Middle Kólşärkic

The Middle Kólşärkic Language—also called Lower Middle Kólşärkic, Lower Kólşärkic, or just Kólşärkic when there is no ambiguity—was the common tongue of the Kingdom of the Lower Kólşärk and a major language of the Heartland during the late Warring Kingdoms Period. It was the effective lingua franca of the Central and Southern Heartland during the waning years of the period. It's immediate descendant was Late Kólşärkic, also called Early Heartlandic, was was the lingua franca of the First Kingdom of the Heartland and the early Heartland Empire.

History

Middle Kólşärkic was a member of the Hestian languages, and more directly a member of the Heartlandic branch of the South-Hestian languages. It was closely related to other Heartlandic languages, with its closest living relative during its lifetime being the Late Curvusic language of the South Bend. It was also distantly related to other languages, such as the various Ignisian languages. Its descendants, including its immediate descendant Late Kólşärkic (also called Early Heartlandic) became the de facto official languages of the Heartland Empire and thus the lingua francas of much of the Southeastern Interior.

Phonology

While much of the following is general to the various dialects of Middle Kólşärkic, it was specific to the dialect spoken on the island of Hetóyzi Tyotí in Kértukoynay Kólşärktes, also called the Royal Dialect. This was the dialect spoken by the Paklyéşëpkòlut royal family and the nobility of Kértukoynay Kólşärktes.

Phoneme Inventory

Consonants

Middle Kólşärkic had a phonemic distinction between so-called hard and soft consonants. Soft consonants were those that were palatalized, and hard consonants were those that were non-palatalized. Every consonant except /j/ came in hard and soft varieties. Also important was the contrast between dental and alveolar fricatives, affricates, and non-nasal plosives.

The romanization of Middle Kólşärkic consonants was as follows.

/p pʲ t̪ t̪ʲ t tʲ k kʲ/ <p py ţ ţy t ty k ky>

/t̪͡s̪ t̪͡s̪ʲ t͡s t͡sʲ/ <z̧ z̧y z zy>

/f fʲ θ θʲ s sʲ x xʲ/ <v vy ş şy s sy h hy>

/m mʲ n nʲ/ <m my n ny>

/l lʲ j/ <l ly y>

/ɾ ɾʲ/ <r ry>

Vowels

The following is the romanization of Early Heartlandic vowels.

/i u/ <i u>

/e ə o/ <e ë o>

/a ɑ/ <a ä>

Note that /ɑ/ in a stressed syllable is denoted with <â>.

Phonotactics

Onset

Nucleus

Coda

World-Level Rules

Allophony

Sandhi

Internal Sandhi

Morphology

Middle Kólşärkic's nominal and verbal inflectional morphologies were generally fusional, with occasional agglutinative elements. This means that most affixation, specifically the affixation of the most-required inflectional elements, were marked through morphemes that were heavy in their semantic and syntactic content, while some less-required elements (such as possession) were formed through additional affixation. For verbal morphology, the typical system can be demonstrated with the verb näşhulş, which consists of the morphemes näş- and -hulş. Näş- means "to pray", while -hulş denotes future tense, progressive aspect, imperative aspect, and antipassive voice. For nouns, this can be demonstrated with pehíto and pehítul, which mean "a house" and "my house", respectively. Pehi- means "house", "home", or "dwelling", while -to marks singular number, ergative case, inanimate class, and definiteness. -ul is a second affix that marks for first person, singular number, and possession.

Nominal Morphology

Nouns could maximally take the following form, where boldface denotes the stem and italics denote optional elements or portions that are syntactically optional.

root-aug/dim-hon-case.num.class.def-poss

Thus, the most minimal form a word could take was a root followed by a suffix that denoted case, number, class, and possibly definiteness. Definiteness was incorporated into the preceding suffix but was only optionally marked (see below for more details). These can be demonstrated by the words túlnke and túlnkey, meaning "a king" (though not necessarily denoting indefiniteness) and "the king" respectively (where túlnk- means "king" or "lord", -e means singular number, absolutive case, and person noun class, and -ey means the same but with definiteness). Maximal examples are túlnkoyirila, túlnkoyirey, and túlnkoyire, meaning approximately "Our Great and Respected King", "The Great and Respected King", and "A Great and Respected King". Here, -oy is an augmentative, -ir is a politeness marker, and -ula (merged with -e through internal sandhi rules to become -ila) is a third person plural possession marker.

Cases

There were fourteen cases in Middle Kólşärkic: as an ergative-accusative language there were three core, syntactic cases and then eleven other cases. The core cases were,

The remaining eleven cases are (excluding the vocative case) positional, and relating to spatial, temporal, or conceptual relations.

Number

There were two number paradigms which nouns broadly fell into: the singular-dual-plural paradigm and the singulative-plurative-collective paradigm. These were not generally predictable except from semantic properties. That is, the latter generally applied to food, tools, resources, and animals or other objects generally considered en masse, while the latter applied to all other nouns. This method was imperfect and each had exceptions.

Singular-Dual-Plural

The singular-dual-plural paradigm was the most common paradigm in Middle Kólşärkic, with a majority of nouns declining as such. The three number in this paradigm were,

By the time of Middle Kólşärkic the dual number—which was historically prominent—had become marginalized and rarely used. This manifested in three patterns.

The restricted dual and lost dual patterns were most common, with the Lower Kólşärk serving as a good isogloss dividing the western speakers using the restricted dual pattern from the eastern speakers using the lost dual pattern. The defective dual was highly marginal, and only found in rural speakers in the region of the Pit. Even there, it was an uncommon pattern.

The table below provides a brief look at how these patterns apply in practice. Noble komó- is not in the "naturally-paired" class, while leg há- is.

Singulative-Plurative-Collective

The singulative-plurative-collective paradigm was the second, less-common number paradigm.

The plurative number was an innovation to Middle Kólşärkic, and even then only in the most innovative dialects. The most common area for this change was the area around Kértukoynay Kólşärktes, as well as many areas to the east. Here, the plurative was adapted from the plural number of the singular-dual-plural paradigm. In other areas, those lacking the plurative number, specific counts of a number greater than one were measured using a genitive construction in the singular form, together with a classifier.

The table below shows an example of the Singulative-Collective number paradigm, especially for the distinction between plurative and non-plurative dialects.

Classes

Middle Kólşärkic preserves the three-way class distinction from Proto-Hestian.

Definiteness

There is a definite vs. non-definite distinction in conjugational suffixes of Middle Kólşärkic. For consonant-final suffixes, this was indicated by palatalization (komólik "nobles" vs komóliky "the nobles") while in vowel-final suffixes this was indicated by the formation of a "long vowel", which was one of /uj ej oj aj ɑj/. When the base suffix was already palatalized or already contained a long vowel, the formation of the definite-form suffix varied.

It is important to note that the non-definite variant of the did not encode indefiniteness, which instead must be inferred from context. This is because after the introduction of a definite noun the non-definite form could be resumed.

Possession

Possession was dually-marked: the head would take a suffix that agreed with the possessor, and the dependent would decline for the genitive case. The suffix on the head agreed for person and number. In third person, it also agreed with the noun class of the possessor, whether it was person or animate. Objects in the inanimate noun class could not be marked for possession in this manner, and instead were denoted pariphrastically.

Not all nouns could be marked as possessed in this manner. Those that could formed the class of possessable nouns, while the remaining nouns were non-possessable. The former included domesticated animals, many plants, tools, structures (such as houses, forts, and so on), and money. Non-possessable objects included family members, possessions, wild animals, land and landscape features, and weather.

Possessed nouns were treated specially for definiteness. They would always be marked for it, even if they otherwise wouldn't be (e.g., if the object was unknown but owned, or if the object had already been introduced and definiteness could be dropped otherwise according to non-possessed rules). This behavior was common in most dialects, but was not present in some dialects of the southeast along the Kólşärk Sea.

Pronouns were dropped following a possessed noun, e.g. house-sng.abs.inan-poss.3sg Valyárh-sng.gen.pers "Valyárh's house" versus house-sng.abs.inan-poss.2sg "your house". Pronouns could be re-introduced as an intensifier or for clarification, as in slave-sng.abs.pers-poss.1pl "my slave" versus slave-sng.abs.person-poss.1pl 1pl.gen.pers "our slave" (as opposed to someone else's slave). Synrchonically this behavior is because, for pronouns, all information conveyed by pronouns is also conveyed by the possessive suffixes, and so except for purposes of intensification pronouns are redundant. Diachronically, this behavior is because the possessive affixes evolved from possessive determiners, which themselves evolved from possessive pronouns (which were lost by the time of Middle Kólşärkic).

Augmentatives and Diminutives

There are a number each of augmentatives and diminutives in Middle Kólşärkic, but the most common were -oy and -yi respectively. These were present in, for example, túlnkoyey and Luşoyey—meaning "the great king" and "the High God" respectively—and child-yi meaning "young child" or "little child". These two carried the generic meanings of "large", "great", "high", or "above" (-oy) and "small", "lesser", "low", or "below" (-yi) and could be used in many situations.

Other Augmentatives

In addition to -oy, there were other augmentatives with more specific and restrictive uses.

Honorifics

Middle Kólşärkic has two primary honorifics, affixed to nouns: the politeness marker -ir (pol) and the humility marker -erk (huml). -ir marks nouns relating to those perceived to have higher social rank; -erk was complementary, and marked nouns that were showing deference to one perceived to have higher social rank. The two were often used in tandem, and this was more likely the greater the social distance between persons. For example, a child speaking to their parent may only use the politeness marker, a person speaking to their teacher, priest, or lord would almost certainly use both in addition to other honorifics.

-ir had a secondary function of coordinating with the various honorific clitics in the language. Grammaticalized clitics always required that the head of the noun phrase they're attached to. This is visible in, for example, the phrase kyúmäş-pol-sng.voc.per=lord "Lord Kyúmäş", with the politeness marker and honorific in bold.

The following shows several examples of when the politeness and humility markers appear, as well as some of the honorific clitics. The honorifics in the following are in bold.

Verbal Morphology

Middle Kólşärkic verbs had a much lower tendency towards agglutination than nouns, and were instead analyzed in an analytic-fusional combination. This largely manifested as various particles and clitics, but also as auxiliary verbs.

Tense

There was a simple three-way distinction between past (pst), present (prs), and future (fut). The present tense was least-marked. These tenses are demonstrated in the following table.

A point that needs to be clarified is that "They run." in the above does not indicate any habitual or repeat behavior (i.e., it does not convey They run. in the same sense as in the brief conversation, "What do they do in the morning?" "They run."). It is instead closer to the use of this phrase in the sentence, "I open the door, and they run." There is no internal structure to the act of running, just an indication that the act had occurred.

Aspect

The language had five aspects.

The habitual, perfective, and progressive aspects were carried over from Proto-Hestian, while the syntactic inceptive and cessative aspects were Kólşärkic innovations from the Pre-Heartlandic paraphrastic forms.

Mood

The four moods of Pre-Heartlandic were preserved.

Voice

There are five voices.

Samples

The Farmer and His Children

Pásyuteh z̧unyosy pëlahole Ikyelësyil. Tilómävyil kokéthole Molmëş yä mäk hoşpro Äyhímar. Tirótekil mupoli, säy lyunktosi Tilópihyil Ikyelustil opú nóslätosi: "Tilóţohyil, Läytsyo yä eley şoşţosi Volómëş, Eţúkreh nóslätosi ise vi Paklúyul ţesyon Mólistetyest Äyhíremy Läytsyo yä eley pëlatos opú Paklúyur nir tor kopápro."

A farmer laid dying in his bed. His children argued how they should divide the farm. With his last breaths, he called the children to his bed then spoke: "My children, when I was young, Eţúkro spoke to me and told me that a great fortune exists in this farm's soils. When I have died, this fortune will belong to you."