering not only for women but also for other marginalized groups.
References:
Croteau, D. & Hoynes, W. (2019). Media/Society: Technology, Industries, Contents, and Users (6th ed.). Sage Publications, Inc.
Shoemaker, P. J., & Reese, S. D. (2014). Mediating the message in the 21st century: A media sociology perspective. Routledge.
Zizek, S. (2019, May 22). Game of Thrones tapped into fears of revolution and political women – and left us no better off than before. Independent. https://www.independent.co.uk/voices/game-thrones-season-8-finale-bran-daenerys-cersei-jon-snow-zizek-revolution-a8923371.html
Photo on the background from https://www.reportr.world/news/isko-moreno-press-conference-leni-robredo-macho-politics-a4833-20220417
From “bewildered herd” to pranksters: Subverting the anti-Robredo propaganda through memes | Blog Post #2 [Navarro]
In the book, Media Control, Noam Chomsky spoke of the media consuming masses as a “bewildered herd”. Accordingly, he claimed that the state and the ruling elite find it necessary to tame the herd through the manufacture of consent by means of propaganda. In this sense, corporate media, especially the mass and broadcast media, are viewed not as institutions dedicated to critical and quality journalism. Instead, their objectives are traced to profit via the commodification of audiences whom they sell to other businesses (e.g., advertisers). They are, likewise, treated as ideological state apparatus that primarily serve the interests of the ruling elite and the state through the perpetuation of elite and state narratives. Further, their function is to propagate propaganda to ensure non-coercive control over the public in what are considered democratic societies (Chomsky, 2002; Shoemaker & Reese, 2014).
What is most striking in these insights by Chomsky in relation to this module's focus on active users, is the treatment of the media consuming public as mere spectators (i.e., bewildered herd) prohibited “to become participants in action” (Chomsky, 2002, p. 12). Arguably, such an analysis is in part due to the subject of analysis, namely the mass and broadcast media (e.g., newspapers and televisions) which are underpinned by the producer-consumer dynamics where media institutions are the main producers of content while consumers are relegated to the role of impressionable audiences/spectators. But considering the rise of the internet and participatory culture (Croteau & Hoynes, 2019), does this observation still hold water? Perhaps, yes, considering that many still rely on mass and broadcast media for information. What is certain, however, is that the internet, through active users who can simultaneously create and distribute contents, has enabled various forms of resistance against elite and state propaganda.
One of these forms of resistance is culture jamming. It is originally defined as ways or tactics employed to criticize and subvert the reigning consumer culture (Croteau & Hoynes, 2019; Shoemaker & Reese, 2014). But its utility has since extended to the realm of politics as it is used to resist dominant narratives, state propaganda, or otherwise expose and mock the gaffes of political personalities. Pranking, which involves the co-optation and sabotage of state/elite/consumerist messages and/or symbols, is one of the tactics used in culture jamming (Croteau & Hoynes, 2019) and is exemplified by the works of Joey Skaggs (Amaze, 2019). It is manifest in social media, among others, through memes – “user-generated digital content… distributed to a wide audience via informal networks… [that] frequently lampoon, or champion, political actors, and issues, often using parody and humor” (Huntington, 2017). That memes can be a form of pranking that critiques and subverts political machinations and propaganda is demonstrated just recently in the context of the fast-approaching Philippine election.
On April 17, 2022, Easter Sunday, presidential candidates Francisco “Isko Moreno” Domagoso, Panfilo “Ping” Lacson, and Norberto Gonzales alongside Vice-presidentiables Doc Willie Ong and Tito Sotto called for a press conference. During the meeting, a joint and vacuous statement about “unity” was read. For the most part, however, it featured inane claims and innuendoes punctuated with misogyny against leading presidential candidate VP Leni Robredo. The message that the VP should withdraw from the presidential race as a “sacrifice” (for reasons that evades logic) was also oft repeated and emphasized by Isko Moreno. Other presidential candidates distance themselves from the explicit call of Moreno but arguably their expressed sentiments do not stray far from his.
As a response to this political maneuver to discredit and pull the rug from underneath the candidacy of Robredo, discerning social media users and Robredo supporters have created and distributed memes that appropriated and parodied the message of the press conference. And, in effect depriving it of any legitimacy. As can be seen in some of the examples below, the call for VP Robredo to “withdraw” was rendered with humor in the most literal sense. Moreover, other circulated memes (1) mocked the "drama" of Isko; (2) appropriated the format of withdrawal receipts to validate the claims of Robredo; and (3) took advantage of the occasion's timing with Easter to invoke religious imageries to invalidate the claims of the three (3) presidentiables.
In sum, it can be said that indeed, the internet and the participatory culture that it enabled, has shifted the status of media consumers from that of a “bewildered herd” to that of active users qua pranksters who are able to engage with and critique propaganda. Moreover, such critical engagement may come among other forms through memes that parody and undermine political maneuvers aimed at misleading the public.
References:
Amaze. (2019, August 31). Joey Skaggs: Art of the Prank [Video]. Youtube. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=RIygY-BHXyM
Chomsky, N. (2002). Media control: The spectacular achievements of propaganda. Seven Stories Press.
Croteau, D. & Hoynes, W. (2019). Media/Society: Technology, Industries, Contents, and Users (6th ed.). Sage Publications, Inc.
Huntington, H. E. (2017). The affect and effect of internet memes: Assessing perceptions and influence of online user-generated political discourse as media (Doctoral dissertation, Colorado State University). https://mountainscholar.org/bitstream/handle/10217/183936/Huntington_colostate_0053A_14303.pdf
Shoemaker, P.J. and Reese, S.D. (2014). Mediating the message in the 21st century: A media sociology perspective. 3 rd ed. Routlege.