MSU's official land acknowledgement
Michigan State University occupies the ancestral, traditional and contemporary lands of the Anishinaabeg – Three Fires Confederacy of Ojibwe, Odawa and Potawatomi peoples. In particular, the university resides on land ceded in the 1819 Treaty of Saginaw. We recognize Michigan’s 12 federally recognized Native Nations, historic Indigenous communities in Michigan, Indigenous individuals and communities who live here now, and those who were forcibly removed from their homelands. In offering this land acknowledgement, we affirm Indigenous sovereignty, history and experiences.
The Indigenous nations were invited to negotiate land cessation in the 1819 Treaty of Saginaw under false pretences.
Indigenous peoples had few resources with which to resist land cessation in the Treating, being exhausted by the war of 1812 and abandoned by British for whom they'd fought.
The Treaty of Ghent, which ended the War of 1812, eliminated Indigenous land claims (the greatest obstacle to U.S. expansionism). In the treaty, Great Britain accepted the borders of the U.S. and withdrew support for an Indian border state lying between Canada and the United States covering the area now known as Michigan.
In 1862, further exporpriation of Indigenous land to US HE institutions like MSU occurred under the Morrill Act (created the Land-Grant Univrsity System).
Notably, the Morrill act demonstrated a fundamental alignment between Land-Grant institutions and the federal government as it depended on the addition of military strategy to the fields of study.
U.S. foreign policy explicitly describes education, including language education, as a neocolonial tool in the 1948 Fulbright Program, the 1948 Smith-Mundt Act (formally, U.S. Information and Educational Exchange Act of 1948), and the 1962 Fulbright-Hayes Act (formally, Mutual Educational and Cultural Exchange Program of 1961)
These documents identify educational exchange as an important colonial tool:
The United States is also investing heavily in military preparedness to insure national security. Ideas are also weapons—weapons which can be utilized only by educational exchange. The free mind and free flow of ideas and knowledge among peoples provide such powerful weapons for peace that only when we review the progress of mankind itself can we measure their potentialities. (Advisory Commission on Public Diplomacy, 1949, p. 4)
In 1961, the Smith-Mundt Act was subsumed into the Fulbright-Hays Act, which continued the focus on education in DOS foreign policy by creating the Bureau of Educational and Cultural Affairs (ECA), which, eventually, also directs the Fulbright Program. The ECA’s current mandate is, in part, to use “educational, professional, and cultural exchange” to “strengthen the national security” of the United States (About ECA, n.d.).
"... the university is still the system, the WC its devices of appropriateness- correctness, the appropriate-correct its actor- agents, the medium of management and control capital [L] Language and Literacy. There is no room for the other, they are subsumed, the possessions of actor-agents to be bettered and the burden of North’s pedagogy of intervention (coloniality of instruction- and-curriculum)—the ego’s material whose origins are tied to the idea of the Americas." (Garcia, 2024, p. 30)
"We are all entangled and complicit in modern/colonial and settlerizing designs... We are its affective channels of rhetorical transmission via coloniality of instruction- and- curriculum—a settler-centered instruction in which educators to writing center consultants... are both entangled in informing-giving form to coloniality of knowledge--being and complicit in managing and controlling bodies of knowledge and the bodies of human beings." (Garcia, 2024, p. 4)
US Higher Education does not stop being colonial when it moves from domestic to international territories. Significant patterns of global proliferation of writing centres over the last three decades have involved transregional (across formal and informal regional borders of all sorts, from national to cultural and economic) collaborations between the U.S. Department of State (DOS), U.S.-based scholars and institutions, and scholars and institutions across Africa; the Middle East; Central, East, and Southeast Asia; and Latin America, often called the Global South, as well as Eastern Europe and the countries of the former Soviet Union.
US-authored literature documenting transregional writing centre initiatives (TWCI) typically articulates social justice aims involving increasing access for international students and scholars to an imagined ‘standard’ American English, and, therefore, to highly ranked, U.S. academic publications and higher education (HE) institutions.
In this literature, considerations for inclusion and access are not typically extended to considerations of the global political systems that maintain the dominance of U.S. and Western languages, epistemologies, and institutions across HE and academia more broadly (see Hotson & Bell, 2024; Donahue, 2009; Zenger, 2016).
In this way, this literature does not tend toward decolonial goals; decolonial effort involves pushing beyond questions of access to and inclusion within centres of power to questions about the nature of the colonial systems that dictate the lines of inclusion and exclusion.
As Tuck and Yang (2012) assert, decolonization “is a distinct project from other civil and human rights-based social justice projects” that “wants something different than those forms of justice” (p. 2).
Ribbon cutting ceremony at The English Writing Corner at the University of Dhaka in Bangladesh.
U.S. orchestration of writing centre networks worldwide. Mapped by Hotson and Bell (2023).
"There is an expectation that we can talk about sins but no one must be identified as a sinner: newspapers love to describe words or deeds as “racially charged” even in those cases when it would be more honest to say “racist”; we agree that there is rampant misogyny, but misogynists are nowhere to be found; homophobia is a problem but no one is homophobic. One cumulative effect of this policed language is that when someone dares to point out something as obvious as white privilege, it is seen as unduly provocative. Marginalized voices in America have fewer and fewer avenues to speak plainly about what they suffer; the effect of this enforced civility is that those voices are falsified or blocked entirely from the discourse." (Teju Cole, 2012)
Engaging in any sort of critical self reflection requires intentionality around cognitive biases. Unconsciously, all reasoning is motivated towards favourable conclusions, ideas, and beliefs which causes us to avoid, discard, or downplay counter-evidence.
Preparing for critical reflection requires intentionality about the cognitive biases shaping our reasoning.
Ask yourself, how is my reasoning potentially shaped by my:
existing beliefs, politics, point-of-view, experiences;
intended goals;
commitment to doing good/being (perceived as) good;
avoidance of uncomfortable feelings like guilt and shame;
loyalty to friend groups, mentors, colleagues, accepted norms and ideas, and a desire to be accepted;
desire for profitability and other forms of personal gain (i.e., professional advancement);
avoidance of conflicts/tensions/dissonance in my beliefs and actions;
...
"If you avoid recruiting evidence that you would prefer not to believe, your beliefs will be based on only a comforting slice of the available facts." (Eply & Gilovich, 2016, p. 136).
"we tend to start with the conclusion and find information that supports it. Any information that potentially threatens our believe or idea is discarded through a number of tactics..."
"if it's important enough you're going to have to take active steps to mitigate the impact of motivated reasoning on the way you think about the world.... every thing you do/think is grounded in your assumptions and until you accept that, there's nothing you can do to make a difference"
"Wherever there's ambiguity we see what we want to see..."