English Colonies

• The councils are to “dig, mine, and search” for all gold, silver, and copper to be found in the territory.

• The councils are also to make a coin, a form of money, in order to trade between colonies and natives.

• Certain gentlemen are permitted the right to establish plantations within the territory that will then fall under the authority of the charter.

• All people born within the colonies are to have the same rights as in the rest of the English empire.

• No goods can be transported and sold to a foreign territory. Any goods found to have been traded with a foreign country can be confiscated by the company.

When it shall please God to send you on the coast of Virginia, you shall do your best endeavor to find out a safe port in the entrance of some navigable river, making choice of such one as runs farthest into the land, and if you happen to discover diverse portable rivers, and among them any one that has two main branches, if the difference be not great, make choice of that which bends most toward the North-west for that way you shall soon find the other sea....

In all your passages you must have great care not to offend the naturals [Indians], if you can eschew it; and employ some few of your company to trade with them for corn and all other lasting victuals if [they] have any: and this you must do before they perceive you mean to plant among them; for not being sure how your own seed corn will prosper the first year, to avoid the danger of famine, use and endeavor to store yourselves of the country corn…

You shall do well to send a perfect relation [report] by Captain Newport of all that is done, what height you are seated, how far into the land, what commodities you find, what soil, woods, and their several kinds, and so of all other things else to advertise particularly; and to suffer no man to return but by passport from the President and Council, nor to write any letter of any thing that may discourage others. the way to prosper and achieve good success is to make yourselves all of one mind of the good of your country and your own, and to serve and fear God the Giver of all Goodness, for every plantation which our Heavenly Father has not planted shall be rooted out.

If there were any conscience in men, it would make their hearts to bleed to hear the pitiful murmurings and outcries of our sick men without relief, every night and day, for the space of six weeks, some departing out of the World, many times three or four in a night; in the morning, their bodies trailed out of their Cabins like Dogs to be buried….

It pleased God, after a while, to send those people which were our mortal enemies [the Powhatans] to relieve us with victuals, such as Bread, Corn, Fish, and Flesh in great plenty, otherwise we had all perished. Also we were frequented by diverse Kings in the Country [Indian chiefs], bringing us provisions [supplies] to our great comfort.

“Being thus left to our fortunes, it fortuned that within ten days scarce ten amongst us could either go, or well stand, such extreme weakness and sickness oppressed us. And thereat none need marvel, if they consider the cause and reason, which was this; whilst the ships stayed, our allowance was somewhat bettered by a daily proportion of Biscuit, which the sailors would pilfer to sell, give, or exchange with us, for money, sassafras, furs, or love. But when they departed, there remained neither tavern, beer house, nor place of relief, but the common Kettle. Had we been as free from all sins as gluttony and drunkenness, we might have been canonized for Saints; But our President would never have been admitted, for engrossing to his private [use], Oatmeal, Sack, Oil, Aquavitae, Beef, Eggs, or what not. But the Kettle, that indeed he allowed equally to be distributed, and that was half a pint of wheat, and as much barley boiled with water for a man a day, and this having fried some 26 weeks in the ship's hold, contained as many worms as grains; so that we might truly call it rather so much bran then corn, our drink was water, our lodgings Castles in the air: with this lodging and diet, our extreme toil in bearing and planting Pallisadoes, so strained and bruised us, and our continual labor in the extremity of the heat had so weakened us, as were cause sufficient to have made us as miserable in our native Country, or any other place in the world. From May to September, those that escaped lived upon Sturgeon, and Sea-crabs, fifty in this time we buried. . .

The day before Captain Smith returned for England with the ships (October 4, 1609), Captain Davis arrived in a small pinnace (light sailing vessel), with some sixteen proper men more.... For the savages no sooner understood Smith was gone but they all revolted, and did spoil and murder all they encountered . . . Now we all found the loss of Captain Smith; yea, his greatest maligners could now curse his loss. As for corn provision and contribution from the savages, we [now] had nothing but mortal wounds, with clubs and arrows. As for our hogs, hens, goats, sheep, horses, and what lived, our commanders, officers, and savages daily consumed them. Some small proportions sometimes we tasted, till all was devoured; then swords, arms, pieces, or anything we traded with the savages, whose cruel fingers were so often imbrued in our blood that what by their cruelty, our Governor's indiscretion, and the loss of our ships, of five hundred [people] within six months after Captain Smith's departure there remained not past sixty men, women, and children, most miserable and poor creatures. And those were preserved for the most part by roots, herbs, acorns, walnuts, berries, now and then a little fish. They that had courage in these extremities made no small use of it; yea, they ate even the very skins of our horses. Nay, so great was our famine that a savage we slew and buried, the poorer sort took him up again and ate him; and so did diver's one another boiled and stewed, with roots and herbs. And one amongst the rest did kill his wife, salted her, and had eaten part of her before it was known, for which he was executed, as he well deserved. Now whether she was better roasted, boiled, or broiled, I know not; but of such a dish as powdered wife I never heard of. This was the time which still to this day [1624] we called the starving time. It were too vile to say, and scarce to be believed, what we endured.”

[Smith was exploring the Chickahominy river, having gone ahead of the group with a native guide.] Finding he was beset with 200 Savages, two of them he slew, still defending himself with the aid of a Savage his guide, whom he bound to his arm with his garters, and used him as a buckler. [That is, Smith tied his native guide to his arm to make him a human shield against the Powhatan arrows.] Yet he [Smith] was shot in his thigh a little, and had many arrows that stuck in his clothes but no great hurt, till at last they took him prisoner.

[Before being taken prisoner, he and his attackers had been at a standoff. After he killed three of them and frightened others with his gun, he stumbled into a bog and was trapped there. Even so, none of them would come near him] till being near dead with cold, he threw away his Arms. Then according to their composition they drew him forth and led him to the fire, where his men were slain. Diligently they chafed his benumbed limbs. He demanding for their Captain, they showed him Opechankanough, King of Pamaunkee [also Powhatan's brother and heir], to whom he gave a round Ivory double compass dial. Much they marveled at the playing of the Fly and Needle, which they could see so plainly, and yet not touch it, because of the glass that covered them. . . . But when he demonstrated by that Globe-like jewel, the roundness of the earth, and skies, the sphere of the Sun, Moon, and Stars, and how the Sun did chase the night round about the world continually; the greatness of the Land and Sea, the diversity of Nations, variety of complexions, and how we were to them Antipodes, and many other such like matters, they all stood as amazed with admiration.

Notwithstanding, within an hour after they tied him to a tree, and as many as could stand about him prepared to shoot him, but the King holding up the Compass in his hand, they all laid down their Bows and Arrows, and . . . he was after their manner kindly feasted, and well used.

At last they brought him to [Werowocomoco], where was Powhatan their Emperor. Here more then two hundred of those grim Courtiers stood wondering at him, as he had been a monster; till Powhatan and his train had put themselves in their greatest braveries. Before a fire upon a seat like a bedstead, he sat covered with a great robe, made of Rarowcun [raccoon] skins, and all the tails hanging by. On either hand did sit a young wench of 16 or 18 years, and along on each side the house, two rows of men, and behind them as many women, with all their heads and shoulders painted red; many of their heads bedecked with the white down of Birds; but every one with something: and a great chain of white beads about their necks. At his entrance before the King, all the people gave a great shout. The Queen of Appamatuck was appointed to bring him water to wash his hands, and another brought him a bunch of feathers, instead of a towel to dry them.

Having feasted him after their best barbarous manner they could, a long consultation was held, but the conclusion was, two great stones were brought before Powhatan: then as many as could laid hands on him, dragged him to them, and thereon laid his head, and being ready with their clubs, to beat out his brains, Pocahontas the King's dearest daughter, when no entreaty could prevail, got his head in her Arms, and laid her own upon his to save him from death: whereat the Emperor was contented he should live to make him hatchets, and her bells, beads, and copper; for they thought him as well of all occupations as themselves. For the King himself will make his own robes, shoes, Bows, arrows, pots; plant, hunt, or do any thing so well as the rest. . . .

Two days after, Powhatan having disguised himself in the most fearful manner he could, caused Capt. Smith to be brought forth to a great house in the woods, and there upon a mat by the fire to be left alone. Not long after from behind a mat that divided the house, was made the most dolefullest noise he ever heard; then Powhatan more like a devil then a man with some two hundred more as black as himself, came unto him and told him now they were friends, and presently he should go to Jamestown, to send him two great guns, and a grindstone, for which he would give him the Country of Capahowosick, and forever esteem him as his son Nantaquoud.

So to Jamestown with 12 guides Powhatan sent him. That night they quartered in the woods, he still expecting (as he had done all this long time of his imprisonment) every hour to be put to one death or other: for all their feasting. But almighty God (by his divine providence) had mollified the hearts of those stern Barbarians with compassion. The next morning betimes they came to the Fort, where Smith having used the Savages with what kindness he could, he showed Rawhunt, Powhatans trusty servant two demi-Culverings [a cannon] & a millstone to carry Powhatan: they found them somewhat too heavy [Here, Smith is making an amusing understatement.] But when they did see him discharge them, being loaded with stones, among the boughs of a great tree loaded with icicles, the ice and branches came so tumbling down, that the poor Savages ran away half dead with fear. But at last we regained some conference with them, and gave them such toys; and sent to Powhatan, his women, and children such presents, as gave them in general full content. . . .

Now ever once in four or five days, Pocahontas with her attendants, brought him so much provision, that saved many of their lives, that else for all this had starved with hunger.

[Smith's] relation of the plenty he had seen, especially at [Werowocomoco], and of the state and bounty of Powhatan, (which till that time was unknown) so revived [the colonists'] dead spirits (especially the love of Pocahontas) as all men's fear was abandoned. Thus you may see what difficulties still crossed any good endeavor: and the good success of the business being thus oft brought to the very period of destruction; yet you see by what strange means God hath still delivered it.

[Shortly after Smith returned to Jamestown in January 1608, Captain Christopher Newport arrived from England to lead the colony. He and Smith disagreed over how to manage relations with the Powhatans.] The Savages, as is said, every other day repaired [to Smith], with such provisions that sufficiently did serve them from hand to mouth: part always they brought him as Presents from their King, or Pocahontas; the rest he as their Market Clerk set the price himself, how they should sell: so he had enchanted these poor souls being their prisoner. . . .

But the President and Council so much envied [Smith's] estimation among the Savages, . . .that they wrought it into the Savages' understandings (by their great bounty in giving four times more for their commodities then Smith appointed) that their greatness and authority as much exceeded his, as their bounty and liberality. . . . But in a short time it followed, that could not be had for a pound of Copper, which before was sold us for an ounce: thus ambition and sufferance cut the throat of our trade, but confirmed their opinion of the greatness of Capt. Newport . . . especially by the great presents Newport often sent [Powhatan].

Arriving at Werowocomoco, Newport's [image of] this great Savage bred many doubts and suspicions of treacheries, which Smith to make appear was needless, with twenty men well appointed, undertook to encounter the worst that could happen. . . . But finding all things well, by two or three hundred Savages they were kindly conducted to their town. Where Powhatan strained himself to the utmost of his greatness to entertain them, with great shouts of joy, Orations of protestations; and with the most plenty of victuals he could provide to feast them. Sitting upon his bed of mats, his pillow of leather embroidered (after their rude manner with pearl and white Beads) his attire a fair robe of skins as large as an Irish mantel: at his head and feet a handsome young woman: on each side his house sat twenty of his Concubines, their heads and shoulders painted red, with a great chain of white beads about each of their necks. Before those sat his chiefest men in like order in his arbor-like house, and more then forty platters of fine bread stood as a guard in two files on each side the door. Four or five hundred people made a guard behind them for our passage; and Proclamation was made, none upon pain of death to presume to do us any wrong or discourtesy. With many pretty Discourses to renew their old acquaintance, this great King and our Captain spent the time.

Three or four days more we spent in feasting, dancing, and trading, wherein Powhatan carried himself so proudly, yet discreetly (in his savage manner) as made us all admire his natural gifts, considering his education. As scorning to trade as his subjects did; he bespake Newport in this manner.

Captain Newport it is not agreeable to my greatness, in this peddling manner to trade for trifles; and I esteem you also a great Werowance. Therefore lay me down all your commodities together; what I like I will take, and in recompense give you what I think fitting their value.

Captain Smith being our interpreter . . . knowing best the disposition of Powhatan, told us his intent was but only to cheat us; yet Captain Newport thinking to out brave this Savage in ostentation of greatness, and so to bewitch him with his bounty, as to have what he listed, it so happened, that Powhatan having his desire, valued his corn at such a rate, that I think it better cheap in Spain: for we had not four bushels for that we expected to have twenty hogsheads. This bred some unkindness between our two Captains; Newport seeking to please the unsatiable desire of the Savage, Smith to cause the Savage to please him.

But smothering his [Smith's] distaste to avoid the Savages suspicion, glanced in the eyes of Powhatan many trifles, who fixed his humor upon a few blue beads. A long time he [Powhatan] importunately desired them, but Smith seemed so much the more to affect them, as being composed of a most rare substance of the color of the skies, and not to be worn but by the greatest kings in the world. This made him half mad to be the owner of such strange jewels: so that ere we departed, for a pound or two of blue beads, he brought over . . . 200 or 300 Bushels of corn; yet parted good friends.

• Every man and woman shall attend church services twice a day on each work day...Non attendance will result in losing his or her day’s rations (food) for the first offense, being whipped for the second offense

• Every man and woman shall attend church service on Sunday morning and afternoon...For the third offense, he or she shall suffer death.

• No man, unless appointed by a lawful authority, shall barter or trade with the Indians, upon pain of death.

• No man shall take away anything by force from any Indian coming to trade or in any other situation, on pain of death.

• No man shall take, lose, or willfully break a spade, shovel, hatchet, axe, or other tool, upon pain of whipping.

• Everyone shall work each day or lose meals for one month

• No man or woman shall run away from the colony to the Indians, upon pain of death.

• Anyone who robs a garden, public or private, or a vineyard, or who steals ears of corn shall be punished with death.

. . .[A]n industrious man not other ways employed, may well tend four acres of corn, and 1,000 plants of tobacco, and where they say an acre will yield but three or four barrels, we have ordinarily four or five, but of new ground six, seven, and eight, and a barrel of peas and beans, which we esteem as good as two of corn, . . . so that one man may provide corn for five [people], and apparel for two [people] by the profit of his tobacco. . . but we but carpenters to build and make carts and ploughs, and skillful men that know how to use them, and train up our cattle to draw them, . . . yet our want [lack] of experience brings but little to perfection but planting tobacco, and yet of that many are so covetous to have much, they make little good. . .

It must be confessed, that Barbados fends a better commodity [sugar] into England than Virginia yet does; but withall it must be acknowledged that one Ship from Virginia brings more Money to the Crown than five Ships of the same burthen [ship’s carrying capacity] do from the Barbados... the Foundation of our wealth and industry has been built on this vicious habit of taking Tobacco [that] possess the English Nation...

Though Virginia now only produces Tobacco for the bulk of her trade, it also has produced Silk, Flax, Hemp, Iron, Rice, Pitch, Tar, which are Commodities more lasting and necessary than Sugar or Indigo of the Carolina and Caribbean colonies can...and as our Numbers increase, so will our Wealth…[and] our industry and trade shall equal theirs [Carolina and Barbados] who are already forced to trade ⅕ of their Merchandise to provide Victuals [food] for themselves and Servants.

It is the glory of every Nation to enlarge themselves, to encourage their own foreign attempts, and to be able to be able to have their own, within their territories, as many several commodities as they can attain to, that so others may rather be beholding to them, than they to others....

But alas, we Englishmen...do not only fail in this, but vilify, scandalize and cry down such parts of the unknown world, as have been found out, settled and made flourishing, by the charge, hazard, and diligence of their own brethren, as if because removed from us, we either account them people of another world or enemies.

This is too truly made good in the odious and cruel slanders cast on those two famous Countries of Virginia and Mary-land, whereby those Countries, not only are many times at a stand, but are in danger to moulder away, and come in time to nothing....

The Country [Virginia] is reported to be an unhealthy place, a nest of Rogues, whores, dissolute and rooking persons; a place of intolerable labour, bad usage and hard Diet, &c.

To Answer these several calumnies, I shall first shew what it was? Next, what it is?

At the first settling and many years after, it deserved most of those aspersions (nor were they aspersions but truths).... Then were Jails emptied, youth seduced, infamous women drilled in, the provisions all brought out of England, and that embezzled by the Trustees (for they durst neither hunt fowl, nor Fish, for fear of the Indian, which they stood in awe of) their labour was almost perpetual, their allowance of victual small, few or no cattle, no use of horses nor oxen to draw or carry, (which labours men supplied themselves) all of which caused a mortality; no civil courts of justice but under a martial law, no redress of grievances, complaints were repaid with stripes...in a word all and the worst that tyranny could inflict....

And having briefly laid down the former state of Virginia, in its Infancy, and filth, and the occasion of its scandalous aspersions: I come to my main subject, its present condition of Happiness (if anything can be called happy in this transitory life)....

The usual allowance for servants is (besides their charge of passage defrayed) at their expiration, a year's provision of corn, double apparel, tools necessary, and land according to the custom of the Country, which is an old delusion, for there is no land customarily due to the servant, but to the Master, and therefore that servant is unwise that will not dash out that custom in his covenant and make that due of land absolutely his own, which although at the present, not of so great consequences; yet in few years will be of much worth....

When ye go aboard, expect the Ship somewhat troubled and in a hurlyburly, until ye clear the lands end; and that the Ship is rummaged, and things put to rights, which many times discourages the Passengers, and makes them wish the Voyage unattempted: but this is but for a short season, and washes off when at Sea, where the time is pleasantly passed away, though not with such choice plenty as the shore affords.

The labour servants are put to, is not so hard nor of such continuance as Husbandmen, nor Handicraftmen are kept at in England, I said little or nothing is done in winter time, none ever work before sun rising nor after sun set, in the summer they rest, sleep or exercise themselves give hours in the heat of the day, Saturdays afternoon is always their own, the old Holidays are observed and the Sabbath spent in good exercises.

The women are not (as is reported) put into the ground to work, but occupy such domestic employments and housewifery as in England, that is dressing victuals, right up the house, milking, employed about dairies, washing, sewing, &c. and both men and women have times of recreations, as much or more than in any part of the world besides, yet some wenches that are nastily, beastly and not fit to be so employed are put into the ground, for reason tells us, they must not at charge be transported then maintained for nothing, but those that prove so awkward are rather burthensome than servants desirable or useful....

Those Servants that will be industrious may in their time of service gain a competent estate before their Freedoms, which is usually done by many, and they gain esteem and assistance that appear so industrious: There is no Master almost but will allow his Servant a parcel of clear ground to cut some Tobacco in for himself, which he may husband at those many idle times he hath allowed him and not prejudice, but rejoice his Master to see it, which in time of Shipping he may lay out for commodities, and in Summer sell them again with advantage and get a Pig or two, which any body almost will give him, and his Master suffer him to keep them with his own, which will be no charge to his Master, and with one years increase of them may purchase a Cow Calf or two, and by that time he is for himself; he may have Cattle, Hogs and Tobacco of his own, and come to live gallantly; but this must be gained (as I have said) by Industry and affability, not by sloth nor churlish behavior.

And whereas it is rumoured that Servants have no lodging other then on boards, or by the Fire side, it is contrary to reason to believe it: First, as we are Christians; next as people living under a law, which compels as well the Master as the Servant to perform his duty; nor can true labour be either expected or exacted without sufficient clothing, diet, and lodging; all which their Indentures (which must inviolably be observed) and the Justice of the Country requires.

But if any go thither, not in a condition of a Servant, but pay his or her passage, which is some six pounds: Let them not doubt but it is money well laid out...although they carry little else to take a Bed along with them, and then few Houses but will give them entertainment, either out of courtesy, or on reasonable terms; and I think it better for any that goes over free, and but in a mean condition, to hire himself for reasonable wages of Tobacco and Provision, the first year, provided he happen in an honest house, and where the Mistress is noted for a good Housewife, of which there are very many (notwithstanding the cry to the contrary) for by that means he will live free of disbursement, have something to help him the next year, and be carefully looked to in his sickness (if he chance to fall sick) and let him so covenant that exceptions may be made, that he work not much in the hot weather, a course we always take with our new hands (as they call them) the first year they come in.

If they are women that go after this manner, that is paying their own passages; I advise them to sojourn in a house of honest repute, for by their good carriage, they may advance themselves in marriage, by their ill, overthrow their fortunes; and although loose persons seldom live long unmarried if free; yet they match with as dissolute as themselves, and never live handsomely or are ever respected.....

Be sure to have your contract in writing and under hand and seal, for if ye go over upon promise made to do this or that, or to be free, it signifies nothing

MY loving countrymen pray lend an ear,

To this relation that I bring you here,

My present sufferings at large I will unfold,

Altho' its strange, 'tis true as e'er was told.

Of honest parents I did come tho' poor,

Who besides me had children never more,

Near temple-bar was born their darling son,

In virtue's paths he for some time did run.

My parents in me took a vast delight,

And sent me unto school to read and write,

And cast accompts likewise as it appears,

Until that I was aged thirteen years.

Then to a tin man I was apprentice bound,

My master and my mistress good I found,

They lik'd me well, my business I did mind,

From me my parents comfort hop'd to find.

My master near unto Moorfields did dwell,

Here into wicked company I fell,

To wickedness I quickly was inclin'd,

So soon is tainted any youthful mind.

I from my master then did run away,

And rov'd about the streets both night and day,

Did with a gang of thieves a robbing go,

Which fill'd my parents hearts with grief and woe.

At length my master got me home again,

And us'd me well in hopes I might reclaim,

My father tenderly to me did say,

My dearest child why did you run away.

If you had any cause at all for grief.

Why came you not to me to seek relief,

I well do know you did for nothing lack,

Food for the belly, and cloaths for the back.

My mother said, son, I did implore,

That you will from your master go no more,

Your business mind, your master don't forsake,

Lest you again to wicked courses take.

I promis'd fair, but yet could not refrain,

But to my old companions went again,

For vice when once, alas! it taints the mind,

Is not soon rooted out again we find.

With them a thieving I again did go...

One night was taken up one of our gang,

Who five impeach'd, and three of them were hang'd.

I was one of the five was try'd and cast,

Yet transportation I did get at last,

A just reward for my vile actions base

In vain I grieved and in vain my parents wept,

For I was quickly sent on board the ship,

With melting kisses, and a heavy heart,

I from my parents then did part...

Five of our number in the passage dy'd,

Who were cast into the ocean wide,

And, after sailing seven weeks and more,

We at Virginia all were put on shore.

Then to refresh us we were all well clean'd,

That to our buyers we might the better seem...

And in short time some men up to us came,

Some ask'd our trade, others ask'd our name.

Some view'd our limbs turning us round,

Examining like horses if we were found,

What trade my lad, said one to me,

A tin-man sir. That will not do for me.

Some felt our hands, others our legs and feet,

And made us walk to see if we were compleat.

Some viewed our teeth, to see if they were good,

And fit to chew our hard and homely food.

At length a grim old man unto me came,

He ask'd my trade, likewise my name,

I told him I a tin-man was by trade,

And not eighteen years of age I said,

Likewise the cause I told which brought me here,

And for fourteen years transported were;

And when from me he this did understand,

He bought me of the captain out of hand.

At last to my new master's house I came,

To the town of Wicowoco call'd by name,

Here my European cloaths were took from me,

Which never after I could ever see.

A canvas shirt and trowzers me they gave,

A hop sack frock in which I was a slave,

No shoes or stockings had I for to wear,

Nor hat nor cap my head and feet were bare.

Thus dress'd, into the field I next did go,

Among tobacco plants all day to hoe,

At day break in the morn our work begun,

And lasted till the setting of the sun.

My fellow slaves were five transports more,

With eighteen negroes which is twenty four,

Besides four transport women in the house,

To wait upon his daughter and his spouse.

We and the negroes both alike did fare,

Of work and food we had an equal share,

And in a piece of ground called our own,

The food we eat first by ourselves is sown.

No other time to us they will allow,

But on a Sunday we the same must do,

Six days we slave for our master's good,

The seventh is to produce our homely food,

And when we a hard day's work have done,

Away unto the mill we must be gone,

'Till twelve or one o'clock a grinding corn,

And must be up by day light in the morn.

And if you get in debt in debt with any one,

It must be paid before from thence you come,

In publick places they'll put up your name,

As every one their just demands may claim.

“the best poor Man’s Country in the World”

The People are generally of the Church of England, which is the Religion established by Law in the colony…Christians of all Nations have equal freedom...

Slaves are the Negroes and their Posterity [children]...They are call’d Slaves in respect of the time of their Servitude, because it is for Life. Servants are those which serve only for a few years, according to the time of their Indenture [servant contract].

The work of their Servants and Slaves is no other than what every common Freeman does...And I can assure you, with a great deal of Truth, that generally their Slaves are not worked near so hard, nor so many Hours in a Day, as the Laborers in England.

They live in so happy a Climate and have so fertile a Soil that nobody is poor enough to beg, or want [lack] Food

There are large tracts of Land, Houses, and other things granted to Free-Schools for the Education of Children in many parts of the Country…

The Natural Temperature of the Inhabited part of the Country [colony] is hot and moist, tho’ this Moisture I take to be occasion’d [caused] by the abundance of low Grounds, Marshes, Creeks, and Rivers.

The chief of the Privileges are as follows.

1. No man is to be molested or called in question for matters of Religious Concern; but every one to be obedient to the Civil Government, worshipping God after their own way..

2. There is freedom from Custom [taxes], for all Wine, Silk, Raisins, Currance, Oyl, Olives, and Almonds, that shall be raised in the Province [colony]...

3. Every Freeman and Freewoman that transport themselves and Servants shall have...100 Acres of Land for him and his Heirs for ever, and 50 Acres for every Servant he or she brings…

4. Every Man-Servant at the end of their contract, is to have 100 Acres of Land to him and his heirs for ever...and the Women-Servants 50 Acres of Land…

5. They are to elect a Governor and Council...which has no power to Tax, or make any Law, without the Consent of the Colonial Assembly.

6. They are to choose annually...a General Assembly [with] the sole power of Making Laws, and Laying Taxes for the common good when need shall require.

And whereas the inforcing of the conscience in matters of Religion hate frequently fallen out to be of dangerous Consequence in those commonwealth's where it hath been practised, and for the more quiet and peaceable government of the Province, and the better to preserve mutual Love and amity amongst the inhabitants thereof. Be it Therefore enacted that noe person or (persons) whatsoever within this Province, or the Islands, Ports, Harbors, Creekes, or havens thereunto belonging professing to believe in Jesus Christ, shall from henceforth bee any ways troubled, Molested or discountenanced for or in respect of his or her religion nor in the free exercise thereof within this Province.

May 29th, 1682, by way of Barbados

Most Honored Father:

. . . one thing I understand (to my sorrow) that I knew not before, [that] most have a seasoning, but few dye of it. I find the Commonalty here to be mightily dissatisfied, the reason is 3 or 4 of the great ones, for furs and skins, have furnished the Indians with arms and ammunitions especially those with whom they are now at War, for from those they had all or most of their fur, so that trade which 3 or 4 only kept in their hands is at present gone to decay, and now they have armed the next most potent tribe of the Indians to fight the former, and some few English there are out, looking after them, which is a charge to the people and a stop [to] the further settling of the Country. The soil is generally very light, but apt to produce whatsoever is put into it. There are already all sorts of English fruit and garden herbs besides many others that I never saw in England, and they do send a great deal of Pork, Corn and Cedar to Barbados, besides the victualing of several Vessels that come in here, as Privateers and others which to do in the space of 12 years the time from the 1st seating of it by the English, is no small work, especially if we consider the first Planters which were most of them tradesmen, poor and wholly ignorant of husbandry and till of late but few in number, it being increased more the 3 or 4 last years then the whole time before the whole at present not amounting to 4000, so that their whole Business was to clear a little ground to get Bread for their Families, few of them having wherewithal to purchase a Cow, the first stock whereof they were furnished with, from Bermudas and New England, from the later of which they had their horses which are not so good as those in England, but by reason of their scarcity much dearer, an ordinary Colt at 3 years old being valued at 15 or 16 lies. as they are scarce, so there is but little use of them yet, all Plantations being seated on the Rivers, they can go to and fro by Canoe or Boat as well and as soon as they can ride, the horses here like the Indians and many of the English do travail without shoes. Now each family hath got a stock of Hogs and Cows, which when once a little more increased, they may send of to the Islands cheaper then any other place can, by reason of its propinquity, which trade alone will make it far more considerable than either Virginia, Maryland, Pennsylvania, and those other places to the North of us.

I desire you would be pleased by the next opportunity to send me over the best herbalist for Physical Plants in as small a Volume as you can get. There was a new one just came out as I left England, if I mistake not in 8vo. that was much commended, the Author I have forgot, but there are several in the College that can direct you to the best. If Mr. Sessions, Mr. Hobart or Mr. White, should send to you for money for the passage of a servant, whether man or boy that they Judge likely, I desire you would be pleased to send it them, for such will turn to good account here; and if you please to enquire at some Apothecaries what Sassafras (which grows here in great plenty) is worth a pound and how and at what time of the year to cure it, let me know as soon as you can, for if the profit is not I am sure the knowledge is worth sending for. Pray Sir let me hear by the next how all our friends and relations do, what change in the College, and what considerable alteration through the whole Town; I have now nothing more to speak but my desire that you may still retain (what I know you do) that love with which I daily was blest and that readiness in pardoning whatsoever you find amiss, and to believe that my affections are not changed with the Climate unless like it too, grown warmer, this with my most humble duty to yourself and my mother, my kind love to my sister and Brothers and all the rest of our Friends I rest

Your most dutiful and obedient son,

Thomas Newe

Should Commerce once cease, there is no Country in the habitable world but would undoubtedly miss that flourishing, splendid and rich gallantry of Equipage, that Trafique maintained and drest her up in before she received that fatal Eclipse: England, France, Germany and Spain, together with all the Kingdoms. . . . Tobacco is the only solid Staple Commodity of this Province: The use of it was first found out by the Indians many ages ago and transferr’d into Christendom by that great Discoverer of America, Columbus. It’s generally made by all the inhabitants of this Province…

Between November and January there arrives in this Province Shipping to the number of twenty sail and upwards, all Merchant-men loaden with Commodities to Trafique and dispose of, trucking [trading] with the Planter for Silks, Hollands, Serges, and Broad-cloths, with other necessary Goods, priz’d at such and such rates as shall be judg’d on is fair and legal, for Tobacco at so much the pound, and advantage on both sides considered; the Planter for his work, and the Merchant for adventuring himself and his Commodity into so far a Country: Thus is the Trade on both sides drove on with a fair and honest Decorum. . . .

Madeira-Wines, Sugars, Salt, Wicker-Chairs, and Tin Candlesticks, is the most of the Commodities they bring in. They arrive in Mary-Land about September, being most of them Ketches and Barks and such small Vessels, and those dispersing themselves into several small Creeks of this Province, to sell and dispose of their Commodities, where they know the Market is most fit for their small Adventures.

Trafique is Earth’s great Atlas, that supports

The pay of Armies, and the height of Courts,

And makes Mechanics live, that else would die

Mere starving Martyrs to their penury:

None but the Merchant of this thing can boast,

He, like the Bee, comes loaden from each Coast,

And to all Kingdoms, as within a Hive,

Stows up those Riches that doth make them thrive:

Be thrifty, Mary-Land, keep what thou hast in store,

And each year’s Trafique to thy self get more.

In the year 1686, one hundred Spaniards, with Negroes and Indians, landed at Edistoe (50 miles to the southward of Charles Town) and broke open the house of Mr. Joseph Moreton, then Governor of the Province, and carried away Mr. Bowell, his Brother-in-law, prisoner, who was found murdered 2 or 3 days after; they carried away all his money and [silver]plate and 13 slaves, to the value of £1,500 [English pounds] sterling, and their plunder to St. Augustine. Two of the Slaves made their escape from thence and returned to their master. Some time after, Governor Moreton sent to demand his slaves, but the Governor of St. Augustine answered it was done without his orders, but to this day keeps them and says he can’t deliver them up without an order from the King of Spain. About the same time they robbed Mr. Grimball’s house, the Secretary of the Province, whilst he attended the Council at Charles Town, and carried away to the value of over £1,500 sterling. They also fell upon a settlement of Scotchmen at Port Royal, where there was not above 25 men in health to oppose them. The Spaniards burnt down their houses, destroyed and carried away all that they had, because (as the Spaniards pretended) they were settled upon their land; and had they at any time a superior force, they would also destroy this town built upon Ashley and Cooper Rivers. This whole bay was called formerly St. George’s, which they likewise lay claim to. The inhabitants complained of the wrong done them by the Spaniards to the Lords Proprietors, and prayed them (as I have been truly informed) to represent it to His Majesty, but they, not hearing from the Lord Proprietors, fitted out two vessels with 400 stout men, well armed, and resolved to take St. Augustine. But James Colleton came in that time from Barbados with a Commission to be Governor, and threatened to hang them if they proceeded, whereupon they went on shore very unwillingly. The Spaniards, hearing the English were coming upon them for the damages, they left their Town and Castle, and fled into the woods to secure themselves. The truth is, as I have been credibly informed, there was a design [plan] on foot to carry on a Trade with the Spaniards. I find the Inhabitants greatly alarmed upon the news that the French continue their resolution to make a settling [settlement] Messasipi [Mississippi] River...

There is, besides English, several Welsh, Scotch, Irish, and French Protestants, and of several Sorts of Sects or Dissenters, as here, but especially the Presbyterians, and Anabaptists, and some Quakers...By the King’s Patent, or Charter, People of any Religion might have free Toleration to exercise and enjoy the same without Interruption, but the Church of English Ministers only to be supported and paid by any public Allowance by Act of Assembly or Parliament in the said Province. . .The Dissenting Ministers hath only the Voluntary Contributions of their Congregations, so that, I think, I may properly say the Church of England is the Superior; tho’ the Churches are not yet all supply’d with Church of England Ministers; it has been computed that the Church of England People are about Fourth Tenths of the Number of Inhabitants; the Presbyterians about Two Tenths; Anabaptists One Tenth, French Protestants Two Tenths; and Quakers, and other Religions, One Tenth. . . .

Those we call Slaves are a sort of Black People, here commonly call’d Blackmoors, some few kept here in England by Gentry for their Pleasure, but are there [in England] bought by the Inhabitants from the Merchants Trading to Guinea and other Places, where they are first brought from; but their proper Names are Negroes. There People are bought to Employ them in any sort of Labor, either in Town or Country, in whatever their Masters or Owners have occasion to be done ⎯ the Townsman for his Business, and the Country Farmer, which we call there Planters, about their Husbandry [farming] or Houswifery Business, as Servants are here requir’d to do for their Masters or Mistresses. When these People are thus bought, their Masters or Owners, have then as good a Right and Title to them during their Lives as a Man has here to a Horse or Ox after he has bought them: And there is a Necessity for these Slaves, because very few Servants are there to be procured to perform the Business of the Country.

There is also another sort of People we buy for Slaves, call’d Indians, bred on the Continent, but far distant from us, belonging to the French and Spanish Territories in America. They are a sort of Red Dun, or Tan’d Skin’d People, who are also Sold us by Merchants or Traders that deal with several Nations of our Native Indians, from whom they first buy these People, whom we then make Slaves of, as of the Negroes; and they are call’d Slaves, not because their Labor is more Slavish or Servile than Servants’ Labor is here, nor often times so hard to perform as the Labor requir’d from Servants in this Country, but ’tis because they are never Free-Men or Women during their Life, nor their Children after them, who are under the same Circumstances of Servitude as their Parents are, during their Lives also.

There is, of a Truth, no such Thing as Christian Slaves, made of People coming from any part of the Queen’s Dominions...When any Men or Women that are desirous to Transport themselves thither and are not of Ability to pay their own Passage over, they are generally oblig’d by Indentures, before their Departure hence, to serve in that Country, as Servants or Apprentices do here, for the Term of Four Years, to commence from the Time of their Arrival and no longer; their Masters or Mistresses, in the mean Time, giving them sufficient Clothing and other Necessaries, or Paying them sufficient Wages so to do; and at the Four Years’ End they are then become free from their Service, and no Man can longer detain them, they being then at Liberty to follow what lawful Business they please to undertake to their own Advantage and Satisfaction. Their Labour there is not, in Reality, as hard as it generally is in England for Men nor Women; neither, as I mention’d before, do our Slaves undergo the Hardships that many Thousand Servants and pour Laborers do in England, Wales, Scotland, and Ireland, which those that come from these Places as Servants doth find by common Experience.

Now, let us a little consider the enemy we are to encounter, the King of Spain. They are not his great territories which make him so powerful, and so troublesome to all Christendom. For it is very well known that Spain itself is but weak in men and barren of natural commodities [resources]. As for his other territories, they lie divided and asunder, which is a weakness in itself; besides, they are held by force and maintained at an extraordinary charge. Insomuch, as although he be a great king, yet he is like that great giant who was said to have one hundred hands but he had fifty bellies to feed, so that ratably [in proportion], he had no more hands than another man. No sir, they are his mines in the West Indies, which minister fuel to feed his vast ambitious desire of universal monarchy: it is the money he hath from thence which makes him able to levy, and pay soldiers in all places; and to keep an army continually on foot, ready to invade and endanger his neighbors. So that we have no other way, but to endeavor to cut him up at root, and seek to impeach or to supplant him in the West Indies.

Whereas, by the good providence of God, our fleet, in their late [last] expedition into America, have possessed themselves of a certain island called Jamaica, spacious in its extent, commodious in its harbors and rivers within itself, healthful by its situation, fertile in the nature of the soil, well stored with horses and other cattle, and generally fit to be planted and improved, to the advantage, honor, and interest, of this nation;

And whereas divers persons, merchants, and others, heretofore conversant [experienced] in plantations [colonies] and the trade of like nature, and desirous to undertake and proceed upon plantations and settlements upon that island;

We, therefore, for the better encouragement of all such persons so inclined, have, by the advice of our council, taken care not only for the strengthening and securing of that island from all enemies, but for the constituting and settling of a civil government, by such good laws and customs as are and have been exercised in colonies and places of the like nature, have appointed surveyors and other public officers, for the more equal distribution of public right and justice in the said island.

And, for the further encouragement to the industry and good affection of such persons, we have provided and given orders to the commissioners of our customs [import/export taxes], that every planter or adventurer to that island shall be exempt and free from paying any excise [tax] or custom for any manufactures, provisions, or any other goods or necessaries which he or they shall transport to the said island of Jamaica, within the space of seven years to come from Michaelmas [Feast of St. Michael in September] next.

And also that sufficient caution and security be given by the said commissioners that such goods shall be delivered at Jamaica only. And we have also, out of our special consideration of the welfare and prosperity of that island, provided that no customs, or other tax or impost, be laid or charged upon any commodity which shall be the produce and native growth of that island . . . We have also given our special orders and directions that no embargo or other hindrance, upon any pretense whatsoever, be laid upon any ships, seamen, or other passengers or adventurers which shall appear to be engaged and bound for the said island.

And we do hereby further declare, for ourselves and successors, that whatsoever other favor or immunity or protection shall or may conduce to the welfare, strength, and improvement of the said island shall from time to time be continued and applied thereunto.

I offer a New World...To which purpose our plantations [colonies] of the Barbados, St. Christophers, Nevis, and the rest of the Caribbean Islands, have not only advanced our journey the better part of the way, but so inured our people to the clime of the Indies as they are the more enabled thereby to…

Neither is the difficulty of the attempt so great as many may imagine; for I dare be bold to affirm it knowingly that with the same pains and charge which they have been at in planting one of those petty islands they might have conquered so many great cities and large territories on the main continent as might very well merit the title of a kingdom. Our neighbors, the Hollanders, may be our example in this case; who whilst we have been driving a private trade from port to port, of which we are likely now to be deprived, have conquered so much land in the East and West Indies that it may be said of them, as of the Spaniards, That the sun never sets upon their dominions…

. . . since that God hath given the earth to the sons of men to inhabit, and that there are many vast countries in those parts not yet inhabited, either by Spaniards or Indian, why should my countrymen the English be debarred from making use of that which God from all beginning no question did ordain for the benefit of mankind?

In America there are fertile lands sufficient to subsist all the useless Poor in England, and distressed Protestants in Europe; yet Thousands starve for want of mere sustenance. The distance makes it difficult to get thither. The same want that renders men useless here, prevents their paying their passage; and if other pay it for 'em, they become servants, or rather slaves for years to those who have defrayed the expense. Therefore, money for passage is necessary, but is not the only want; for if people were set down in America, and the land before them, they must cut down trees, build houses, fortify towns, dig and sow the land before they can get in a harvest; and till then, they must be provided with food, and kept together, that they may be assistant to each other for their natural support and protection.

The Romans esteemed the sending forth of Colonies, among their noblest works; they observed that Rome, as she increased in power and empire, drew together such a conflux of people from all parts that she found herself over-burdened with their number, and the government brought under an incapacity to provide for them, or keep them in order. Necessity, the mother of invention, suggested to them an expedient, which at once gave ease to the capital, and increased the wealth and number of industrious citizens, by lessening the useless and unruly multitude; and by planting them in colonies on the frontiers of their empire, gave a new strength to the whole...

From the Charter. —His Majesty having taken into his consideration, the miserable circumstances of many of his own poor subjects, rely to perish for want: as likewise the distresses of many poor foreigners, who would take refuge here from persecution; and having a Princely regard to the great danger the southern frontiers of South Carolina are exposed to, by reason of the small number of white inhabitants there, hath, out of his Fatherly compassion towards his subjects, been graciously pleased to grant a charter for incorporating a number of gentlemen by the name of The Trustees for establishing the Colony of Georgia in America.

They are impowered to collect benefactions; and lay them out in cloathing, arming, sending over, and supporting colonies of the poor, whether subjects on foreigners, in Georgia. And his Majesty farther grants all his lands between the rivers Savannah and Alatamaha, which he erects into a Province by the name of Georgia, unto the Trustees, in trust for the poor, and for the better support of the Colony...The Trustees intend to relieve such unfortunate persons as cannot subsist here, and establish them in an orderly manner, so as to form a well regulated town. As far as their fund goes, they will defray the charge of their passage to Georgia; give them necessaries, cattle, land, and subsistence, till such time as they can build their houses and dear some of their land. By such a Colony, many families, who would otherwise starve, will be provided for, and made masters of houses and lands; the people in Great Britain to whom these necessitous families were a burthen, will be relieved; numbers of manufacturers will be here employed, for supplying them with clothes, working tools, and other necessaries; and by giving refuge to the distressed Saltzburghers, and other persecuted Protestants, the power of Britain, as a reward for its hospitality, will be encreased [sic] by the addition of so many religious and industrious subjects.

The Colony of Georgia lying about the same latitude with part of China, Persia, Palestine, and the Madeiras, it is highly probable that when hereafter it shall be well-peopled and rightly cultivated, England may be supplied from thence with raw Silk, Wine, Oil, Dyes, Drugs, and many other materials for manufactures, which she is obliged to purchase from Southern countries. As towns are established and grow populous along the rivers Savannah and Alatamaha, they will make such a barrier as will render the southern frontier of the British Colonies on the Continent of America, safe from Indian and other enemies.

1. The want of a Free Title or Fee Simple to our Lands, which, if Granted, would occasion great Numbers of new Settlers to come among us, and likewise encourage those who remain here, chearfully [sic] to proceed in making further Improvements, as well to retrieve their sunk Fortunes, as to make Provision for their Posterity.

2. The want and use of Negroes with proper Limitations, which, if Granted, would both induce great Numbers of White People to come here, and also render us Capable to subsist ourselves by raising Provisions upon our Lands, until we could make some Produce of it for Export, and in some measure to balance our Importation. We are very sensible of the Inconveniences and Mischiefs that have already, and do daily arise from an unlimited use of Negroes; but we are as sensible that these might be prevented by a due Limitation, such as, so many to each White Man, or so many to such a Quantity of Land, or in any other Manner which your Honours shall think most proper. By Granting us, Gentlemen, these Two particulars, and such other Privileges as his Majesty's most dutiful Subjects in America enjoy, you will not only prevent our impending Ruin, but we are fully satisfied, also, will soon make this the most flourishing Colony possessed by his Majesty in America...

We are, with all due Respect, Your Honours most Dutiful, and Obedient Servants

In two or three months’ time half of their company died, especially in January and February, being the depth of winter, and wanting [lacking] houses and other comforts; being infected with the scurvy and other diseases...so as there died sometimes two or three of a day...of one hundred and odd persons, scarce fifty remained. And of these in the time of most distress, there was but six or seven sound [healthy] persons...

the disease began to fall amongst them also, so as almost half of their company died before they went away, and many of their officers and lustiest [hardiest] men, as the boatson, gunner, quartermasters, the cook, and others….the passengers began now to desert one another in this calamity...Another lay cursing his wife, saying if it had not been for her he had never come this unlucky voyage...

One Englishman that could speak the Indian language (an old planter) went to them [the Natives] and advised them not to come near us in the night, and they hearkened to his counsel [took his advice] and came not. I myself was one of the sentinels [guards] that first night. Our captain was a Low Country 3 soldier, one Mr. Southcot, a brave soldier. In the morning, some of the Indians came and stood at a distance off, looking at us, but came not near us. But when they had been a while in view, some of them came and held out a great bass towards us; so we sent a man with a biscuit and changed [traded] the cake for the bass. Afterwards, they supplied us with bass, exchanging a bass for a biscuit cake, and were very friendly unto us.

Oh, dear children! forget not what care God had over his dear servants, to watch over us and protect us in our weak beginnings. Capt. Squeb turned ashore us and our goods, like a merciless man; but God, even our merciful God, took pity on us, so that we were supplied first with a boat, and then caused many Indians (some hundreds) to be ruled by the advice of one man, not to come near us. Alas, had they come upon us, how soon might they have destroyed us! I think we were not above ten in number. But God caused the Indians to help us with fish at very cheap rates. We had not been there many days (although by our diligence we had got up a kind of shelter to save our goods in) but we had order to come away from that place, which was about Watertown, unto a place called Mattapan, now Dorchester, because there was a neck of land fit to keep our cattle on. So we removed and came to Mattapan. The Indians there also were kind unto us.

Now coming into this country, I found it a vacant wilderness, in respect of English. There were indeed some English at Plymouth and Salem, and some few at Charlestown, who were very destitute when we came ashore; and planting time being past, shortly after provision [food and supplies] was not to be had for money. I wrote to my friends, namely to my dear father, to send me some provision; which accordingly he did, and also gave order to one of his neighbors to supply me with what I needed (he being a seaman), who coming hither, supplied me with divers things. But before this supply came, yea, and after too (that being spent, and the then unsubdued wilderness yielding little food) many a time if I could have filled my belly, though with mean victuals [coarse unappetizing food], it would have been sweet unto me. Fish was a good help unto me and others. Bread was so very scarce that sometimes I thought the very crusts of my father’s table would have been very sweet unto me. And when I could have meal and water and salt boiled together, it was so good, who could wish better?

In our beginning many were in great straits [dire hardship] for want of provision for themselves and their little ones. Oh the hunger that many suffered, and saw no hope in an eye of reason to be supplied, only by clams and mussels and fish. We did quickly build boats, and some went a fishing. But bread was with many a very scarce thing, and flesh [animal meat] of all kind as scarce. And in those days, in our straits, though I cannot say God sent a raven to feed us, as he did the prophet Elijah, yet this I can say, to the praise of God’s glory, that he sent not only poor ravenous Indians, which came with their baskets of corn on their backs to trade with us (which was a good supply unto many) but also sent ships from Holland and from Ireland with provisions, and Indian corn from Virginia, to supply the wants4 of his dear servants in this wilderness, both for food and raiment [clothing]. And when people’s wants were great, not only in one town but in divers towns, such was the godly wisdom, care, and prudence (not selfishness, but self-denial) of our Governor Winthrop and his Assistants, that when a ship came laden with provisions, they did order that the whole cargo should be bought for a general stock; and so accordingly it was, and distribution was made to every town, and to every person in each town, as every man had need.

. . . After the first winter, we were very healthy, though some of us had no great store of corn. The Indians did sometimes bring corn, and truck [trade] with us for clothing and knives; and once I had a peck [about two quarts] of corn, or thereabouts, for a little puppy dog. Frost-fish, mussels, and clams were a relief to many. If our provision be better now than it was then, let us not, and do you, dear children, take heed that you do not forget the Lord our God. You have better food and raiment than was in former times; but have you better hearts than your forefathers had? If so, rejoice in that mercy, and let New-England then shout for joy. Sure, all the people of God in other parts of the world that shall hear that the children and grandchildren of the first planters of New-England have better hearts and are more heavenly than their predecessors, they will doubtless greatly rejoice, and will say, “This is the generation whom the Lord hath blessed.”

Now the only way to avoid this shipwreck and to provide for our posterity is to follow the counsel of Micah, to do justly, to love mercy, to walk humbly with our God. For this end we must be knit together in this work as one man. We must entertain each other in brotherly affection, we must be willing to abridge ourselves of our superfluities for the supply of others’ necessities. We must uphold a familiar commerce together in all meekness, gentleness, patience, and liberality. We must delight in each other, make others’ conditions our own, rejoice together, mourn together, labor and suffer together, always having before our eyes our commission and community in the work, our community as members of the same body. So shall we keep the unity of the spirit in the bond of peace. The Lord will be our God and delight in all our ways, so that we shall see much more of His wisdom, power, goodness, and truth than formerly we have been acquainted with. We shall find that the God of Israel is among us, when ten of us shall be able to resist a thousand of our enemies, when He shall make us a praise and glory, that men shall say of succeeding plantations, “the Lord make it like that of New England.” For we must consider that we shall be as a city upon a hill. The eyes of all people are upon us, so that if we shall deal falsely with our God in this work we have undertaken, and so cause Him to withdraw His present help from us, we shall be made a story and by-word throughout the world. We shall open the mouths of enemies to speak evil of the ways of God and all professors for God’s sake. We shall shame the faces of many of God’s worthy servants, and cause their prayers to be turned into curses upon us till we be consumed out of the good land whither we are going.

The Bible says: “I will appoint a place for my people Israel, and I will plant them, that they may dwell in a place of their own, and move no more.” The settling of a people in this or that country is the Lord’s decision. Now, God makes room for a people in three ways: First, He drives out the heathens before them by waging war on the inhabitants. Second, He gives a foreign people favor in the eyes of any native people to come and sit down with them. Third, He makes a country empty of inhabitants where the people will live. Where there is an empty place, the sons of Adam and Noah are free to come and live there, and they neither need to buy it nor ask permission.

MOST LOVING & KIND FATHER & MOTHER, My humble duty remembered unto you, trusting in God you are in good health, & I pray remember my love unto my brother Joseph & thank him for his kindness that I found at his hand at London, . . . I know, loving father, & do confess that I was an undutiful child unto you when I lived with you & by you, for the which I am much sorrowful & grieved for it, trusting in God that he will guide me that I will never offend you so any more & I trust in God that you will forgive me for it. My writing unto you is to let you understand what a country this New England is where we live. Here are but few [Indians], a great part of them died this winter, it was thought it was of the plague. They are a crafty people & they will [cozen] & cheat, & they are a subtle people, & whereas we did expect great store of beaver here is little or none to be had. They are proper men & . . . many of them go naked with a skin about their loins, but now sum of them get Englishmen’s apparel; & the country is very rocky and hilly & some champion ground & the soil is very [fruitful], & here is some good ground and marsh ground, but here is no Michaelmas. Spring cattle thrive well here, but they give small store of milk. The best cattle for profit is swines & a good swine is her at £5 price, and a goose worth £2 a good one got. Here is timber good store & acorns good store, and here is good store of fish if we had boats to go for & lines to serve to fishing. . . . & people here are subject to diseases, for here have died of the scurvy & of the burning fever nigh too hundred & odd; beside as many lie lame & all Sudbury men are dead but three & three women & some children, & provisions are here at a wonderful rate...

I would entreat you that you would send me a firkin of butter & a hogshead of malt unground, for we drink nothing but water, & a coarse clothe of four pound price so it be thick. For the freight, if you of your love will send them I will pay the freight, for here is nothing to be got without we had commodities to go up to the East parts amongst the Indians to truck, for here where we live here is no beaver. Here is no cloth to be had to make no apparel, & shoes are a 5s a pair for me, & that cloth that is worth 2s 8d is worth here 5s. So I pray, father, send me four or five yards of cloth to make some apparel, & loving father, though I be far distant from you yet I pray you remember me as your child, & we do not know how long we may subsist, for we can not live here without provisions from old England. Therefore, I pray do not put away your shop stuff, for I think that in the end, if I live, it must be my living, for we do not know how long this plantation will stand, for some of the magnates that did uphold it have turned off their men & have given it over...

Here came over 25 passengers & their came back again four score & odd persons, & as many more would a come if they had wherewithal to bring them home, for are many that came over the last year which was worth two hundred pounds afore they came ought of old England that between this & Micahelmas will be hardly worth £30. So here we may live if we have supplies every year from old England, otherwise we can not subsist. I may, as I will, work hard, set an acre of [English] wheat, & if we do not set it with fish & that will cost 20 s., if we set it without fish they shall have but a poor crop. So father, I pray, consider of my cause, for here will be but a very poor being, no being without loving father, your help with provisions from old England. I had thought to come home in this ship, for my provisions were almost all spent, but that I humbly thank you for your great love & kindness in sending me some provisions or else I should & mine a been half famished, but now I will, if it please God that I have my health, I will plant what corn I can.

We hould it therefore our dutie and safetie whilst we are about the further establishing of this Government to collect and expresse all such freedomes as for present we foresee may concerne us, and our posteritie after us, And to ratify them with our sollemne consent.

Wee doe therefore this day religiously and unanimously decree and confirme these following Rites, liberties and priveledges concerneing our Churches, and Civill State to be respectively impartiallie and inviolably enjoyed and observed throughout our Jurisdiction for ever.

1. No mans life shall be taken away, no mans honour or good name shall be stayned, no mans person shall be arested, restrayned, banished, dismembred, nor any wayes punished, no man shall be deprived of his wife or children, no mans goods or estaite shall be taken away from him, nor any way indammaged under colour of law or Countenance of Authoritie, unlesse it be by vertue or equitie of some expresse law of the Country waranting the same, established by a generall Court and sufficiently published, or in case of the defect of a law in any parteculer case by the word of God. And in Capitall cases, or in cases concerning [Page 262] dismembring or banishment according to that word to be judged by the Generall Court.

2. Every person within this Jurisdiction, whether Inhabitant or forreiner shall enjoy the same justice and law, that is generall for the plantation, which we constitute and execute one towards another without partialitie or delay.

3. No man shall be urged to take any oath or subscribe any articles, covenants or remonstrance, of a publique and Civill nature, but such as the Generall Court hath considered, allowed and required.

4. No man shall be punished for not appearing at or before any Civill Assembly, Court, Councell, Magistrate, or Officer, nor for the omission of any office or service, if he shall be necessarily hindred by any apparent Act or providence of God, which he could neither foresee nor avoid. Provided that this law shall not prejudice any person of his just cost or damage, in any civill action.

5. No man shall be compelled to any publique worke or service unlesse the presse be grounded upon some act of the generall Court, and have reasonable allowance therefore.

6. No man shall be pressed in person to any office, worke, warres or other publique service, that is necessarily and suffitiently exempted by any naturall or personall impediment, as by want of yeares, greatnes of age, defect of minde, fayling of sences, or impotencie of Lymbes.

7. No man shall be compelled to goe out of the limits of this plantation upon any offensive wars which this Comonwealth or any of our freinds or confederats shall volentarily undertake. But onely upon such vindictive and defensive warres in our owne behalfe or the behalfe of our freinds and confederats as shall be enterprized by the Counsell and consent of a Court generall, or by authority derived from the same.

8. No mans Cattel or goods of what kinde soever shall be pressed or taken for any publique use or service, unlesse it be by warrant grounded upon some act of the generall Court, nor without such reasonable prices and hire as the ordinarie rates of the Countrie do afford. And if his Cattle or goods shall perish or suffer damage in such service, the owner shall be suffitiently recompenced.

18. No mans person shall be restrained or imprisoned by any authority whatsoever, before the law hath sentenced him thereto, if he can put in sufficient securitie, bayle or mainprise, for his appearance, and good behaviour in the meane time, unlesse it be in Crimes Capitall

26. Every man that findeth himselfe unfit to plead his owne cause in any Court shall have Libertie to imploy any man against whom the Court doth not except, to helpe him, Provided he give him noe fee or reward for his paines.

45. No man shall be forced by Torture to confesse any Crime against himselfe nor any other unlesse it be in some Capitall case...

66. The Freemen of every Towneship shall have power to make such by laws and constitutions as may concerne the wellfare of their Towne, provided they be not of a Criminall, but onely of a prudential nature, And that their penalties exceede not 20 sh. for one offence

91. There shall never be any bond slaverie, villinage or Captivitie amongst us unles it be lawfull Captives taken in just warres, and such strangers as willingly selle themselves or are sold to us. And these shall have all the liberties and Christian usages which the law of god established in Israell concerning such persons doeth morally require. This exempts none from servitude who shall be Judged thereto by Authoritie.

Capital Laws
(Deut. 13. 6, 10. Deut. 17. 2, 6. Ex. 22.20)

If any man after legall conviction shall have or worship any other god, but the lord god, he shall be put to death.

2.

(Ex. 22. 18. Lev. 20. 27. Dut. 18. 10.)

If any man or woeman be a witch, (that is hath or consulteth with a familiar spirit,) They shall be put to death.

3.

(Lev. 24. 15,16.)

If any person shall Blaspheme the name of god, the father, Sonne or Holie Ghost, with direct, expresse, presumptuous or high handed blasphemie, or shall curse god in the like manner, he shall be put to death.

(Ex. 21. 12. Numb. 35. 13, 14, 30, 31.)

If any person committ any wilfull murther, which is manslaughter, committed upon premeditated malice, hatred, or Crueltie, not in a mans necessarie and just defence, nor by meere casualtie against his will, he shall be put to death.

5.

(Numb. 25, 20, 21. Lev. 24. 17)

If any person slayeth an other suddaienly in his anger or Crueltie of passion, he shall be put to death.

6.

(Ex. 21. 14.)

If any person shall slay an other through guile, either by poysoning or other such divelish practice, he shall be put to death.

7.

(Lev. 20. 15,16.)

If any man or woeman shall lye with any beaste or bruite creature by Carnall Copulation, They shall surely be put to death. And the beast shall be slaine, and buried and not eaten.

8.

(Lev. 20. 13.)

If any man lyeth with mankinde as he lyeth with a woeman, both of them have committed abhomination, they both shall surely be put to death.

Lev. 20. 19. and 18, 20. Dut. 22. 23, 24.)

If any person committeth Adultery with a maried or espoused wife, the Adulterer and Adulteresse shall surely be put to death.

If any man shall conspire and attempt any invasion, insurrection, or publique rebellion against our commonwealth, or shall [Page 275] indeavour to surprize any Towne or Townes, fort or forts therein, or shall treacherously and perfediouslie attempt the alteration and subversion of our frame of politie or Government fundamentallie, he shall be put to death.

All the people of god within this Jurisdiction who are not in a church way, and be orthodox in Judgement, and not scandalous in life, shall have full libertie to gather themselves into a Church Estaite. Provided they doe it in a Christian way, with due observation of the rules of Christ revealed in his word.

THIS poore & miserable object, about a fortnight before shee was taken, wee observed to carry herselfe in a strange & unwonted manner, sometimes shee would give sudden shriekes, & if wee enquired a Reason, would alwayes put it off with some excuse, & then would burst forth into immoderate & extravagant laughter, in such wise, as some times shee fell onto the ground with it: I my selfe observed oftentimes a strange change in here countenance, but could not suspect the true reason, but coneived shee might bee ill, & therefore divers times enquired how shee did, & shee alwayes answered well; which made mee wonder: but the tragedye began to unfold itselfe upon Munday, Octob. 30. 71, after this manner (as I received by credible information, being that day my selfe gon from home).

In the evening, a little before shee went to bed, sitting by the fire, shee cryed out, oh my legs! & clapt her hand on them, immediately oh my breast! & removed her hands thither; & forthwith, oh I am strangled, & put her hands on her throat: those that observed her could not see what to make of it; whither shee was in earnest or dissembled, & in this manner they left her (excepting the person that lay with her) complaining of her breath being stopt: The next day shee was in a strange frame, (as was observed by divers) sometimes weeping, sometimes laughing, & many foolish & apish gestures. In the evening, going into the cellar, shee shrieked suddenly, & being enquired of the cause, shee answered, that shee saw 2 persons in the cellar; whereupon some went downe with her to search, but found none; shee also looking with them; at last shee turned her head, & looking one way stedfastly, used the expression, what cheere old man? which, they that were with her tooke for a fansye, & soe ceased; afterwards (the same evening,) the rest of the family being in bed, shee was (as one lying in the roome saw, & shee herselfe also afterwards related) suddenly throwne downe into the midst of the floore with violence, & taken with a violent fit, whereupon the whole family was raised, & with much adoe was shee kept out of the fire from destroying herselfe after which time she was followed with fits from thence till the sabbath day; in which shee was violent in bodily motions, leapings, strainings & strange agitations, scarce to bee held in bounds by the strength of 3 or 4: violent alsoe in roarings & screamings, representing a dark resemblance of hellish torments, & frequently using in these fits divers words, sometimes crying out money, money, sometimes, sin & misery with other words.

On wednesday, being in the time of intermission questioned about the case shee was in, with reference to the cause or occasion of it, shee seemed to impeach one of the neighbors, a person (I doubt not) of sincere uprightnesse before God, as though either shee, or the devill in her likenesse & habit, particularly her riding hood, had come downe the chimney, stricken her that night shee was first taken violently, which was the occasion of her being cast into the floore; whereupon those about her sent to request the person to come to her, who coming unwittingly, was at the first assaulted by her stranglye, for though her eyes were (as it were) sealed up (as they were alwayes, or for the most part, in those fits, & soe continue in them all to this day) shee yet knew her very touch from any other, though no voice were uttered, & discovered it evidently by her gestures, soe powerfull were Satans suggestions in her...shee confessed that she beleeved Satan had deluded her, & hath never since complained of any such apparition or disturbance from the person.

...On the Sabbath the Physitian came, who judged a maine point of her distempr to be naturall, arising from the foulnesse of her stomacke, & corruptnesse of her blood, occasioning fumes in her braine, & strange fansyes; whereupon (in order to further tryall & administration) shee was removed home, & the succeeding weeke shee tooke physicke, & was not in such violence handled in her fits as before; but enjoyed an intermission, & gave some hopes of recovery; in which intermission shee was altogether sencelesse (as to our discoverye) of her state, held under securitye, & hardnesse of heart, professing shee had no trouble upon her spirits, shee cried satan had left her: A solemne day was kept with her, yet it had then, (as I apprehend,) little efficacy upon her; shee that day again expressed hopes that the Devill had left her, but there was little ground to thinke soe, because she remained under such extreame sencelessenesse of her owne estate: & thus shee continued, being exercised with some moderate fits, in which shee used none of the former expressions, but sometimes fainted away, sometimes used some struglings, yet not with extremitye, till the Wednesday following, which day was spent in prayer with her, when her fits something more encreased...

Whither the Devill did really speake in her: to that point which some have much doubted of, thus much I will say to countermand this apprehension:

1. The manner of expression I diligently observed, & could not perceive any organ, any instrument of speech (which the philosopher makes mention of) to have any motion at all, yea her mouth was sometimes shut without opening sometimes open without shutting or moving, & then both I & others saw her tongue (as it used to bee when shee was in some fits, when speechlesse) turned up circularly to the roofe of her mouth.

2. the labial letters, divers of which were used by her, viz. B. M. P. which cannot bee naturally expressed without motion of the lips, which must needs come within our ken, if observed, were uttered without any such motion, shee had used only Lingualls, Gutturalls &c: the matter might have bin more suspicious:

3. the reviling termes then used, were such as shee never used before nor since, in all this time of her being thus taken: yea, hath bin alwayes observed to speake respectively concerning mee;

4. They were expressions which the devill (by her confession) aspersed mee, & others withall, in the houre of temptation, particularly shee had freely acknowledged that the Devill was wont to appear to her in the house of God & divert her mind, & charge her shee should not give eare to what the Blacke coated roage spake:

5. wee observed when the voice spake, her throat was swelled formidably as big at least as ones fist: These arguments I shall leave to the censure of the Judicious:

Whither shee have covenanted with the Devill or noe: I thinke this is a case unanswerable, her declarations have been soe contradictorye, one to another, that wee know not what to make of them & her condition is such as administers many doubts; charity would hope the best, love would alsoe feare the worst, but thus much is cleare, shee is an object of pitye, & I desire that all that heare of her would compassionate her forlorne state, Shee is (I question not) a subject of hope, & thererfore all meanes ought to bee used for her recoverye, Shee is a monument of divine severitye, & the Lord grant that all that see or heare, may feare & tremble: Amen.

Tituba an Indian woman brought before us by Const[able] Joseph Herrick of Salem upon Suspicion of witchcraft by her committed according to [th]e complaint of Jos[eph] Hutcheson and Thomas Putnam &c of Salem Village as appears per warrant granted Salem 29 Febr[uar]y 1691/2. Tituba upon examination and after some denial acknowledged the matter of fact according to her examination given in more fully will appear, and who also charged Sarah Good and Sara Osburne with the same....

(H) Tituba what evil spirit have you familiarity with.

(T) None.

(H) Why do you hurt these children.

(T) I do not hurt them.

(H) Who is it then.

(T) The devil for ought I know.

(H) Did you never see the devil.

(T) The devil came to me and bid me serve him.

(H) Who have you seen.

(T) Four women sometimes hurt the children.

(H) Who were they.

(T) Goode Osburn and Sarah Good and I do not know who the others were. Sarah Good and Osburne would have me hurt the children but I would not. She further saith there was a tall man of Boston that she did see.

(H) When did you see them.

(T) Last night at Boston.

(H) what did they say to you.

(T) They said hurt the children

(H) And did you hurt them

(T) No there is 4 women and one man they hurt the children and they lay upon me and they tell me if I will not hurt the children they will hurt me.

(H) But did you not hurt them

(T) Yes but I will hurt them no more.

(H) Are you not sorry you did hurt them.

(T) Yes.

(H) And why then doe you hurt them.

(T) They say hurt children or wee will doe worse to you.

(H) What have you seen.

[T] A man came to me and say serve me.

(H) What service.

(T) Hurt the children and last night there was an appearance that said kill the children and if I would not go on hurting the children they would do worse to me.

(H) What is this appearance you see.

(T) Sometimes it is like a hog and sometimes like a great dog, this appearance she saith she did see 4 times.

(H) What did it say to you?

(T) ...The black dog said serve me but I said I am afraid he said if I did not he would doe worse to me.

(H) What did you say to it.

(T) I will serve you no longer. then he said he would hurt me and then he looked like a man and threatens to hurt me, she said that this man had a yellow bird that kept with him and he told me he had more pretty things that he would give me if I would serve him.

(H) What were these pretty things.

(T) He did not show me them.

(H) What also have you seen

(T) Two rats, a red rat and a black rat.

(H) What did they say to you.

(T) They said serve me.

(H) When did you see them.

(T) Last night and they said serve me, but I said I would not

(H) What service.

(T) She said hurt the children.

(H) Did you not pinch Elizabeth Hubbard this morning

(T) The man brought her to me and made me pinch her

(H) Why did you goe to Thomas Putnams last night and hurt his child.

(T) They pull and hall me and make me goe

(H) And what would have you doe.

[T] Kill her with a knife.

(H) How did you go?

(T) We ride upon stickes and are there presently.

They are Govern’d by the same Laws as we in Boston (or little differing) throughout this whole Colony of Connecticut, And much the same way of Church Government, and many of them good, Sociable people, and I hope Religious too: but a little too much Independent in their principles, and, as I have been told, were formerly in their Zeal very Rigid in their Administrations towards such as their Laws made Offenders, even to a harmless Kiss or Innocent merriment among Young people. Whipping being a frequent and counted an easy Punishment, about which as other Crimes, the Judges were absolute in their Sentences. They told me a pleasant story about a pair of Justices in those parts, which I may not omit the relation of.

And they Generally lived very well and comfortably in their families. But too Indulgent (especially the farmers) to their slaves: suffering [allowing] too great familiarity from them, permitting them to sit at Table and eat with them (as they say to save time) and into the dish goes the black hoof as freely as the white hand. They told me that there was a farmer lived near the Town where I lodged who had some difference with his slave, concerning something the master had promised him and did not punctually perform; which caused some hard words between them; But at length they put the matter to Arbitration and Bound themselves to stand to the award of such as they named ⎯ which done, the Arbitrators Having heard the Allegations of both parties, Order the master to pay 40s [shillings] to black face and acknowledge his fault. And so the matter ended: the poor master very honestly standing to the award.

There are everywhere in the Towns as I passed a Number of Indians, the Natives of the Country, and are the most savage of all the savages of that kind that I had ever Seen: little or no care taken (as I heard upon enquiry) to make them otherwise. They have in some places Lands of their own, and Govern’d by Laws of their own making; they marry many wives and at pleasure put them away, and on the least dislike or fickle humor, on either side, saying stand away to one another is a sufficient Divorce. And indeed those uncomely Stand aways are too much in Vogue among the English in this (Indulgent Colony) as their Records plentifully prove, and that on very trivial matters, of which some have been told me, but are not proper to be Related by a Female pen, though some of that foolish sex have had too large a share in the story. If the natives commit any crime on their own precincts among themselves, the English takes no Cognizance of. But if on the English ground, they are punishable by our Laws. They mourn for their Dead by blacking their faces and cutting their hair after an Awkward and frightful manner; But can’t bear You should mention the names of their dead Relations to them: they trade most for Rum, for which they’d hazard their very lives; and the English fit them Generally as well by seasoning it plentifully with water.

They give the title of merchant to every trader; who Rate their Goods according to the time and specie [money] they pay in: viz. Pay, money, Pay as money, and trusting. Pay is Grain, Pork, Beef, &c. [etc.] at the prices set by the General Court that Year; money is pieces of Eight, Ryalls, or Boston or Bay shillings (as they call them,) or Good hard money, as sometimes silver coin is termed by them; also Wampum, vizt. Indian beads which serves for change. Pay as money is provisions, as aforesaid one Third cheaper than as the Assembly or General Court sets it; and Trust as they and the merchant agree for time.

Now, when the buyer comes to ask for a commodity, sometimes before the merchant answers that he has it, he says, is Your pay ready? Perhaps the Chap Replies Yes: what do You pay in? says the merchant. The buyer having answered, then the price is set; as suppose he wants a sixpenny knife, in pay it is 12d ⎯ in pay as money eight pence, and hard money its own price, viz. 6d. It seems a very Intricate way of trade and what Lex Mercatoria [the Medieval laws of merchants] had not thought of.

Their Chief Red Letter day is St. Election, which is annually Observed according to Charter, to choose their Governor: a blessing they can never be thankful enough for, as they will find, if ever it be their hard fortune to loose it. The present Governor in Connecticut is the Honorable John Winthrop, Esq. [Esquire, i.e., gentleman], A Gentleman of an Ancient and Honorable Family, whose Father was Governor here sometime before, and his Grandfather had been Governor of the Massachusetts. This gentleman is a very courteous and affable person, much Given to Hospitality, and has by his Good services Gained the affections of the people as much as any who had been before him in that post.

The Bay of Boston is spacious enough to contain in a manner the Navy of England. The Masts of Ships here, and at proper Seasons of the year, make a kind of Wood of Trees like that we see upon the River of Thames about [near] Wapping and Limehouse, which may easily be imagined when we consider that, by Computation given in to the Collectors of his Majesty’s Customs . . . it appeared that there was 24,000 Ton of Shipping sent annually.

There are five Printing-Presses in Boston, which are generally full of Work, by which it appears that Humanity and the Knowledge of Letters [humanities] flourish more here than in all the other English Plantations [colonies] put together…

The people of this Province [colony] chiefly follow farming and merchandise. Their staples are shipping, lumber, and fish. The Government is so far democratic as that the election of the Governour’s Council and the great officers is made by the members of the Lower House, or Representatives of the people.

I need scarce take notice that Boston is the largest town in North America, being much about the same extent as the city of Glasgow in Scotland, and having much the same number of inhabitants, which is between twenty and thirty thousand. It is considerably larger than either Philadelphia or New York, but the streets are irregularly disposed and in general too narrow. The best street in the town is that which runs down towards the Long Wharf, which goes by the name of King’s Street. This town is a considerable place for shipping, and carries on a great trade in time of peace. There are now above one hundred ships in the harbour, besides a great number of small craft, tho’ now upon account of the war the times are very dead [referring to King George's War] The people of this Province [colony] chiefly follow farming and merchandise. Their staples are shipping, lumber, and fish.

The Government is so far democratic as that the election of the Governour’s Council and the great officers is made by the members of the Lower House, or Representatives of the people. Mr. Shirley, the present Governour, is a man of excellent sense and understanding, and is very well respected there. He understands how to humour the people, and at the same time acts for the interest of the Government. Boston is better fortified against an enemy than any port in North America, not only upon account of the strength of the Castle, but the narrow passage up into the harbour.

There are many different religions and persuasions here, but the chief sect is that of the Presby-terians. There are above twenty-five churches, chapels, and meetings in the town, but the Quakers here have but a small remnant, having been banished [from] the Province at the first settlement upon account of some disturbances they raised. The people here have lately been, and indeed are now, in great confusion and much infested with enthusiasm from the preaching of some fanatics and New Light teachers, but now this humour begins to lessen [referring to the Great Awakening].

There is more hospitality and frankness shown here to strangers than either at York or at Philadelphia, and in the place there is an abundance of men of learning and parts so that one is at no loss for agreeable conversation, nor for any set of company he pleases. Assemblies of the gayer sort are frequent here, the gentlemen and ladies meeting almost every week at concerts of music and balls. I was present at two or three such, and saw as fine a ring of ladies, as good dancing, and heard music as elegant as I had been witness to anywhere. I must take notice that this place abounds with pretty women, who appear rather more abroad [socializing outside of their homes] than they do at York, and dress elegantly. They are for the most part free and affable as well as pretty. I saw not one prude while I was here.

Let there be here in this land of Pennsylvania men of wisdom and virtue. Let men of good conscience, to the best of their skills, create laws of this government to benefit all.

Be it known to all. I, William Penn, do declare that all Freemen, Planters, and Adventurers in this territory have the following liberties and privileges:

Freedom of conscience to practice their religious beliefs is guaranteed provided that they believe in one almighty God. They will not be made to do anything against their religious beliefs.

All persons who are Christians may serve in the government.

An Assembly chosen yearly by the freemen in the colony.

All criminals shall have the right to call witnesses to testify at trials.

When a servant is brought over to work the land at the end of his years of service he shall be given 50 acres of his master’s land.

Planters are to trade fairly with the natives of this country.

No person shall harm or mistreat an Indian in any way.

I William Penn, Proprietor and Governor of Pennsylvania, declare for myself and my heirs that these liberties will be held by the people forever.

I thought fit to give a short account of proceedings, as to settlements here, and the Improvements both in Town and Country. As to the Country, the Improvements are large, and settlements very throng by way of Townships and Villages. Great inclinations to planting Orchards, which are easily raised, and some brought to perfection. . . .

Now as to the Town of Philadelphia it goeth on in Planting and Building to admiration, both in the front and backward, and there are about 600 houses in 3 years time. And since I built my Brick House, the foundation of which was laid at thy going, which I did design after a good manner to encourage others...now many brave Brick Houses are going up, with good Cellars.

Lots are much desir’d in the Town, great buying one of another. We are now laying the foundation of a large plain Brick house, for a Meeting House, in the Center [Square], (sixty foot long, and about forty foot broad) and hope to have it soon up, many hearts and hands at Work that will do it. A large Meeting House [Bank Meeting House], 50 foot long, and 38 foot broad, also going up, on the front of the River, for an evening Meeting, the work going on apace. Many Towns People settling their liberty Lands [free lands near Philadelphia given to settlers who bought land elsewhere in Pennsylvania].

I do understand Three Companies for Whale Catching are designed to fish in the River’s Mouth this season, and find through the great Plenty of fish they may begin early. Fish are in such plenty that many sorts on trial have been taken with Nets in the Winter time: the Swedes laughing at the English for going to try, have since tried themselves. The River so big, and full of several sorts of brave fish, that it is believed, except frozen over, we may catch any time in the Winter. . . . The manufacture of Linen by the Germans goes on finely, and they make fine Linen...

I thought fit to signify this much, knowing thou wouldst be glad to hear of thy People and Province’s welfare; the Lord preserve us all, and make way for thy return, which is much desired, not only by our Friends but all sorts. I am, etc. thy truly Loving Friend

If difficulties should arise with Spain, (which God forbid!) there then is no place in the world better situated, from which to strike at the heart and vitals of that nation, than from the New Netherlands, where we have all things together, such as provisions, ship-timber, plank, knees, masts, &c, that are necessary to equip our ships, in abundance. Whenever we desire to improve those advantages, we can do so without molestation.

If it should happen that iron, timber, ashes, grain, and other articles which we now receive from the east, should fall short, the deficiencies can be supplied from the New-Netherlands in abundance, if we encourage and advance the settlement of the country, without which it is worth nothing. Thirdly. By so doing we shall always have a free and unobstructed commerce to and fro, and enjoy a free and profitable trade with the Lords’ colony, from and to their own country, which in time will increase so much as now is deemed incredible. We see how much the trade has advanced in two or three years since we have encouraged the settlement of the country, and by going on from year to year, the gain will advance proportionally.

By pursuing this course and encouraging the population of the country, we could derive formidable assistance from the same in men and means in times of need, which causes all republics to be respected by those who envy their prosperity. And as we well know that this country is visited by many people who seek employment, and who always found business; but since the peace, there is not much employment, and there are many persons injuriously idle-hence it certainly appears, that it would be of service to the country to settle another Netherland with the excess of our population.

For I consider that to be a country which we have found [New Netherlands], which is easy of access by sea and by land, open and unsupplied, or unfurnished with any considerable fortifications. The English and the Indians are strong and numerous around it. The Portuguese and other pirates can easily invade the place on the seaboard, in a short time; for it is easy of access, and near the ocean, and what is more, you well know that our nation is particularly attached to commerce. This I understand to be their principal object. They are industrious as merchants; but to the security of the country they pay but little attention; they trust to the militia, who are few in numbers.

As for the native Indians they need not be feared. They may terrify a stranger or a newcomer. . . . The last war we had with them, when we were not half as strong as we now are, they remember so well that they will not readily begin again. When we speak of the beginning of the troubles with them, there was little fault on their side; still it is done and past. But respecting the English, that subject deserves deep reflection, and presents difficulties and dangers, and I assure you that we of the New-Netherlands are not so proud as to be easily enticed, nor do we desire to get into difficulties or war with those of Virginia or of New-England.

The Virginians can do nothing unless they come by sea. Their account is answered already. A land march presents insurmountable difficulties. The people of New-England are much stronger than we are; but that it will suit them better than it will us to enter into unnecessary disputes, is a matter I do not profess to know, seeing they possess a country wherein commerce must prosper, which they cannot pursue to advantage southward of Cape Cod without passing our channel within Long Island.

We must look to commerce [trade]...which at present is carried on in the New-Netherlands, consists mostly in grain, as wheat, rye, peas, barley, &, and in pork, beef, fish, beer and wine, and what is necessary for families...with the commerce of navigable streams, of which we will treat, quantities are sent to the islands in the West Indies [Caribbean], . . . The country is well calculated and possesses the necessaries for a profitable trade. First, it is a fine fruitful country. Secondly, it has fine navigable rivers extending far inland, by which the productions of the country can be brought to places of traffic. The Indians, without our labor or trouble, bring to us their fur trade, worth tons of gold... In conclusion, a country like the New-Netherlands, possessing such advantages for commerce, and that of and within itself, and abounding with articles for commerce beyond its own wants, which it can spare when attention is paid to the subject and the same be properly directed, will it not prosper? Judge for yourself.

The principal towns within the Government are New York, Albany & Kingston at [the town of] Esopus. All the rest are country villages. The buildings in New-York & Albany are generally of stone & brick. In the country the houses are mostly new built, having two or three rooms on a floor. The Dutch are great improvers of land. New York and Albany live wholly upon trade with the Indians, England, and the West Indies. The returns for England are generally Beaver, Peltry, Oil & Tobacco when we can have it. To the West Indies we send Flour, Bread, Peas, Pork & sometimes horses; the return from thence for the most part is rum which pays the King a considerable excise & some molasses which serves the people to make drink & pays no custom. . . .

I believe for these 7 years last past, there has not come over into this province twenty English, Scotch, or Irish families. But on the contrary on Long Island the people increase so fast that they complain for want of land & many remove from thence into the neighboring province. But of French there have been since my coming here several families come both from St. Christopher’s [St. Kitts in the Caribbean] & England & a great many more are expected, as also from Holland are come several Dutch families which is another great argument of the necessity of adding to this Government the Neighboring English colonies [Connecticut, Rhode Island, East Jersey, West Jersey], that a more equal balance may be kept between his Majesty’s natural-born subjects and foreigners which latter are the most prevailing part of this Government . . .

Every Town ought to have a Minister. New York has first a Chaplain belonging to the Fort of the Church of England; Secondly, a Dutch Calvinist, thirdly a French Calvinist, fourthly a Dutch Lutheran Here be not many of the Church of England; few Roman Catholics; abundance of Quakers, preachers, men & Women especially; Singing Quakers, Ranting Quakers, Sabbatarians; Some Anabaptists, some Independents; some Jews; in short, of all sorts of opinions [denominations] there are some, and the most part of none at all.

It is the endeavor of all Persons here to bring up their children and servants in that opinion which themselves profess, but this I observe that they take no care of the conversion of their Slaves. Every Town and County are obliged to maintain [take care of] their own poor, which makes them be so careful that no Vagabonds, Beggars, nor Idle Persons are suffered [allowed] to live here. But as for the King’s natural-born subjects that live on Long Island and other parts of the Government, I find it a hard to make them pay their Ministers.*

*There was no separation of church and state at this time. Laws mandated that everyone pay a tax that funded the salaries of ministers. In New York, the established church was the Anglican Church (Church of England).

Almost all the passengers were seasick for some days, I however for not more than four hours. On the other hand I underwent other accidents, namely, that the two carved lugs over the ship’s bell fell right upon my back, and on the 9th of July during a storm in the night I fell so severely upon my left side that for some days I had to keep to my bed...The rations upon the ship were very bad. We lived medice ac modice.Every ten persons received three pounds of butter a week, four cans of beer and two cans of water a day, two platters full of peas every noon, meat four dinners in the week and fish three, and these we were obliged to prepare with our own butter. Also we must every noon save up enough so that we might get our supper from it. The worst of all was that both the meat and the fish were salted to such an extent and had become so rancid that we could hardly eat half of them.

My company on board consisted of many sorts of people. There was a doctor of medicine with his wife and eight children, a French captain, a Dutch cake baker, an apothecary, a glassblower, a mason, a smith, a wheelwright, a cabinetmaker, a cooper, a hatmaker, a cobbler, a tailor, a gardener, farmers, seamstresses, etc., in all about eighty persons besides the crew. They were not only different in respect to age (for our oldest woman was sixty years of age and the youngest child only twelve weeks) and in respect to their occupations, as I have mentioned, but were also of such different religions and behaviors that I might not unfittingly compare the ship that bore them hither with Noah’s Ark, but that there were more unclean than clean (rational) animals to be found therein. In my household I have those who hold to the Roman, to the Lutheran, to the Calvinist, to the Anabaptist, and to the Anglican church, and only one Quaker…..

Philadelphia daily increases in houses and inhabitants, and presently a house of correction will be built in order that those who are not willing to live in a Philadelphian manner may be disciplined, for some such are to be found to whom fittingly applies what our dear friend mentions in his letter, that we have here more distress from the spoiled Christians than from the Indians. Furthermore, here and there other towns are laid out; for the [Free] Society [of Traders] is beginning to build about an hour and a half from here one [town] bearing the name of Frankfort, where they have erected a mill and a glass factory. Not far from there, namely two hours from here, lies our Germantown, where already forty-two people are living in twelve dwellings. They are mostly linen weavers and not any too skilled in agriculture. These good people laid out all their substance upon the journey, so that if William Penn had not advanced provisions to them, they must have become servants to others.

As to the inhabitants, I cannot better classify them than into the native and the engrafted. For if I were to call the former savages and the latter Christians, I should do great injustice to many of both varieties. Of the latter sort, I have already mentioned above, that the incoming ships are not altogether to be compared with Noah’s Ark. Also there are coiners of false money and other vicious persons here...

The first [Indians] who came before my eyes were those two who at Upland came in a canoe to our ship. I presented them with a dram of brandy. They attempted to pay me for it with a sixpence, and when I refused the money they gave me their hands, and said, “Thank you, brother.” They are strong of limb, swarthy of body, and paint their faces red, blue, etc., in various ways. In the summer they go quite naked, except that they cover their private parts with a piece of cloth, and now in winter they hang duffels upon themselves. They have coal-black hair, while the Swedish children born here have hair snow-white.

I was once dining with William Penn where one of their kings sat at table with us. William Penn, who can speak their language fairly fluently, said to him that I was a German, etc. He came accordingly on the third of October, and on the twelfth of December another king and queen came to my house. Also many of the [Indian] common people over-run me very often, to whom however I almost always show my love with a piece of bread and a drink of beer, whereby an answering affection is awakened m them and they commonly call me “Teutschmann,” [German] also ”Carissimo" (that is, brother). N.B. Their language is manly and in my opinion is little inferior to the Italian...

Of those persons who came hither with me, a half dozen are already dead. I and mine, however, have throughout the whole time found ourselves in good condition and good appetite...Now as to the purchased land. It is divided into three kinds. First, 15,000 acres lying together in one piece, on a navigable stream. Secondly, 300 acres within the city liberties, which is the stretch of land between the Delaware and the Schuylkill. Thirdly, three lots in the town, on which to build houses. When after my arrival I applied to William Penn for warrants, to measure off these three kinds, and to obtain possession of them, his first answer respecting this was:….

Concerning the fifteen thousand acres, two chief difficulties arose, namely, that William Penn did not wish to give them all together in one piece in order that so very large a space in the land might not lie uncultivated and empty, nor on the Delaware River, where indeed everything had already been taken up by others. But after I had repeatedly represented to him both orally and in writing that it would be very prejudicial to us and our German successors to be so completely wedged in among the English...he finally gave me a warrant to have our land in one tract, provided that we within a year would settle thirty families upon the fifteen thousand acres, namely, three townships, each of ten households...

We, Teesshakomen, alias Tisheekunk, and Tootamis alias Nutimus, two of the Sachem's or Chiefs of the Delaware Indians, having, almost three Years ago, at Durham, begun a treaty with our honourable Brethren John and Thomas Penn, and from thence another Meeting was appointed to be at Pensbury, the next Spring Following, to which We repaired with Lappawinzoe and Several others of the Delaware Indians, At which Treaty Several Deeds were produced and Shewed to us by our said Bretheren, concerning Several Tracts of Land which our Forefathers had, more than fifty Years ago, Bargained and Sold unto our good Friend and Brother William Penn, the Father of the said John and Thomas Penn, and in particular one Deed from Mayhkeerickkishsho, Sayhoppy and Taughhaughsey, the Chiefs or Kings of the Northern Indians on Delaware, who, for large Quantities of Goods delivered by the Agents of William Penn, to those Indian Chiefs, did Bargain and Sell unto the said William Penn, All those Tract or Tracts of Land lying and being in the Province of Pennsylvania, Beginning upon a line formerly laid out from a Corner Spruce Tree by the River Delaware, about Makeerickkitton, and from thence running along the ledge or foot of the Mountains, West North West to a corner white Oak marked with the Letter P, Standing by the Indian Path that Leadeth to an Indian town called Playwickey, and from thence extending Westward to Neshameney Creek, from which said line the said Tract or Tracts therebyi Granted, doth extend itself back into the Woods as far as a Man can goe in one day and a helf, and bounded on the Westerly side with the Creek called Neshameny, or the most Westerly branch thereof, So far as the said Branch doth extend, and from thence by line to the utmost extent of the said one day and a half's Journey, and from thence to the aforesaid River Delaware, and from thence down the Several Courses of the said River to the first mentioned Spruce tree.

And all this did likewise appear to be true by William Biles and Joseph Wood, who upon their Affirmations, did solemnly declare that they well remembred the Treaty held between the Agents of William Penn and those Indians. But some of our Old Men being then Absent, We requested of our Brethren John Penn and Thomas Penn, that We might have more time to Consult with our People concerning the same, which request being granted us, We have, after more than two Years since the Treaty at Pensbury, now come to Philadelphia, together with our chief Sachems Monochyhickan, and several of our Old Men, and upon a further Treaty held upon the same Subject, We Do Acknowledge Ourselves and every of Us, to be fully satisfyed that the above described Tract or Tracts of Land were truly Granted and Sold by the said Mayhkeericckkishsho, Sayhoppy, and Taughhaughsey, unto the said William Penn and his heirs, And for a further Confirmation thereof, We, the said Monockyhickan, Lappawinzoe, Tisheekunk, and Nutimus, Do, for ourselves and all other the Delaware Indians, fully, clearly and Absolutely Remise, Release, and forever Quit claim unto the said John Penn, Thomas Penn, and Richard Penn, All our Right Title, Interest, and pretentions whatsoever of , in, or to the said Tract or Tracts of Land, and every Part and Parcel thereof, So that neither We, or any of us, or our Children, shall or may at any time hereafter, have Challenge, Claim, or Demand any Right, Title or Interest, or any pretentions whatsoever of, in, or to the said Tract or Tracts of Land, or any Part thereof, but of and from the same shall be excluded, and forever Debarred. And We do hereby further Agree, that the extent of the said Tract or Tracts of Land shall be forthwith Walked, Travelled, or gone over by proper Persons to be appointed for that Purpose, According to the direction of the aforesaid Deed.

In Witness whereof, We have hereunto set our hands and Seals, at Philadelphia, the Twenty-fifth day of the Month called August, in the Year, According to the English account, one thousand Seven hundred and thirty-seven.

MANAWKYHICKON, his X mark

LAPPAWINZOE, his X mark

TEESHACOMIN, his X mark

NOOTIMUS his X mark

May it please yr Majesty.

It's nothing short of Twenty years, That your Majesty's good Subjects of this Province have been wasting under the Calamities of a Distressing and Expensive War, taking the Commencement Hereof from the Rebellion and Eruption of the Eastern Indians in the year 1688...save only the intervention of three or four years cessation.... Yet in those years we were put to a very considerable charge in keeping constant guards and espyals over them, to prevent suprizals by their perfidy and treacherys.

And very soon upon the new declaration of war with France they broke out again in open rebellion and hostility, committing diverse barbarous murders, just after a repeated and fresh recognition of their duty and allegiance to your majesty.

We have been sharers in common with other our fellow subjects to a great degree in losses, both of men and estate, at home and at sea, both in the former & the present war, our trade is greatly diminished, and we are very much exhausted; our yearly expences for our necessary defence, and to prevent the incursions of the enemy is vastly great....

But we have no prospect of the end of these Troubles, & of being eased of our heavy and insupportable charge and burthen, whilst we can act only defensively, and have to do with the Enemy's Revels within our very bowels, who like beasts of prey seek their living by rapine and spoils, and are such monsters that their barbarities and cruelties are horrendous to human nature. And they are animated & encouraged to such barbarity by the French setting the heads of your Majesty's subjects, at a price upon bringing in the scalps, and they kill many in cold blood.... They have the advantage of retiring for shelter to the obscure recesses of a vast and wilderness full of woods, lakes, rivers, ponds, swamps, rocks, and mountains, whereto they make an easy and quick passage, by of their...canoes of great swiftness and light of carriage; the matter whereof they are made being to be found almost everywhere and their skill and dexterity for the making and using of them is very extraordinary, which renders our tiresome marches after them ineffectual.

These rebels have no fixt settlements, but are ambulatory, & make frequent removes, having no other Houses, but tents or huts made of barque or kinds of trees, mats, etc. which they soon provide in all places where they come, so that it is impracticable to pursue or follow them with any body of regular troops. They are supported and encouraged by the French, who make them yearly presents gratis, of clothing, arms, and ammunition besides the supplies they afford them for the beaver and furs...and constantly keep their priests & emissaries among them, to steady them in their interests and bigotries which they have instilled into them. The French also oft times join them in their marches on our frontiers.

We humbly conceive with submission that the most probable method of doing execution upon them & reducing them is by men of their own color, way, & manner of living.

And if your Majesty shall be graciously pleased to command the service of the Mohawks and other Nations of the Western Indians that are in friendship and Covenant with your Majesty's several Governments, against these Eastern Indian rebels, for which they express themselves to stand ready and to whom they are a terror, they would with the blessing of God in short time extirpate or reclaim them and prevent the incursions made upon us from Canada or the east.

Brethren

I have sent for you upon an Extraordinary occasion, to assist in an Expedition for ye Reducing Canada, which you have So much Long'd for, That neighbourhood you know hath been of a long time Very Troublesome to you, & many of her Majesty's good Subjects In these Parts.

We will not now Enumerate the many Perfidious and base actions they [the French] have been guilty off. We have whole Volumes full of Complaints which you have made to us of their Treacherous dealings. The French of Canada have killed, Imprisoned, Carried away, and Transported your People, burnt your Castles, and used all means which lay in their Power to Impoverish you, and bring you to a low and miserable Condition.

They have not only Seduced your People, and Enticed them away form your Country, but Encouraged even your own Brethren to make war upon you, on purpose to weaken you.

They have Set the Far Indians upon you and furnished them with arms and Ammunition in order to Destroy you. The Pains they have taken to accomplish your Ruin hath been Indefatigable.

They encroached upon your rights and Liberties by building Forts upon your Land against your wills, Possessing the Principall Passes and hunting Places, whereby all your hunting (your only Support) was rendered not only Precarious, but dangerous.

Their treacherously murdering of Montour, one of your Brethren, before your Faces, in your own Country this Summer is an Evident mark of their Insolence and how they Intend to use you. Most of these and other things having been truly Represented to the Great queen of Great Britain [Queen Anne] (who is victorious over the French King in Europe). She hath taken them into her Royal Consideration and has been Graciously Pleased (notwithstanding the vast Expence her Majesty is daily at in Carying on this necessary just war against France in Europe) to Send over at a great charge a Considerable Fleet, with men, Ammunition, Provision, and Artillery and other things necessary for ye Effectuall Reducing of Canada, to Redeem you from that Bondage and Slavery the French designed to bring you under. I must therefore Earnestly exhort you to be cheerful and resolute in joining with all your Strength with her Majesty's Forces....

This will be the only and Effectual means to Procure a firm and durable Peace and quiet Possession of our Settlements for us, and for you and your Posterity for ever....

The French, upon the maxim, divide & impera, [divide and rule] have tried all possible means to divide these republics [of Natives] and sometimes have even sown great jealousies amongst them. In consequence of this plan, they have seduced many [Indian] families to withdraw to Canada, and there settled them in regular towns, under the command of a fort, and the tuition of missionaries...Nothing could have been more advantageous to these [English] colonies, and especially to New-York, than the late success of the Five Nations against Canada. The miseries to which the French were reduced, rendered us secure against their inroads, till the work of the Revolution15 was in a great measure accomplished; and to their distressed condition we must principally ascribe the defeat of the French design about this time to make a conquest of the Province. De Calliers, who went to France in 1688, first projected the scheme [to attack New York]. . . .

Among other measures to detach the Five Nations from the British interest and raise the depressed spirit of the Canadians, the Count De Frontenac thought proper to send out several parties against the English colonies. D’Aillebout, De Mantel, and Le Moyne commanded that against New-York, consisting of about two hundred French and some Caghnuaga Indians, who being proselytes from the Mohawks, were perfectly acquainted with that country. Their orders were, in general, to attack New-York; but pursuing the advice of the Indians they resolved, instead of Albany, to surprise Schenectady [which], tho' they [residents of Schenectady] had been informed of the designs of the enemy, [they believed they] were in the greatest security; judging it impracticable for any men to march several hundred miles in the depth of winter, thro' the snow...

After two and twenty days march, the enemy fell in with Schenectady, on the 8th of February; and were reduced to such straits, that they had thoughts of surrendering themselves prisoners of war. But their scouts, who were a day or two in the village entirely unsuspected, returned with such encouraging accounts of the absolute security of the people, that the enemy determined on the attack. They entered on Saturday night about eleven o’clock at the gates, which were found unshut; and, that every house might be invested [attacked] at the same time, divided into small parties of six or seven men. The inhabitants were in a profound sleep and unalarmed till their doors were broke open. Never were people in a more wretched consternation. Before they were risen from their beds, the enemy entered their houses; and began the perpetration of the most inhuman Barbarities. No tongue, says Colonel Schuyler, can express the cruelties that were committed. The whole village was instantly in a blaze. Women and child ripped open and their infants cast into the flames, or dashed against the posts of the doors. Sixty persons perished in the massacre, and twenty seven were carried into captivity. The rest fled naked towards Albany, thro' a deep snow which fell that very night in a terrible storm; and twenty five of these fugitives lost their limbs in the flight thro' the severity of the frost. The news of this dreadful tragedy reached Albany, about break of day; and universal dread seized the inhabitants of that city, the enemy being reported to be one thousand four hundred strong...

The design of the French in this attack was to alarm the fears of our Indian allies by showing that we were incapable of defending them. Every art also was used to conciliate their friendship, for they not only spared those Mohawks who were found in Schenectady but several other particular persons, in compliment to the Indians, who requested that favor.