Research

The Internet and the 2020 Campaign, 2021. Lexington Books

Co-edited with Dr. Jody C Baumgartner


“The Internet and the 2020 Campaign” explores the continued evolution of the Internet’s role in presidential campaigns. Although many developments surrounding the Internet campaign are now considered to be standard fare, there are a number of new developments in 2020.


This volume includes twelve chapters covering the following topics:

*Information manipulation

*Digital media expenditures in campaigning

*Incivility in Congressional campaigns

*Twitter discourse and activists

*Instagram's role in campaigning

*Media dependency and source effects

*Fact checking

*Presidential communication


Election Countdown: lnstagram's Role in Visualizing the 2020 Campaign

The photo-sharing app, Instagram, has become the hottest place to learn about the 2020 campaigns, offering a visual connection between candidates and potential voters.

A look at the Instagram posts among the Democratic candidates, Biden, Gabbard, Sanders and Warren, and the Republican incumbent, Trump, revealed three widely used messaging strategies: informational; transformational; and interactional.

2020 Great Lakes Poll

The Baldwin Wallace Great Lakes Poll has partnered with Oakland University and Ohio Northern University to survey respondents in Ohio, Michigan, Pennsylvania, and Wisconsin about their attitudes toward the Democratic presidential candidates, President Trump, state-level officeholders, the Electoral College, social media attention, the importance of political issues, and many other topics.

Will President Trump win again in the Great Lakes states in 2020? Which Democratic presidential candidate is leading in each state?

Read more about the Great Lakes Survey including top line results and survey methodology here.

Together with Jody Baumgartner I edited a textbook entitled “The Internet and the 2016 Presidential Campaign

Although many developments surrounding the Internet campaign are now considered to be standard fare, there were a number of new developments in 2016. Drawing on original research conducted by leading experts, The Internet and the 2016 Presidential Campaign attempts to cover these developments in a comprehensive fashion.

How are campaigns making use of the Internet to organize and mobilize their ground game? To communicate their message?

The book also examines how citizens made use of online sources to become informed, follow campaigns, and participate. Contributions also explore how the Internet affected developments in media reporting, both traditional and non-traditional, about the campaign. What other messages were available online, and what effects did these messages have had on citizen’s attitudes and vote choice? The book examines these questions in an attempt to summarize the 2016 online campaign.

My most recent research focuses on digital sources specifically looking at the role of Instagram in the 2016 election and how age and social media use influence political perceptions.

"Instagramming Issues: Agenda Setting during the 2016 Presidential Campaign.” 2020. Social Media + Society. July. doi:10.1177/2056305120940803 Co-authored with Caroline Lego Munoz.

Abstract: Mass media can set the public’s agenda, particularly during political campaigns. In the social media era, the public can now also set the mass media’s agenda, resulting in intermedia agenda setting. This study’s purpose is to examine the intermedia agenda-setting effects between Instagram posts and mainstream newspapers during the 2016 presidential primary period. To test this relationship, a content analysis was conducted, recording the frequency of political issue mentions in newspaper articles and Instagram posts throughout the presidential primary period. Cross-correlations were then estimated to examine the direction of the influence of the frequency of issue mentions in newspaper articles and Instagram posts. Findings indicate differences between the salient issues in traditional newspapers and Instagram posts during the presidential primary. Additional results suggest a limited intermedia agenda-setting relationship between the issue agendas of mainstream newspapers and Instagram posts.

Baby Boom or Bust?: The New Media Effect on Political Participation.” 2018. The Journal of Political Marketing 17:32-61. Co-authored with Caroline Lego Munoz.

Abstract: A considerable number of studies have investigated the influence of new media on political attitudes and behaviors. However, much of this research focuses on young people, ignoring other age cohorts, particularly Baby Boomers (born between 1946 and 1964). To fill this gap, this research examines the influence of attention to specific forms of traditional and online media on Baby Boomers’ online and offline political participation during the fall 2012 U.S. presidential campaign. Drawing on a Baby Boomer survey panel, responses were collected during the 2012 general election to analyze the empirical relationship between attention to traditional and online media sources and political participation. Data analyses reveal that Boomers’ attention to traditional media sources, particularly television, did not increase their offline and online political participation. Instead, various forms of offline and online participation were consistently heightened by Boomers’ attention to presidential candidate websites. In addition, attention to Facebook for campaign information was positively linked to online engagement. Boomers’ attention to blogs, Twitter, and YouTube were associated with only certain types of online and offline activities.

Picture Perfect?: The Role of Instagram in the 2016 Presidential Primary Campaign.” 2017. Social Science Computer Review, 1-16. doi: 10.1177/0894439317728222. Co- authored with Caroline Lego Munoz. (Presented at the Annual Meeting of the Midwest Political Science Association)

Abstract: Instagram emerged as a pivotal campaign tool in the 2016 presidential campaign. This study examines the agenda-setting effects between the presidential primary candidates’ Instagram posts and articles published in the mainstream newspapers during the primary period. A reciprocal relationship between Democratic and Republican candidates’ Instagram posts and newspaper articles is expected. A content analysis of issues recorded daily issue frequencies in each medium which were then examined using a time-series analysis. Results offer evidence of a relationship between Democratic and Republican candidates’ Instagram posts and newspapers on some of the top issues in the primary campaign. However, the findings also reveal that candidate Instagram posts independently predicted newspapers’ issue agendas on certain issues with no reverse effects.

The Image is the Message: Instagram Marketing and the 2016 Presidential Primary Season.” 2017. Journal of Political Marketing, 16(3-4), 290-318. doi:10.1080/15377857.2017.1334254. Co-authored with Caroline Lego Munoz.

Abstract: The 2016 presidential primary candidates expanded their social media marketing campaigns to include the image- and video-centered social network platform Instagram. To explore the role that images play in framing political character development and to identify which images received higher levels of engagement, content analyses were performed on the top seven primary candidates’ Instagram accounts. Results indicate that candidates most frequently employ the ideal candidate frame in their images, which also garnered the highest number of user likes and comments. Results also reveal that among Instagram image attributes, candidates frequently and successfully used text within their images, but filters were inconsistently applied across the candidates.

Boomers versus Millennials: Online Media Influence on Political Perceptions and Media Performance.” 2016. Social Sciences, 5(4):56. Co-authored with Caroline Lego Munoz.

Abstract: Facebook posts, YouTube videos, tweets and wooing political bloggers have become standard practice in marketing political campaigns. Research has demonstrated the effect of new media on a host of politically-related behavior, including political participation, knowledge acquisition, group formation and self-efficacy. Yet, issues related to media trust, media performance and candidate evaluations have not been fully explored. In addition, much of the political marketing research looks exclusively at the Millennial age cohort, ignoring other age groups, particularly Baby Boomers. This case study addresses whether attention to traditional (i.e., television, hard-copy newspapers and radio) and online media sources (i.e., political candidate websites, television network websites, online newspapers, Facebook, Twitter, YouTube, Tumblr and political blogs) about the 2012 U.S. presidential campaign influences Millennials and Baby Boomers’ media trust and performance ratings, as well as candidate evaluations. Panel surveys were completed by both age cohorts, Millennials (n = 431) and Baby Boomers (n = 360), during the last two weeks of the presidential election. Findings indicate that traditional sources, specifically television, rather than online sources are significantly linked to media trust and performance ratings among both Boomers and Millennials. Attention to traditional media for campaign information predicts Boomers’ candidate evaluations, whereas Millennials’ candidate evaluations are influenced by online sources, such as Facebook and candidate websites.

My forthcoming publications include:

“A Long Story Short: An Analysis of Instagram Stories during the 2020 Campaigns.” 2021. Co-authored with Caroline Lego Munoz. Journal of Political Marketing, forthcoming.

“Let’s Face It!: Understanding the Effect of Faces on Instagram Engagement in the 2016 Presidential Primary Season.” Under Review.


My research interests include examining how new media sources, particularly Web 2.0 sources, influence attitudes toward politics.

“C-SPAN in Changing Spaces of Political Communications.” 2018. In The Year in C-SPAN Archives Research, Robert Browning. ed. Purdue University Press.

“The Infographic Election: The Role of Visual Content on Social Media in the 2016 Presidential Primary Campaign.” 2017. In The Presidency and Social Media: Discourse, Disruption, and Digital Democracy in the 2016 Presidential Election, John Allen Hendricks and Dan Schill. eds., New York: Routledge, 236-262.

“Lessons from the Social Media Revolution: A Look Back at Social Media’s Role in Political Campaigning.” 2017. In Social Media: A Reference Handbook. Kelli S. Burns, ed. ABC-CLIO, 167-170.

Information Hubs or Drains?: The Role of Online Sources in Campaign Learning.” 2017. In Handbook of Research on Citizen Engagement and Public Participation in the Era of New Media. Marco Adria and Yuping Mao, eds., IGI Global, 157-178.

Abstract: This chapter investigates the link between young adults’ attention to campaign information on offline and online media and their knowledge about political facts and candidate issues. The findings, based on a unique, three-wave panel survey conducted during the 2012 U.S. presidential election, show that attention to campaign information on offline sources, such as television, hard-copy newspapers, and radio, was not significantly related to political knowledge. Instead, young adults’ attention to online sources played a more important role. Specifically, political knowledge levels were significantly and positively linked to attention to campaign information in online newspapers and television campaign websites. In contrast, attention to campaign information on social media, particularly Facebook and Google+, was negatively related to political knowledge levels during the fall campaign period. Therefore, this study suggests that certain forms of online media serve as a drain on political knowledge whereas attention to other digital outlets can serve as hubs of information.

The Influence of Twitter Posts on Candidate Perceptions: The 2014 Michigan Midterms.” 2016. In Communication and Mid-Term Elections: Media, Message, and Mobilization. John Allen Hendricks and Dan Schill, eds., New York: Palgrave, 145-167.

Abstract: The number of people actively participating in online social networking is ever increasing. According to a Pew Research Center survey (Smith, 2014), 16 percent of registered voters follow political candidates, parties, or officials on social networking sites such as Facebook and Twitter; this has increased from 6 percent since 2010. Forty-one percent reported they follow political figures on social media so they could find out about political news before other people (Smith, 2014). Twitter, a microblogging site that allows users to post 140 characters or less, is becoming increasingly popular among the public as well as current officeholders and political candidates. In the 2012 Republican primaries, for example, all candidates seeking office were present on Twitter. Twitter use is not limited to the top of the ticket, however. Twitter was also widely employed by candidates vying for US Senate, US House, and governor in 2010 (e.g., Hanna, Sayre, Bode, Yang, & Shah, 2011; Parmelee & Bichard, 2012). Indeed, Twitter has become a vital communication tool for campaigns, politicians, political parties, protesters, and voters (Price, 2012; Vergeer, Hermans, & Sams, 2013).

Rethinking the Measurement and Meaning of Political Trust.” 2015. In Political Trust and Disenchantment with Politics: Comparative Perspectives from around the Globe, Christina Eder, Ingvill Mochmann, Markus Quandt, eds., Brill, Netherlands. Co-authored with Suzanne L. Parker and Glenn R. Parker.

Abstract: Few areas in the study of political attitudes are as rife with controversy as the analysis of political trust. The issues touch upon measurement, conceptualization, and theory, and empirical analyses have resulted in contradictory findings. Despite a growing literature, there are lingering, fundamental questions about political trust that remain unanswered. Even basic questions such as what is being measured by the most popular indicators of political trust in the us, the American National Election Studies (anes) questions, are under contention. In this analysis, questions that remain about political trust are examined using new measures of trust in political incumbents. Specifically, a number of research questions are addressed.

“Technology Takeover?: Campaign Learning during the 2012 Presidential Election.” (with David A. Dulio). In Presidential Campaigning and Social Media: New Strategies, John Allen Hendricks, ed., New York: Routledge.

Abstract: The 2008 presidential elections expanded the Internet’s scope and reach in political campaigns. Candidates, as well as other political actors, turned to blogs, wikis, social networks, and video-sharing websites to inform, engage, and mobilize. An important question after the 2008 election was: did any of this matter? Many scholars argued that online campaigning would lead to a better-informed electorate whereas others were more skeptical. Recent research examining the 2008 campaign has mixed findings. For example, several studies revealed that younger Americans who received news and information from social networks learned very little information about politics and the candidates. Yet, attention to information to other online sources, such as candidate websites, increased political knowledge. Clearly, then, the influence of online sources on campaign learning requires further examination. We use survey data collected during the 2012 general election to analyze the empirical relationship between attention to online sources and various knowledge structures. We expect that attention to online sources, such as social networks and video-sharing sites, will have limited influence on factual or general political knowledge. Alternatively, we anticipate that many online sources will increase candidate issue knowledge and candidate likeability.

“All Political Participation is Socially Networked?: New Media in the 2012 Elections.” Social Science Computer Review. 2013. 31(5):527-541.

Abstract: Social media, such as Facebook, YouTube, and Twitter, have become key tools in candidates' campaign strategies. Despite this, the literature on social media effects is inconclusive. Considering the latter, this research examined the influence of attention to specific forms of traditional and online media on young adults' online and offline political participation as well as voter turnout during the fall 2012 presidential campaign. It is expected that attention to specific media, particularly social media, will have varying effects on levels of political engagement. The 2012 campaign period provides a unique opportunity to explore the impact of media attention on political engagement, as the data showed that offline and online participation increased and voter likelihood/turnout declined. A three-wave panel survey demonstrated that attention to traditional media did not increase offline and online political participation in September; instead, participation was heightened by attention to online sources, particularly presidential candidate websites, Facebook, Twitter, and blogs. In the following months, individual-level change in participation was attributable to attention to several online media sources as well as change in media attention. In the case of voter turnout, the results suggested that television attention was positively linked to voter likelihood in September but was negatively linked to individual-level change in voter turnout in November.

"Campaigns and Elections in a Web 2.0 World: Uses, Effects, and Implications for Democracy." 2012. In Web 2.0 Technologies and Democratic Governance: Political, Policy and Management Implications. Christopher G. Reddick and Stephen K. Aikens, ed., Springer.

Abstract: Due to the aggressive use of social media during the 2008 U.S. presidential elections, Barack Obama’s campaign is considered one of the most successful in history. Web 2.0 tools, such as YouTube, Facebook, and MySpace, were employed extensively by the Obama campaign to raise funds as well as to target, organize, and mobilize voters. As a testament to the campaign’s success, candidates in the U.S. and around the globe began to embrace social media. However, it is unclear how candidates, parties, and citizens are using Web 2.0 tools in campaigning and what effect these tools have on citizen’s political attitudes and behaviors. Drawing on recent literature, this chapter aims to examine how citizens and candidates in the U.S. and abroad use various types of Web 2.0 applications, particularly YouTube, Facebook, MySpace, and Twitter, during election campaigns. The causal influence of Web 2.0 tools on citizens’ political knowledge, government cynicism, and participation is also discussed. Last, the implications of Web 2.0 technologies for democratic discourse are summarized, such as their potential to revolutionize campaign communications and the dissemination of political information.

"New Media and Political Marketing in the United States: 2012 and Beyond." (with David A. Dulio). The Journal of Political Marketing. 2012. 11(1-2):95-119.

Abstract: Technology is an ever-evolving aspect of political campaigns in the U.S.. Even before the days when sophisticated survey research or television advertising burst on the scene, campaigners have been seeking ways to campaign more efficiently and effectively. The Internet has provided a wealth of opportunities for candidates and their campaigns to use technology in creative and innovative ways. The 2008 U.S. presidential campaign clearly illustrated this. But the question becomes: What is next? Where does new media use go from here, and, more importantly for scholars, what kind of research questions will be central studying these new uses of technology? This article begins with a discussion of where new media, and the study of it, go in 2012 and beyond. We briefly take a look back at the 2008 election in which campaigns made great strides in the use of new media, breaking new ground by using tools such as Facebook, Twitter, YouTube and other online video sharing sites, and many others in ways that had not been seen before. We also look ahead and discuss what we expect in the 2012 U.S. elections and beyond. We do this from the perspective of campaigns—how candidates and their advisers, as well as voters will use new media?—and from the perspective of scholars—what are the directions for future research in these areas?

"An Experiment of Campaign Effects during the YouTube Election." (with David A. Dulio). New Media & Society. 2011. 13(4):626-644.

Abstract: The 2008 U.S. presidential election was called the “YouTube Election.” However, scholars know little about how the Internet influences attitudes toward politics. To address this, we conduct an experiment to test the effects of exposure to the YouTube channel, “YouChoose’08,” on young adults during the 2008 U.S. presidential election. We find that those exposed to YouChoose’08 exhibit more cynicism toward the U.S. government, yet also have a heightened sense that they influence the political system. Exposure to YouChoose’08 had no affect on attitudes toward candidates or Internet sources.

"The Web 2.0 Election: Does the Online Medium Matter?" (with David A. Dulio). The Journal of Political Marketing. 2011. 10 (1&2), 165-188.

Abstract: The 2008 U.S. presidential election saw the first significant integration of Web 2.0 technologies; however, scholars know little about how Web 2.0 sources influence political attitudes. To address this, we test the effects of exposure to various Web 2.0 sources during the 2008 U.S. presidential election. We find that young adults exposed to television networks sites and candidate Web sites consider them more trustworthy and high quality than YouChoose’08 and Facebook. Moreover, YouChoose’08 viewers exhibit more government cynicism government whereas those exposed to candidate Facebook pages have a heightened sense that they influence the political system. Last, we find that YouChoose’08 and Facebook viewers are more likely to vote on Election Day.

"The Web 2.0 Election: Voter Learning in the 2008 Presidential Campaign." (with David A. Dulio). 2010. In Techno-Politics in Presidential Campaigning: New Voices, New Technologies, and New Voters. Lynda L. Kaid and John Allen Hendricks, ed., New York: Routledge.

Abstract: Scholars have begun to investigate the importance of the Web for politics. Some of these studies, however, examine “the Internet” without differentiating among distinctive types, features, and designs of online sources. The latter does not do justice to the varied online sources available to the information consumer. This was clearly seen in the 2008 presidential election when we consider the various online information sources including, online newspapers, social networks, video-sharing websites, television network websites, and candidate websites. We use survey data collected during the 2008 general election to analyze the empirical relationship between attention to these online sources and various knowledge structures. Results suggest that the role of online sources in increasing political knowledge is limited. In fact, respondents using social networks were less informed about factual and candidate issue stance information. Alternatively, we find that candidate website use boosts issue knowledge, and attention to social networks and video-sharing websites increases Obama likeability.

I am also interested in examining the role of race and ethnicity in politics.

“Media Framing of Race and Affirmative Action: The Case of the White Firefighters” (with Rosalee A. Clawson).(Earlier version presented at the G.E. Hendricks Symposium: Inequality in the Age of Obama sponsored by the Department of Political Science at the University of Nebraska, Lincoln, November 3-5, 2010)

Abstract: Unlike other political institutions, the U.S. Supreme Court is dependent on the mass media to disseminate its policy decisions to the public. Thus, the mass media play a vital role in framing the Court’s policies and ultimately shaping public support for those policies. Previous research suggests that not all media frame the Court’s decisions in the same way. We conduct a content analysis to examine variations in newspaper coverage, particularly mainstream, Black, and online-only news, of the 2009 U.S. Supreme Court ruling on the affirmative action case, Ricci v. DeStefano. Results show that mainstream newspapers are much more likely than Black and online-only newspapers to use the “no preferential treatment,” a frame arguing that affirmative action constitutes reverse discrimination. In contrast, Black newspapers more frequently employed the “remedial action” frame, a package asserting that affirmative action is necessary to overcome historical racial discrimination” Online-only newspapers are more likely to strike a balance between the “no preferential treatment” and “remedial action” frames. In addition, the percentage of minorities in the newsroom as well as an index of minorities in newsroom and market are negatively associated with online-only sites’ use of the “no preferential treatment” frame. Racial composition is not significantly linked to affirmative action frames in mainstream newspapers.

“Elite Framing and the U.S. Supreme Court: The Case of the White Firefighters.” (with Rosalee A. Clawson).

Abstract: Elites invest substantial efforts in framing public policy issues because they understand that the first crucial step in affecting decisionmaking is to structure the manner in which policies are understood. In terms of the U.S. Supreme Court, we argue that parties and amici carefully construct the arguments they present to the justices. Parties and amici do not simply provide information to the Court; instead, they provide information in a particular package. In other words, they “frame” the information to make their case in the most persuasive way. From these organized interests, justices select the arguments most appealing to their attitudinal predispositions. In this paper, we examine the extent to which justices’ pronouncements concerning the 2009 Ricci v. DeStefano case reflect the arguments, or frames, articulated in the merits amici.

"A Wise Latina or a Baffled Rookie? Media Coverage of Justice Sonia Sotomayor’s Oath-taking Ceremony." 2016. Journal of Women, Politics & Policy 37(3): 316-340. (with Rosalee A. Clawson).

Abstract: When Sonia Sotomayor took her oath of office on August 8, 2009, much of the media coverage emphasized how difficult it would be for her to adjust to her new role as a U.S. Supreme Court Justice. She was called a “rookie” and deemed ineffectual before hearing her first case. In this paper, we compare media coverage of Sotomayor’s oath-taking ceremony to the coverage received by other justices. We find variation in the media coverage of judicial oath-taking ceremonies; nevertheless, Sotomayor was the only justice seated over the last three decades who had significant questions raised about her ability to function on the Court. We examine a variety of explanations for why Sotomayor received such coverage and conclude that theories of intersectionality best explain the characterization of her by the media.

"Interviewing the Interviewers: Journalistic Norms and Racial Diversity in the Newsroom." (with Katsuo A.Nishikawa, Rosalee A. Clawson, and Eric N. Waltenburg). The Howard Journal of Communications. 2009. 20(3):242-259.

"Media Coverage of the University of Michigan Affirmative Action Decisions: The View from Mainstream, Black, and Latino Journalists." (with Rosalee A. Clawson and Eric N. Waltenburg). Judicature. 2006. Nov/Dec: 120-128.

I am also engaged in research examining the pedagogical value of social networks. These projects below examine faculty and student attitudes about the online social network “Facebook.”

"Facebook vs. Web Courseware: A Comparison." (with Caroline Lego Munoz). 2012. In Transformation in Teaching: Social Media Strategies in Higher Education, Catheryn Cheal, John Coughlin, and Shaun Moore, eds., Santa Rosa, C.A..: Informing Science Institute.

Abstract: This manuscript examines Facebook’s potential to support teaching and learning, particularly as a course management platform. We share survey data collected from instructors and students regarding their usage and attitudes toward Facebook and more traditional web courseware. Lastly, we compare how each use web courseware and Facebook for educational purposes and offer recommendations.

"Back to the ‘Wall’: How to Use Facebook in the College Classroom." (with Caroline Lego Munoz). First Monday. 2011. 6:12.

Abstract: The evolving world of the Internet – blogs, podcasts, wikis, social networks – offers instructors and students radically new ways to research, communicate, and learn. Integrating these Internet tools into the college classroom, however, is not an easy task. Therefore, the purpose of this article is to examine the role of social networking in education and demonstrate how social network sites (SNS) can be used in a college classroom setting. To do this, existing research relating to SNS and education is discussed, and the primary advantages and disadvantages of using SNS in the classroom are explored. Most importantly, specific instructions and guidelines to follow when implementing SNS, specifically Facebook, within the college classroom are provided. Specifically, we show that multiple types of Facebook course integration options are available to instructors. It is concluded that SNS, such as Facebook, can be appropriately and effectively used in an academic setting.

"Facebook and Education: A Classroom Connection?" (with Caroline Lego Munoz). 2011. In Educating Educators with Social Media. Charles Wankel, ed., Bingley, U.K.: Emerald Publishing.

Abstract: Facebook has become an essential part of student life for most college students; it serves not only as a primary tool of communication, but also electronic socialization (Golder, Wilkinson, & Huberman, 2007). Indeed, the vast majority of college students have a Facebook account and are spending a considerable amount of time logged in (Salaway, Caruso, & Nelson, 2008). Yet, can this predominately social space also become a place for learning? To date, the reactions of using social network sites for educational purposes are mixed and empirical research is limited. Issues relating to privacy and safety and an erosion of professional boundaries are the primary reasons cited to not employ social network sites in a classroom. However, other researchers have supported the notion of using social network sites in education (Greenhow & Robelia, 2009a, 2009b; Tynes, 2007; Muñoz & Towner, 2010). This chapter serves to further this discussion by sharing the findings from surveys of instructors and students regarding their attitudes toward Facebook. Specifically, we report how each use Facebook both socially and professionally. Most important, we discuss instructors and students’ perceptions of Facebook as an informal and formal teaching tool, particularly its effectiveness as an instructional or course tool, communication device, and in assisting students in their education and learning. Drawing on the survey and experiences using Facebook in multiple classroom settings, we pose specific suggestions on how instructors should use Facebook. In conclusion, the chapter supports the thesis that Facebook and education can indeed be connected.

"Social Networks: Facebook’s Role in the Advertising Classroom." (with Caroline Lego Munoz). Journal of Advertising Education. 2010. 14:20-27.

Abstract: Social network sites have become an integral part of consumers’ lives, yet should they also be integrated into formal education processes? The purpose of this paper is to advocate using Facebook within the advertising classroom. Specifically, it explores not only the advantages and disadvantages of this new Web 2.0 medium, but also illustrates the different methods of course integration at an instructor’s disposal. An overview of how Facebook can demonstrate advertising concepts and provide opportunities for experiential learning is also provided.

Other recent publications include:

Class Size and Academic Achievement in Introductory Political Science Courses.” 2016. Journal of Political Science Education, 12(4):420-436.

Abstract: Research on the influence of class size on student academic achievement is important for university instructors, administrators, and students. The article examines the influence of class size—a small section versus a large section—in introductory political science courses on student grades in two comparable semesters. It is expected that students in the small-class section will perform significantly better on exams than students in the large-class section. The empirical analyses demonstrate, however, that class size does not significantly influence grades. Instead, prior political science knowledge, ACT scores, and course attendance significantly and positively influence student exam grades as well as final course grades.

“News Coverage of the U.S. Supreme Court’s Docket.” 2014. In The U.S. Supreme Court and the Press in the 21st Century, Richard Davis, ed., New York: Cambridge University Press. Co-authored with Rosalee A. Clawson.

For more information please visit my Google Scholar Page