Social media holds immense power within modern societies. Looking at events such as the Arab uprisings, youth-led protests in Kenya and Nepal, and more recently (as of October 2025) in Morocco, it becomes clear that platforms like Instagram, Facebook, and X (formerly Twitter) play a crucial role in enabling connection, mobilization, and the rapid spread of information.
However, social media also poses significant risks to democratic systems. These platforms are increasingly being instrumentalized for disinformation, polarization, and even election manipulation. The same tools that empower civic engagement can also undermine trust, truth, and democratic integrity.
In How to Stand Up to a Dictator, journalist and Nobel Peace Prize laureate Maria Ressa reflects on her struggle for truth and democracy in the Philippines and beyond. She exposes how social media ecosystems amplify lies and empower authoritarian leaders, while emphasizing the importance of courage, integrity, and independent journalism in resisting oppression. Ressa’s book is both a powerful personal memoir and a stark warning about the global threat of digital disinformation.
Naughton (2022): How to Stand Up to a Dictator by Maria Ressa review – tales of a moral giant, The Guardian, in: https://www.theguardian.com/books/2022/nov/20/how-to-stand-up-to-a-dictator-by-maria-ressa-review-tales-of-a-moral-giant.
Hammerschmid, Sara (2025): Forscherin erklärt Rechtsruck: Steigende Ungleichheit und Zukunftsängste machen Rechtsparteien stark, last access: 02.10.2025, in: https://kontrast.at/rechtsruck-erklaert-ungleichheit/.
Equality Trust (2024): Briefing: The link between inequality and the far rifght, last access: 02.10.2025, in: https://equalitytrust.org.uk/evidence-base/briefings/briefing-the-link-between-inequality-and-the-far-right/?utm_source=chatgpt.com.
Growing inequality and social insecurity are key drivers behind the rise of right-wing movements in many countries. Recent research shows that when people feel left behind, fear losing their jobs, or struggle to afford housing and basic needs, frustration grows. For example, studies find that a long-term increase in income inequality correlates with higher support for far-right parties (Hammerschmid, Sarah: 2025). Instead of blaming economic structures or wealthy elites, many are encouraged to blame immigrants, minorities, or international institutions. Right-wing parties use these fears to present themselves as protectors of “ordinary people“. However, their policies often deepen inequality rather than solve it, creating a cycle where economic frustration continues to fuel political polarization and social division.
The study demonstrated that austerity policies and cuts in public services fuel the rise of right-wing parties by creating feelings of abandonment and economic insecurity among citizens. In areas where the state withdrew for instance through reduced transport options or postal closures support for right-wing parties increased. The political scientist Sabine Nuss argues that neoliberal wage, welfare and deregulation policies generate a permanent sense of risk. Right-wing parties capitalize on this by positioning themselves as the voice of those left behind.
Few issues divide Europe as deeply as migration. While some construct it as a threat to security, identity, or prosperity, others see it as an expression of humanity, solidarity, and global responsibility. Studies show that migration is disproportionately present in politics and the media far more often than its actual social impact would suggest. This overemphasis fuels polarization: migration becomes a symbolic issue through which deeper questions of belonging, justice, and fear of change are negotiated.
What is often forgotten is that the causes of flight and migration are deeply rooted in global power relations. Wars, environmental destruction, and economic exploitation deprive millions of people of their livelihoods frequently exacerbated or even caused by the policies and economic interests of Western states. Migration is therefore not merely the result of individual decisions but also an expression of structural inequality.
At the same time, it represents a movement of autonomy: people leave their homes in search of safety, dignity, and freedom. The right to seek protection is a fundamental human right. Migration, then, should not be understood primarily as a problem but as part of human freedom of movement and as a test of our commitment to justice and responsibility.
Medico international (2025): 10 Jahre Sommer der Migration. Vom Sommer der Solidarität zum Angriff auf die Migrationsgesellschaften., in: https://www.medico.de/migration, last access: 12.11.2025.
Annals of the International Communication Association, Volume 42, Issue 3, September 2018, Pages 207–223, https://doi.org/10.1080/23808985.2018.1497452.
Feminist scholars understand contemporary polarization in Europe largely as a backlash against the success of feminist and progressive movements. Advances in gender equality and sexual rights have provoked counter-mobilizations by right-wing, anti-liberal, and authoritarian actors who seek to restore traditional gender roles and oppose liberal values such as reproductive rights and marriage equality.
Central to these movements is the construction of the so-called “gender agenda” as a political enemy. Feminist analyses identify anti-gender politics as a core ideological element of right-wing populism in Europe, framing it as a reactionary response to decades of gender equality reforms. Through nationalist and populist rhetoric, gender becomes a symbolic site for articulating broader social discontent.
From a feminist perspective, the post-1989 project of liberalization represents both a historical success and a source of structural tensions. Social and economic transformations have produced new forms of inequality and insecurity, which right-wing movements exploit through nationalist narratives that frequently target women’s rights and equality policies.
Overall, feminist approaches provide critical insight into the causes and dynamics of polarization by linking anti-gender mobilization to wider struggles over democracy, social order, and political sovereignty. A intersectional feminist analysis is needed.
Stoltz, P. (2021): Right-wing populism and gender. European perspectives and beyond: by Gabriele Dietze and Julia Roth, eds., Bielefeld, transcript Verlag, 2020, Ethnic and Racial Studies, 44(13).
Pluralization is a core element of democracy. It refers to the rights and freedoms people have to develop their own identities based on religion, sexuality, beliefs, and ways of life. A democratic system depends on the ability to balance diverse interests, groups, and identities. For groups who have long fought and continue to fight for their right to exist without discrimination pluralism is not only about being seen, but about having equal chances, rights, and recognition in society.
To understand pluralism in a radical way, we must also acknowledge that no one has only one identity. Every person is shaped by multiple, overlapping experiences, and identities can differ even within the same group. Across many countries in the European Union, however, pluralism is increasingly reduced to identity politics and misused by populist parties. Certain groups, such as asylum seekers or the LGBTIQ+ community, are turned into political scapegoats and blamed for social and political failure.
This development is challenging for democracy because it shifts political responsibility away from institutions and power structures and places the blame on marginalized groups instead. When pluralism is turned into a tool of fear and division, it weakens social cohesion, fuels hatred, and undermines democratic trust. What must be strengthened instead are solidarity, equal rights, social justice, and a political culture that protects diversity rather than exploiting it. Democracy can only thrive when all people are treated as equal participants in society.
EBSCO (2021) “Democracy: The Pluralist Perspective” (EBSCO Research Starters).
Asenbaum, Hans & Meriluoto, Taina Maria (2025). Radical Pluralization: Mobilizing the Multiple Self in Democratic Engagements. Constellations: an international journal of critical and democratic theory. DOI: 10.1111/1467-8675.70021
The collapse of Bashar al-Assad’s regime in Syria in December 2024 marked a major turning point for the Middle East and North Africa (MENA). It significantly weakened Iran’s so-called “Axis of Resistance,” strengthened Israel’s strategic position, and forced regional powers to reassess their political and security strategies.
For Iran and Hezbollah, the fall of Assad represents a severe strategic defeat. Syria had served as the key land corridor for Iranian weapons and supplies to Hezbollah in Lebanon. With this route cut, Hezbollah’s military capabilities have been substantially reduced. Israel, by contrast, emerged as a clear beneficiary. The loss of Syria as an Iranian forward base undermines Tehran’s deterrence strategy and reduces Iranian influence along Israel’s borders. Neighboring states such as Turkey, Lebanon, and Jordan now face new challenges. Turkey, which supported opposition forces, must navigate a fragile transition, while Syria’s neighbors are reassessing refugee flows and security risks. Egypt and the Gulf states are watching closely, welcoming Iran’s weakening influence but remaining wary of growing instability and the rise of Islamist groups like Hay’at Tahrir al-Sham (HTS).
Overall, Assad’s fall has shifted the regional balance of power. However, the HTS-led transitional government has created a dangerous power vacuum, raising concerns about radicalization and prolonged instability. As noted by the Friedrich Naumann Foundation, the region has entered a new phase of uncertainty, marked by renegotiated alliances and unresolved security risks.
Dehnert et. al. (2025): 100 Tage nach dem Sturz des Assad-Regimes Ein Blick aus der MENA-Region auf den Machtwechsel in Damaskus, Friedrich Naumann Stiftung, in: https://www.freiheit.org/de/naher-osten-und-nordafrika/100-tage-nach-dem-sturz-des-assad-regimes, last access: 13.12.2025.
The European Union has long struggled with what is known as a democratic deficit. It is adressing the growing gap between EU decision-making and the direct influence of its citizens. While the EU has expanded its authority through successive treaties, democratic accountability has not kept the same development.
A key issue is the limited power of the European Parliament, the only EU institution directly elected by citizens. Despite representing over 400 million people, it cannot initiate legislation, leaving much of the agenda-setting power to the European Commission, which is not elected by the public. This institutional imbalance contributes to feelings of distance and disengagement among voters.
The problem is compounded by the lack of a shared European political identity. Most citizens still identify primarily with their nation-states, weakening democratic participation at the EU level and reducing voter turnout in European elections.
Although reforms such as the European Citizens’ Initiative aim to improve participation, they have so far fallen short. Unless the EU strengthens transparency, accountability, and citizen involvement, the democratic deficit will remain a central challenge to its legitimacy and long-term stability.
Op-Ed: The European Union has a Democratic Deficit Problem,” Pardee Atlas Journal of Global Affairs, Boston University, in: https://sites.bu.edu/pardeeatlas/opinions/op-ed-the-european-union-has-a-democratic-deficit-problem/, last access: 13.12.2025.
Euroscepticism continues to play a significant role in European politics, shaping party competition and public debate across the continent. In their 2024 article, Aleks Szczerbiak and Paul Taggart argue that Euroscepticism today is closely linked to the rise of anti-establishment parties, rather than being only about rejecting European integration outright.
Euroscepticism ranges from “hard” opposition, which rejects EU membership entirely, to “soft” criticism, which accepts the EU but challenges its policies or direction. While explicit calls for leaving the EU have declined since Brexit, critical attitudes toward the Union remain widespread. Many parties now focus on reforming the EU rather than abandoning it altogether.
The article shows that Euroscepticism is often used as a political strategy by parties that position themselves against political elites. By criticising the EU, these parties appeal to voters who feel excluded from decision-making at both national and European levels. As a result, Euroscepticism has become less about Europe alone and more about broader dissatisfaction with democratic representation.
Overall, Euroscepticism reflects deeper tensions over sovereignty, accountability, and trust in political institutions. Even without strong exit movements, EU criticism will likely remain a central feature of European politics.
Szczerbiak, A. & Taggart, P. (2024). Euroscepticism and Anti-Establishment Parties in Europe. Journal of European Integration, 46(8), 1171–1191.