Although third-party policies adoption (i.e. policies targeting non-offending parties to address misconduct by individuals within their control) is growing worldwide, its effect on crime remains unclear. Using Ohio data from 2000 to 2014, this study examines the impact of nuisance ordinances, a policy that penalises landlords for disturbances on their properties. The findings indicate a 18% increase in burglaries and a 28% rise in vehicle thefts. Indirect evidence suggests these effects are driven by an increase in homelessness, prompting more individuals to seek shelter in buildings and vehicles. These findings highlight that third-party policing may backfire.
[BSE Focus 2022] [DevPolicy 2020] [IOEA Best Paper 2019]Â
Agricultural modernization is a critical driver of economic development. However, it can generate conflicts on previously uncontested land. This paper shows that the expansion of capital-intensive agriculture induced by market-oriented reforms and technological innovation in the mid-1990s in Brazil increased the number of land occupations by subsistence farmers and rural workers. Our identification strategy exploits local variation in the profitability of investments in soy production given by geographic characteristics and the timing of our shock in a difference-in-differences setting. We find that higher land inequality increases conflict by decreasing land access for subsistence farmers and rural workers while creating political incentives for social movements opposing large farm expansion.
Inequality and Conflict in Catalonia (with Daniel Carrera Abad, Andrea Pop Catalisan, and Gianluca Russo)
[5centims]
We study how historical inequality shapes long-run political preferences. Our setting is Catalonia, where Christian counts expanded southward into Al-Andalus between the ninth and eleventh centuries at heterogeneous speeds, creating a frontier whose location was driven by idiosyncratic military events. Using a spatial regression discontinuity design comparing municipalities on either side of this frontier, we find that areas conquered more rapidly display persistently stronger support for the radical left. Southern municipalities show higher vote shares for radical-left parties in all democratic elections since 1977, a greater historical presence of anarcho-syndicalist and communist organizations, and more frequent protest activity. These patterns extend back to the Second Republic and the Spanish Civil War, including differences in militias, collectivization, and repression. We trace these effects to the resettlement process in fast-conquered territories, which produced concentrated landholding, weaker state capacity, and a large class of landless peasants. Our findings show how inequality under weak political authority can generate lasting radical political identities.