Registration Procedures

In every state except North Dakota, individuals are required to register to vote. Many states previously mandated a residency of at least one year, but in 1972, the Supreme Court determined that any requirement longer than three months infringed on citizens' rights to vote and travel. Voter registration involves putting one's name on a government list before participating in elections. In 1993, Congress enacted the National Voter Registration Act, also known as Motor Voter. This law mandates that states offer voter registration to individuals applying for services like driver’s licenses, and it allows mail-in voter registration. States cannot remove individuals from the voter rolls simply for not voting, nor can they impose registration deadlines more than 31 days before an election. By 2010, nine states and the District of Columbia permitted same-day registration on Election Day. 


Turns out, in most of the rest of the democratic world, there’s no separate step called registration. It happens automatically. Or, to put it a bit differently, in most of the democracies, registering citizens to vote is the responsibility of the government. In general, the governments know the names, ages and addresses of most of its citizens and — except in the United States — provide the appropriate polling place with a list of those qualified to vote. The voter just has to show up. 


However, the U.S. stands out among democracies by placing the responsibility of registration on the voter rather than the government. Many countries maintain national voter lists; for example, Elections Canada manages the National Register of Electors, which is regularly updated from various sources, including motor vehicle registries. In contrast, the U.S. lacks a national voter list, with each state following its own procedures. The American registration and voting system faces significant criticism. Some argue that it is highly susceptible to fraud, prompting several states in 2011 and 2012 to introduce or consider laws requiring voters to present photo ID or proof of citizenship for registration or voting.

Restrictions on voting may lead to reduced participation and could disproportionately affect low-income individuals who often lack the required documentation. There is a consensus on the inefficiency within the system. Research has shown nearly 2 million deceased individuals on voter rolls, 3 million with registrations across multiple states, and around 12 million records that contain incorrect addresses. Critics highlight that the U.S. has lower voter turnout compared to most developed nations. Voter turnout can be measured in two main ways. The first method calculates the turnout by dividing the total number of votes cast in an election by the number of registered voters. Since registered voters are typically more engaged, this metric reveals the proportion of those who actually vote but does not consider individuals who did not register. Scholars often prefer a second method, which divides the number of votes by the voting-age population (VAP)—all residents aged 18 and older. In 2000, just over half of the U.S. voting-age population participated, while more than two-thirds of registered voters did. Regardless of the method, voter turnout in the U.S. is consistently lower than that in democracies where most adults are registered. Even though participation has been rising since 1996, turnout among the VAP is still lower than it was in 1960. The decrease is partly due to the inclusion of younger voters, who tend to vote less frequently, after the Twenty-sixth Amendment allowed those aged 18 to 20 to be counted in the VAP. Additionally, the VAP includes many individuals who cannot vote, such as resident noncitizens and certain felons, which has increased the population count without affecting the number of eligible voters. When focusing on the voter-eligible population (VEP), turnout improved from 56.2% in 1972 to 61.6% in 2008. Voter participation tends to be higher in presidential elections and lower in non-presidential ones, a phenomenon known as drop-off. For instance, in 2008, over 9 million individuals voted for president but skipped voting for congressional candidates, which scholars refer to as roll-off. Despite advancements like the Motor Voter law, turnout remains below its potential. One reason is how individuals evaluate the costs and benefits of voting. Costs are not merely financial, especially since poll taxes have been abolished, but also include the time and effort required to vote. Registering is one cost, as individuals must re-register whenever they change addresses. In 2011, around 45.3 million people had moved within a year, highlighting this barrier. Another cost is the necessity to understand multiple races on the ballot; more offices mean more information to consider. In contrast to countries where voters face only a few elections every few years, Americans often encounter extensive ballots with frequent elections. For example, a civic leader from Michigan noted having voted for a total of 50 state officials, which can intimidate potential voters.


Felon disfranchisement

According to “A Different Democracy: American Government in a 31-Country Perspective,” the United States is also the only one of the 31 democracies that allows for felons to be barred for life from voting. It doesn’t happen to happen to most felons, and it varies state by state (and the degree of state-to-state variance is among the strangenesses of U.S. democracy compared to most others).

Eleven of the 31 democracies (including our neighbor Canada) allow felons to vote from prison. So do Maine and Vermont.