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Table of Contents
Witnessing as Public Scholarship
What is the role of the intellectual in witnessing genocide and what forms of public scholarship or creative work can produce meaningful acts of bearing witness?
1.0 The role of the intellectual
1.0 The role of the intellectual
The genocide in Palestine, in its current iteration, has become one of the most well-documented mass atrocities on social media despite being “the ‘deadliest period’ for journalists since the Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ) began gathering data in 1992.” More than 100 journalists have been killed in Gaza since October 2023, making up 75% of all journalist deaths worldwide. Countless others have been or continue to be detained, imprisoned, and tortured. Journalists such as Hind Khoudary, Motaz Azaiza, Ahmed Shihab-Eldin, Mariam Barghouti, and nine-year old Lama Abu Jamous report from on-the-ground, sometimes under literal siege, and post on social media to millions of followers, where scenes of widespread destruction and mass carnage proliferate despite silence and suppression from most mainstream news outlets and under Israel’s ban on news outlet Al Jazeera. Peabody award-winning journalist Bisan Owda famously begins every new video with the harrowing phrase, “I’m still alive.” The International Press Institute awarded the 2024 World Press Freedom Hero award to Palestinian journalists reporting on Gaza, the “first time that the award has been given to a group of journalists collectively.”
South Africa v. Israel, the legal case brought by South Africa to the International Court of Justice on the grounds that Israel is committing plausible genocide, has triggered new legal conversations and has been backed by countless advocacy groups, civil society groups, and other countries since first being presented in late December 2023. The case utilizes the rights of erga omnes partes similar to a 2019 case brought by The Gambia against Myanmar for the genocide of the Rohingya people.
However, despite the extensive documentation, both in journalistic/social media and legal form, public opinion has remained starkly divided with no progress made towards establishing a ceasefire, neither from Israel nor any critical global parties supplying arms (e.g. the U.S.). Historically, images of human suffering and the consequences of war and conflict have often swayed public perception of dominant cultural narratives, such as the iconic “Accidental Napalm” photograph from Vietnam (read this analysis of “Accidental Napalm” and its effect on public judgment in the U.S.), or the images of Emmett Till’s open casket funeral, which helped fuel the American Civil Rights Movement. The International Court of Justice and International Criminal Court played a pivotal role in shaping an “objective” ruling on “crimes against humanity,” and yet the issue of Israel and Palestine has become an exception to this kind of mass public empathy on multiple fronts.
In the face of intense political and public backlash in the U.S., Canada, and other Global North/Western contexts, protestors in physical and virtual spaces have begun drawing from other global anti-colonial struggles in their movement. A resonant example can be found in the history of apartheid in South Africa; contemporary activists for Palestine have drawn heavy inspiration from the student protests for divestment and boycott movements as central methods of condemning governmental bodies. Indeed, the South African anti-apartheid movement and the activists who led it, have become models for seeking justice, both in terms of movement for change and how to reconcile with decades of complicity. UBC itself was a site of student protest over South African apartheid. The January 27, 1987 issue of The Ubyssey features several articles outlining a boycott referendum of South African products sold by the Alma Mater Society (Figure 1). [ → “Anti-apartheid protest strategy” in 2.1 Anti-colonial inter/transdisciplinary networks]
Figure 1 | An archival image from the January 27, 1987 issue of The Ubyssey featuring an article by the Students for a Free Southern Africa titled “Stop apartheid – vote yes.”
Canada’s own Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) was shaped after the struggles Nelson Mandela described as the need to provide structures of support for survivors of apartheid. Canada’s TRC explicitly engages with the Indigenous principle of “witnessing” and oral storytelling when shaping objectives of sharing truth and seeking reconciliation. Settler witnessing requires a commitment to sitting with the narratives that are constantly unfolding, in which we are complicit. Further, on July 19, 2024, the International Court of Justice issued an advisory opinion stating that Israel is responsible for creating apartheid in Occupied Palestine and “is of the view that the régime of comprehensive restrictions imposed by Israel on Palestinians in the Occupied Palestinian Territory constitutes systemic discrimination based on, inter alia, race, religion or ethnic origin” (64). How might these historical precedents inform a truth and reconciliation approach in the Israel-Palestine context?
1.1 Legal advocacy and political movements for justice
1.1 Legal advocacy and political movements for justice
BRENNA BHANDAR'S OPENING REMARKS
BRENNA BHANDAR'S OPENING REMARKS
First we will consider the ways in which the legal conversation has been shaped in the public’s eye, its benefits and limitations. The timeline below follows events cited in Dr. Bhandar’s remarks. Follow latest developments on the ICJ South Africa v. Israel case here.
Since the initial case was brought forth by South Africa on December 29, 2023, it has been poignant to see how countries of the “Global South”–or rather more accurately, the Global Majority*–have supported this case. Following the case’s momentum, in March Nicaragua brought an action to the ICJ against Germany asking for provisional measures, ordering Germany to immediately suspend its military exports to Israel, and to reinstate its funding to UNRWA. In this case, Nicaragua made a critical point in arguing that it is not just the provision of military aid to Israel that puts Germany in the position of violating its commitments under the genocide convention but also the cutting of life sustaining essential support to UNRWA. Foreign policy pundits have observed that the movement triggered by South Africa’s case starkly contrasts the view of most Western nations, whose governments have opposed this case and chosen to align themselves with Israel, even whilst continuing to rally behind countries like Ukraine and condemning the Russian military’s illegal occupation of Ukraine.
On January 26th, the ICJ handed down its ruling on South Africa v. Israel, finding the requisite conditions for jurisdiction and standing had been met, and that the urgency of the situation justified provisional measures to prevent genocide. In its precise articulation of the various ways in which abuses and genocidal violence have been taking place in Gaza, this case has given activists and advocates a basis upon which to make political demands, especially in conservative and/or Zionist spaces, and have galvanized others into action. However, despite this ruling, the U.S. and other major global powers have continued to supply arms to Israel and impose harsh censorship on their own domestic populations. This is apparent through the treatment of student encampments and protestors at large within the U.S. and Canada, and can be epitomized by the particularly brutal clampdown on freedom of expression in Germany.
While the legal conversations have brought to public awareness questions of enforceability and accountability of international law, and who has been granted implicit impunity on a global scale, they have amounted to little material difference in the ongoing genocide. It is imperative to keep in mind how attention on legal cases may impact, shape, and indeed, limit popular political discourse.
*The Global Majority refers to those who are racialized, deemed “ethnic minorities” by historical imperial and colonial powers, and are the ones who will most likely suffer the brunt of the consequences of late-stage capitalism and climate change.
“[I]t's key to remember in terms of the legal cases that they are extremely vital in the immediate movement to stop the killing, our immediate demands, to stop the killing, maiming, and destruction of Palestinians and Palestinian life. They are the basic minimum of what has to happen now. We also need to remember that legal concepts, such as genocide, have a political life and meaning that exceed the legal fora, and also influence it, and finally, that our political claims cannot be bound by the juridical sphere and legal discourse.” - Dr. Brenna Bhandar (“Legal definitions of genocide used historically in North America”)
1.2 The role of the scholar and the academic institution
1.2 The role of the scholar and the academic institution
“Nothing in my view is more reprehensible than those habits of mind in the intellectual that induce avoidance, that characteristic turning away from a difficult and principled position which you know to be the right one, but which you decide not to take. You do not want to appear too political; you are afraid of seeming controversial; you need the approval of a boss or an authority figure; you want to keep a reputation for being balanced, objective, moderate; your hope is to be asked back, to consult, to be on a board or prestigious committee, and so to remain within the responsible mainstream; someday you hope to get an honorary degree, a big prIze, perhaps even an ambassadorship. For an intellectual these habits of mind are corrupting par excellence. If anything can denature, neutralize, and finally kill a passionate intellectual life it is the internalization of such habits. Personally I have encountered them in one of the toughest of all contemporary issues, Palestine, where fear of speaking out about one of the greatest injustices in modern history has hobbled, blinkered, muzzled many who know the truth and are in a position to serve it. For despite the abuse and vilification that any outspoken supporter of Palestinian rights and self-determination earns for him or herself, the truth deserves to be spoken, represented by an unafraid and compassionate intellectual.” (Edward Said, “Speaking Truth to Power,” Representations of the Intellectual, 1993, 100-101).
ADEL ISKANDAR'S OPENING REMARKS
ADEL ISKANDAR'S OPENING REMARKS
Similar to how the legal case has unfolded in a way that has betrayed the underlying impotence of an institution beholden to the politics of its Western imperial authorities, universities, which are supposed to be the home of intellectual enterprise and academic freedom, can no longer be considered a haven for discussion and critical deliberation. This can be seen in the intense censorship of any criticism expressed against Israel or any advocacy for Palestinian human rights including the U.S. passage of H.R. 6090, the Antisemitism Awareness Act, “which threatens to censor political speech critical of Israel on college campuses under the guise of addressing antisemitism.” Student protestors and professors alike have been targets of political violence, facing police brutality and administrative punishment.
This carceral attack against academics and freedom of thought and speech has played out especially viciously from the beginning of the student encampments in the U.S. and Canada. Within weeks of encampments appearing on university campuses, free speech advocates bore witness to the wholesale violation of rights and freedoms to expression and political thought protected by both the U.S. first amendment and the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms. Militarized police forces arrested hundreds of students and professors across the U.S.and Canada between April and May 2024 in an unprecedented level of force. Students have had degrees withheld for their anti-genocide protesting, many others have been expelled, and some have even been sued by their university. Professors have been barred from campus or terminated by their institutions in what they are calling a “New McCarthyism”. [ → 3.3 Encampments as sites of learning and care.]
At UBC, faculty and students have used the op-ed section of the student newspaper The Ubyssey as a public outlet to speak out about Palestine. Multiple opinion letters have been written by professors calling out the hypocrisy of teaching decolonization whilst silencing students, staff, and faculty on teaching and discussing the ongoing genocide. Others have written in support of the student encampments and for the removal of police from campus. Students have also used this platform as a way of rendering visible the nefarious and undemocratic practices of the UBC governing bodies and the diversity of Jewish voices beyond the dominant rhetoric. [ → 3.1 The importance of media literacy.]
The responsibility of the witness is not only to see and reflect upon the testimony of others, but also to narrate and share these stories and experiences. As a scholar, especially, there is a certain privilege attached to working within an institution that can be used to amplify these voices. In other words, witnessing is in and of itself a call to action:
Do the work of having difficult conversations, of speaking out, and facing the consequences–with your colleagues, in your department/workplace, to administration–in order to make room for others to also join you in doing this work, but also to pave the way for future generations of voices.
Support the act of remembrance. Support teachers, scholars, elders, and those in the community, in passing on knowledge, tradition, memory in the face of violent censorship, rampant propaganda, and mis/disinformation.
Challenge the dismembering of collective memory by making connections between and uplifting marginalized voices.
“[O]ur role is to try and help piece together these experiences, these stories, these narratives in such a way, so that when woven together, they can tell the story of the people–a people who incidentally cannot be erased.” (Adel Iskandar, “Defining the role of the intellectual”)
Expanding the definition of “genocide”
Expanding the definition of “genocide”
As articulated in “A Legal Analysis of Genocide: Supplementary Report of the National Inquiry into Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women and Girls,” when the perpetrator of genocide is reflected on the state level through the structural violence of colonialism, “the debate around cultural genocide versus ‘real’ genocide is misleading” (7). While it may be more convenient to attribute the responsibility of committing genocidal acts to the individual and discount the continued ramifications of systemic cultural genocide, this only serves to exclude Indigenous perspectives and continues to perpetuate the very violences that comprise genocide: “In actuality, genocide encompasses a variety of both lethal and non-lethal acts, including acts of ‘slow death’” (8). The similar historical context of settler colonialism and longevity of the ongoing genocide in Palestine, as well as the escalation of violence and aggression that continues to, at best, go unacknowledged, or at worst, remain openly endorsed, has made it possible to decipher distinct modes of genocide that further complicate our usual understandings of what “genocide” entails.
Many new forms of genocide have been named and/or entered a more public lexicon since the intensification of attacks since October 2023. Scholars argue that Israel has committed 1) scholasticide with the destruction of all universities in Gaza, bombing the last remaining university in January 2024; 2) ecocide with the wanton irreversible destruction of farmland, orchards, groves, and water, the incessant bombing of which contributes to local soil, water, and air pollution and ultimately to global climate change; 3) domicide with the unprecedented destruction of homes in Gaza, which the UN Development Program’s May 2024 impact assessment estimates may not be rebuilt until 2040, in the best case scenario; and 4) urbicide with the destruction of about 55 percent of urban structures (including schools, hospitals, infrastructure related to water, transport, and electricity) in Gaza as of May 2024. Jasbir Puar and André Mazawi are two public scholars who have done the work of stitching together both spatial and temporal events that have either been rendered obscure or invisible, to tell a more fulsome story of the genocide.
Note: The following two sections will give a brief summary of their analyses. Please listen to their remarks in full for a more in depth explanation with historical context.
JASBIR PUAR'S OPENING REMARKS
JASBIR PUAR'S OPENING REMARKS
Genocide as a mass maiming event
Genocide as a mass maiming event
Mainstream media has largely refused to document the ongoing destruction of Palestinian life, leaving individual journalists and Palestinian subjects to lead the documentation of their own genocide through Instagram, TikTok, and other social media outlets that have become mass platforms for public witnessing of the constant onslaught and maiming of Palestinian bodies. By paying close attention to the narration and discussion of the “injured,” the statistics around injury, how those statistics are calculated, and how they are inadequate, the longue durée of genocide becomes evident [“Jasbir Puar (JP)”]. Through this lens, the present iteration of genocide can be situated in the longer and more historical past that reaches further back before and through the expulsion of Palestinians during the Nakba of 1948, the Naksa of 1967, and the intifadas that followed in the 1980s, 90s, and early 2000s.
Learn more
Learn more
Read Fred Moten's "blackpalestinian Breath," (2018) where he defines genocide as perpetual injury: https://socialtextjournal.org/periscope_article/blackpalestinian-breath/
Read Ilan Pappe's "Israel’s incremental genocide in the Gaza ghetto" (2014): https://electronicintifada.net/content/israels-incremental-genocide-gaza-ghetto/13562
Learn more about Ghassan Abu Sittah's "titration of life" in Jasbir Puar's "Dividual Economies, of Data, of Flesh" (2023): https://read.dukeupress.edu/books/book/3251/chapter-abstract/8245773/Dividual-Economies-of-Data-of-Flesh?redirectedFrom=fulltext
Read Jasbir Puar's foundational text The Right to Maim (2017): https://www.dukeupress.edu/the-right-to-maim
"The denial of education that has taken place in Gaza is a denial not just of the past, it is a denial of a present and of a future. Just think, if we are living in Vancouver, and suddenly you eradicate, erase completely, physically, all the landmarks. How would you situate yourself? What kinds of stories would you tell your children, your family members, your neighbor, young people in the community?" (André Mazawi, “Scholasticide and the destruction of memory”)
Genocide as the destruction of memory
Genocide as the destruction of memory
For Palestinians, education has been a site of anti-colonial struggle since the late Ottoman Empire and especially today during the military occupation of the West Bank and Gaza strip whether by Egypt, Jordan, or Israel, which have all dictated what policies of education should be promoted, which textbooks could be used, and where schools should physically be built. With the role education plays in shaping, empowering, and transforming a citizenry, it has always been a critical front at which settler colonialism operates and reproduces itself. This is as evident from the violent history of Indian Residential Schools in Canada and Indian Boarding Schools in the U.S. as it is in the challenges faced by Palestinian teachers in Israel and the Israeli-occupied Gaza Strip and West Bank. In Mazawi’s 2020 study on “Colonialism and Political Struggles over Teacher Education among Palestinians,” this manifests concretely in recent laws such as the 2019 directive passed by the Israeli minister of education, The Basic Law: Israel–the Nation-State of the Jewish People. This law declares Israel as the nation state for Jewish people, and that only Jewish citizens of Israel have the right to self-determination, which, in practice, means that “teachers in secondary schools serving Palestinians are expected to faithfully ‘teach’ their students that they hold a subordinate civic status within a state which is not and cannot be theirs” (91). Resisting such directives, however, there is a long history of Palestinian educators and teachers working to remain “steadfast” and “firmly anchored in one’s land and in one’s culture and sense of community, resolute and unwavering in the face of colonial adversities and displacement, with dignity and resilience,” through persistently engaging with progressive approaches to education in order to build a new Palestinian society (100). This practice of everyday, nonviolent resistance and staying “rooted in the land” is termed Sumūd in Arabic. This connection to land is often one of the key markers of solidarity between Palestinians and Indigenous activists. In 2022, the Indigenous grassroots organization NDN released a position paper that identifies the Palestinian right of return as a landback movement. We might even think of the Palestinian concept of sumūd alongside the Indigenous concept of "survivance," coined by Anishinaabe scholar Gerald Vizenor, to mean “an active sense of presence, the continuance of native stories, not a mere reaction, or a survivable name . . . [but] renunciations of dominance, tragedy and victimry” (vii). [ → 2.1 Anti-colonial inter/transdisciplinary networks]
However, since October 2023, Israel has escalated the suppression of education into wholesale destruction of not only organizations of education, like schools and universities in what experts have termed scholasticide, but also of libraries, historical sites, and an ongoing pillaging of Palestinian archives. With the flattening of physical infrastructure, institutions, and archives of knowledge, as well as the genocidal elimination of academics, professors, teachers, and educators, whose job it is to facilitate the passing on of tradition, of knowledge, of “the capacity to imagine alternative futures, to purse different political agendas” [“A3: AM”]–we are now bearing witness to the destruction of memory in what has been made an uninhabitable space and reduced to what philosopher Giorgio Agamben calls “bare life.”
Examples of educational organizations that are circumventing systemic barriers
Examples of educational organizations that are circumventing systemic barriers
Tamer Institute: https://www.tamerinst.org/en/
Qattan Center for Educational Research and Development: https://qattanfoundation.org/en/qcerd
“Think about the term 'remember': to create, to give some kind of shape, form of different aspects of yourself, make them a kind of body, if you want, meaningful career, and to the extent destroying that capacity to remember, that capacity to orient yourself in space, time, and your own identity. I would argue should be more forcefully looked at as an a central, a core aspect of genocide.” (André Mazawi, “Conclusion”)
1.3 Social media as resistance
1.3 Social media as resistance
With the proliferation of individuals and groups using social media for activism, online communities such as Twitter/X and Instagram have become an invaluable platform for knowledge and resource sharing and for critical analysis of the rhetoric being espoused by major news outlets and politicians. Through tagging, collaborative posting, and sharing, social media posts are also more accessible, networks of solidarity and community can be established, and actions amplified. However, it's worth noting they are also sites of ongoing systemic censorship of Palestinian voices, and media censorship is itself a hallmark of genocide. In this section we will mainly focus on Palestinian journalists and survivors who are reporting and sharing on-the-ground. Section 2.1 will address activist organizations who are helping to disseminate this content as well as make connections to other political movements, with a focus on how witnessing has inspired new networks of decolonial work and collaboration within the university and in community. Section 3.4 will look at how social media has been used as a pedagogical tool, paying specific attention to pushback against propaganda.
“Media coverage is changing, and it's not changing because these institutions have changed, but because public opinion has shifted as well. And Palestinians cannot remain voiceless indefinitely irrespective of the extent to which they are being systematically banned, both here and there.” (Adel Iskandar, “Defining the role of the intellectual”)
Witnessing trauma in real time
Witnessing trauma in real time
The ubiquity of social media has led to Palestinians documenting their own genocide in what some have dubbed the “Instafada”. Israel has killed over 100 Palestinian journalists, and the Israeli state has engaged in acts of major media censorship, leaving most of the documentation of war crimes, genocidal conditions, and human rights abuses to independent Palestinian journalists and storytellers on the ground. There have also been individuals in Gaza who use “the algorithm” to advocate for themselves on Instagram, by using popular hashtags, collaborating with social media influencers, and stitching their videos with viral videos, thus building opportunities for users to directly help individuals and their families, either by helping to amplify the post through engagement (in the form of pressing all the buttons available for interaction) and/or to donate to individual GoFundMe campaigns. For example, anti-Zionist Jewish influencer Sim Kern regularly hosts book giveaways to raise funds for Gazan families trying to flee while also using their platform to dispel Zionist myths through discussions of books by Palestinian writers, historians, and scholars. Diasporic Palestinians, who have had to witness the genocide of their people from afar, relying on social media to help share the horrific videos and images coming from inside Gaza, have described this witnessing as a form of psychological terrorism.
This readiness to narrate the current catastrophe was informed by having experienced the ongoing genocide of seventy-five years, of living through seven wars in the past fifty years, and has become a form of pedagogical resistance [“A1: AI”]. It is undeniable that we are witnessing a sweeping destruction of memory in the many forms this genocide has taken as outlined in the previous section, and the international, corporate, and intergovernmental agencies of Western hegemonic powers are actively censoring Palestinian identity. In these circumstances, even while resisting corporate censorship, social media has served in part to preserve and amplify a collective memory from the narratives of survivors and those in diaspora. While these stories may not be taught in books or schools, this living, precarious virtual archive is telling those stories at this moment.
Witnessing survivorship in many forms
Witnessing survivorship in many forms
Necessarily with the amount of ongoing documentation happening, there is a diversity of images of Palestinian survivors either through self-recording or surveillance that have complicated and pushed back against what is popularly imagined as the “perfect victim.” This issue can be discussed in two ways: 1) how the global masses have begun to understand, often through diasporic Palestinians helping to narrate this story through social media, that oppressed peoples under colonialism and imperialism have a right to resistance, and 2) that Palestinians should not have to exclusively parade their trauma in order to garner support.
“There was a photo widely circulated of Gazans recently, . . . who are on the beach, just being on the beach as one is and can be, and the amount of outrage in the Israeli media, the Israeli political circles, over the fact that Palestinians can be on a beach is absolutely unbelievable. You can watch some of those videos. And really the reason why there is outrage is because they could not believe that Palestinians can do something besides dying. That Palestinians can express joy. They can experience leisure. They can have more than just 'bare life, . . . that they're not completely consumed by the first trophic level of the basic hierarchy of needs.” (Adel Iskandar, “Defining the role of the intellectual”)
---> [Images and video of Israeli journalist Yehuda Schlesinger saying Gazans “deserve to die.”]
1.4 Examples: Publicly activating scholarly expertise
1.4 Examples: Publicly activating scholarly expertise
Media appearances
Media appearances
Video Broadcasts & Webcasts
Video Broadcasts & Webcasts
Sounds of Sand Podcast: “#96 From Palestine to the World: Angela Davis and Gabor Maté”
Jasbir Puar, "Body Politics with Jasbir Puar," Death Panel Podcast
Public Writing
Public Writing
By UBC Scholars
UBC Collective of Concerned Asian Studies Faculty, "Opinion: Whose safety? Policing Palestinian activism at UBC," The Ubyssey
UBC Graduate Students for Palestine, “Opinion: UBC Senate sides with genocide,“ The Ubyssey
Jasbir Puar (UBC Social Justice Institute) and Ghassan Abu-Sitta (Conflict Medicine, American University of Beirut), "Israel is trying to maim Gaza Palestinians into silence," Al Jazeera
Hicham Safieddine (UBC History), “Opinion Letter: Teaching Palestine not propaganda at UBC,” The Ubyssey
By Non-UBC Scholars
Ammar Azzouz, (Oxford, Geography and the Environment) “Domicide: the destruction of homes in Gaza reminds me of what happened to my city, Homs”, The Conversation
Chadni Desai (U Toronto, Education), “The war in Gaza is wiping out Palestine’s education and knowledge systems," The Conversation
Steven Thrasher (Northwestern, Journalism), “You Are Being Lied to About Gaza Solidarity Camps by University Presidents, Mainstream Media, and Politicians," LitHub
Laleh Khalili (U Exeter, Gulf Studies) "From the Sea", MadaMasr
Jennifer Lynn Kelly (UC Santa Cruz), “The Responsibility of Witnesses to Genocide,” Sapiens
Palestine Reading Lists by Trade Publishers
Palestine Reading Lists by Trade Publishers
Websites
Websites
Eyewitness Palestine, https://eyewitnesspalestine.org/witnessingpalestine
Decolonize Palestine, https://decolonizepalestine.com/
Jadaliyya, https://www.jadaliyya.com/
The Palestinian Museum Digital Archive, https://palarchive.org/?lang=en_US
Academic References
Academic References
1.0
Wong, Deborah, 'Witnessing: A Methodology' in Beverley Diamond, and Salwa El-Shawan Castelo-Branco (eds), Transforming Ethnomusicology Volume I: Methodologies, Institutional Structures, and Policies (2021): 187-202. https://doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197517604.003.0012.
Diepold, Markus Johannes. "Making Images, Restoring Personhood: Frederick Douglass, Emmett Till, and the Re-Framing of African American Trauma." Interactions: Ege Journal of British and American Studies 29 (2020): 63-76. https://englishlit.ege.edu.tr/files/englishlit/icerik/Interactions%20Vol_29_1-2.pdf#page=72.
Hariman, Robert, and John Louis Lucaites. "Public Identity and Collective Memory in US Iconic Photography: The Image of ‘Accidental Napalm’." Critical studies in media communication 20, no. 1 (2003): 35-66. https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/0739318032000067074.
1.1
Campbell-Stephens, Rosemary. "Global majority; decolonising the language and reframing the conversation about race." Leeds Beckett University (2020). https://www.leedsbeckett.ac.uk/-/media/files/schools/school-of-education/final-leeds-beckett-1102-global-majority.pdf.
Nagy, R. Settler Witnessing at the Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada. Hum Rights Rev 21, 219–241 (2020). https://doi.org/10.1007/s12142-020-00595-w.
Eghbariah, Rabea. "Toward Nakba as a Legal Concept." Columbia Law Review 124, no. 4 (2024). https://static.al2.in/toward-nakba-as-a-legal-concept.pdf.
Sousa, José Wellington. "Liberating Community-based Research: Rescuing Gramsci’s Legacy of Organic Intellectuals." Engaged Scholar Journal 8, no. 3 (2022): 1-17. https://www.erudit.org/en/journals/esj/2022-v8-n3-esj07618/1095593ar.pdf.
1.2
Abu-Sittah, Ghassan. "The virus, the settler, and the siege: Gaza in the age of corona." Journal of Palestine Studies 49, no. 4 (2020): 65-76. https://online.ucpress.edu/jps/article-abstract/49/4/65/111928.
Mazawi, André Elias. "School textbooks and entanglements of the ‘colonial present’ in Israel and Palestine." Pedagogy, Politics and Philosophy of Peace: Interrogating Peace and Peacemaking (2016): 161-180. https://go.exlibris.link/syMRXxLG.
Mazawi, André Elias. "Colonialismes, Adversités Et Statut Apatride : La Condition Enseignante Dans Le Contexte Palestinien." Formation Et Profession 27, no. 1 (2019): 37. https://go.exlibris.link/KbDfJX88.
Mazawi, André Elias. Leçons de Ténèbres: Colonialism and Political Struggles over Teacher Education among Palestinians. New York: Bloomsbury Publications, 2020.
Moten, Fred. "blackpalestinian breath." Social Text Online 25 (2018). https://socialtextjournal.org/periscope_article/blackpalestinian-breath/.
Pappe, Ilan. "3. New-Old Thinking on Palestine." For Palestine: Essays from the Tom Hurndall Memorial Lecture Group (2023). https://library.oapen.org/bitstream/handle/20.500.12657/63818/9781805110279.pdf?sequence=1#page=63
Puar, Jasbir K. The Right to Maim: Debility, Capacity, Disability. Duke University Press, 2017. https://go.exlibris.link/XwgfGDWm
Said, Edward W. Representations of the Intellectual. Vintage, 1996.
Vasudevan, Raksha. "Everyday resistance through women’s practices of sumūd in Palestine." https://sites.utexas.edu/internationalplanning/case-studies/case-study-7/.
Vizenor, Gerald. Manifest Manners: Narratives on Postindian Survivance. Nebraska UP (1999). https://utpdistribution.com/9780803296213/manifest-manners/.
1.3
Iskandar, Adel and Hakem Rustom. Edward Said: Emancipation and Representation. University of California Press, 2010. https://go.exlibris.link/6lJ59kG6.
Thompson, Allan (ed.). The Media and the Rwanda Genocide. Pluto Press, 2007. https://idrc-crdi.ca/en/book/media-and-rwanda-genocide.
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