The Boston Gazette

"The trial of Capt. Preston and the Soldiers who were indicted for the murder of Messrs. Gray, Maverick, Caldwell, Carr and Attucks, on the fatal fifth of March last, occasions much speculation in this Town:"

Adams is writing this article is response to the trial held for the soldiers involved in the fatal shooting that occurred on March 5, 1770, which we now refer to as the Boston Massacre. On this day, a large group of colonists had gathered in the streets of Boston to protest their treatment by the crown. They were displeased with the rising taxes being levied on them, and the restrictions to their freedom that these taxes represented, all without holding any representation in the legislating body of Britain. At the time, more than 2,000 British soldiers occupied Boston and tensions were running high. It should come as no surprise that when a large group of these soldiers arrived to quell the demonstration, things turned violent very quickly. Shortly after arriving on the scene, a number of soldiers fired their weapons into the crowd, killing five in total. It is, to this day, unclear what prompted the soldiers to do so, though there is speculation that a brawl broke out between the soldier and the colonists prior to the use of lethal force. In any case, the event marks a significant shift in relations between the British and the colonists, turning the two groups into adversaries rather than cohabiters. Many historians believe that this tragedy is one of the single most important events of the American Revolution, as it served to unite individuals all across the nation in their desire for independence and created martyrs for liberty that all could rally behind.

Given the enormous impact of this event, it is no surprise that Samuel Adams desired to control the narrative the surrounded it and keep it alive in the minds of the people by revisiting it any time an opportunity presented itself.

"I am free to declare my opinion, that a cause of so great importance, not only to this town, but to all his Majesty’s subjects, especially to the inhabitants of cities and sea port town, who are exposed to have troops posted among them, whenever the present administration shall take it into their heads in his Majesty’s name to send them such a cause, I say, ought to be fairly stated to the public;"

Here, Adams begins to discuss the way in which he believes that the colonists ought to be treated by the crown. However, as he does so he refers to himself and the other inhabitants of New England as "his Majesty's subjects." This term highlights what Adam's sees as disconnect between expectation and reality. A central contention of the revolutionaries was that they were forced to bear all the burdens of an English citizens while receiving none of the benefits. Adams sees that problem manifested here, it that troops are being stationed all over the colonies without the colonists' approval, to enforce laws in which they had no say. In invoking the colonists' relationship with the King to make this point, Adams draws attention to the fact that this relationship entitles them to privileges, like representation, that they are simply not receiving. Thus, the colonists need to find a new arrangement-- most preferably, independence.

"When Captain Preston was asked, Whether the soldiers intended to fire, he answer’d they could not fire without his orders: No one will pretend that they had not strength or skill to pill their trickers; but by the rules of the army, their own rules, they were restrained from firing till he first gave them orders: Yet contrary to those very rules they all did fire;"

This is an example of the common suffrage-era rhetorical technique called ventriloquism. Where Stanton used fabricated quotations in making her argument, Adams in employing direct quotations in his piece to suit his own ends. Adams' central goal is to make the soldier, and by extension, English rule, seem unreasonable. Here, he does so by establishing the rules of the army as described by Captain Preston himself-- the leader of the group that addressed the demonstration in Boston-- then succinctly proving that the soldiers broke their own clearly stated rules, resulting in the deaths of civilians. Simply arguing that the soldiers were reckless or irresponsible would not have been nearly as impactful as showing in an logically constructed fashion exactly what rules were set in place and how they were broken. In order to do so, he had to borrow Preston's voice, which has the secondary effect of making the Captain seem incompetent. This effect also works in Adams' favor, for obvious reasons.

Given the efficacy of this tactic during the Revolution, it is no surprise that it made a reappearance in suffrage literature and print.

"One witness who is a young gentleman of a liberal education and a unspotted character, declared, that when they came down there were about ten persons round the sentry—that one of the prisoners whom he particularly named, loaded his gun, pushed him with his bayonet and damn’d him—that about fifty or sixty persons came down with the party, and that he did not observe the people press on."

Where Adams desired to make the soldiers appear unreasonable and incompetent, he also wants to make the victims of their incompetence seem downright angelic. This is evident in the generous description he gives to the witness, mentioning his education and moral fiber, as well as in the way he contrasts the witness's character with the gruff and violent actions of the soldiers. Here, he is attempting to establish a rift between the British and the colonists. Given the origins of the latter, the in group and out group that he wants to create are somewhat artificial, so using examples like this to highlight the ways in which colonists are better than there English counterparts are not without cause.

This tactic can be seen mirrored in suffrage writings, where authors attempt to build a strong distinction between the high-minded women campaigning for rights and the unintelligent or uninteresting women who continue blithely down the path of subjugation.

"Such a conduct surely did not discover the most peaceable disposition in the lawful assembly of soldiers—One who think that they intended to assassinate those, who they had no reason to think has the least inclination to injure them—If these are not the instances of assault, I know not what an assault is:"

Before Adams concludes his piece, he wants to ensure that the only apparent solution to the problems he has presented is revolution rather than reconciliation. In order to do so, he must demonize the soldiers, and by extension, England, to an even greater degree than before. In order to do so, he suggests that any attempts at peaceable resolution will ultimately fail, as the British do not have a "peaceable disposition." Rather, he makes clear that he believes their natural inclination is toward violence and assault. Thus, the colonists need to be prepared to meet assault with assault, rather than find themselves caught off gaurd and risking losing the upper hand by leading with nonviolence.

In an explicit sense, this technique is unique to the setting of the American Revolution, as suffragists never faced the possibility of war. However, the concept of demonizing groups whose goals work in opposition to their own is certainly mirrored in the way suffragists chose to portray men and anti-suffragists in different instances.