The Twa people were originally forest-dwelling hunter-gatherers. They relied on hunting small animals and gathering forest products to survive. Known for their expert tracking, plant knowledge, and navigation, the Twa also provided meat and honey to the Tutsi kings (mwamis). The Tutsi were the elite ruling class, known for being "rich in cattle," who held political power in kingdoms like Rwanda and often relied on the Twa for their specialized forest skills.
Over time, deforestation, land loss, and discrimination forced many Twa communities out of the forest. They had to turn to farming small plots of land and working as day laborers to get by.
By the mid-1900s, pottery became the Twa’s main source of income, as their skills as hunters and forest guides were no longer in demand. Some Twa also work as charcoal burners, performers, woodcrafters, or farm laborers. However, these types of work often provide limited income and are generally unstable.
In recent decades, even pottery has become a less viable option due to industrial competition and reduced access to quality clay. By 1993, around 70% of Twa people relied on begging as a means of survival (Lewis, 2006). This extreme poverty has sadly contributed to family breakdowns and deepened their social marginalization.
These changes weren’t by choice. They reflect the serious environmental and social challenges the Twa continue to face, especially being pushed off their land and excluded from land ownership.
The Twa have long held important roles in fertility ceremonies and other traditional rituals across the Great Lakes Region. As the area’s original inhabitants, they were viewed as spiritually connected to the land and often took part in chieftaincy and earth-related rites. Known for their skill in music, dance, and storytelling, Twa performers were frequently invited to royal courts to entertain with drumming, singing, and acrobatics. Though many of these formal roles have diminished over time, their cultural presence remains strong, especially in events like weddings, where performance continues to serve as a powerful expression of identity and heritage.
In Twa communities, men and women take on distinct but equally valued roles that reflect a flexible and cooperative division of labor.
Men typically focus on hunting, fishing, gathering honey, constructing houses, clearing land, and crafting items like baskets and mats.
Women are responsible for gathering wild foods, making and firing clay pots, agricultural work, childcare, and domestic tasks. They also participate in petty trade and handcrafting mats and baskets.
Twa society often follows egalitarian principles, where leadership depends on skill and context, not gender and those with the most expertise in areas like hunting or ritual practices naturally take the lead.
Women usually choose their own marriage partners and have the freedom to separate if they wish. Many women also manage their own income and, in some cases, oversee their husband’s earnings, showing their central role in household and economic life.
The Twa and Ju/'hoansi share many similarities. Both are "immediate-return" hunter-gatherers. This means they used resources right away instead of storing them. They were both mobile, living off the land. However, their traditional ways of life changed when they were forced off their ancestral lands. They had to adapt to modern economies. They also face social restrictions, such as marrying only within their own group. The main difference between the Twa and Ju/'hoansi is their environment. The Twa live in forests, while the Ju/'hoansi live in the desert.
The Twa and Berber Moroccan villagers have some similarities too. Both groups face pressure from modern systems that have changed their traditional lifestyles. However, there is a key difference: the Twa were mobile hunter-gatherers. In contrast, the Berber villagers are sedentary pastoralists. They rely on farming and herding instead of hunting and gathering.