Historical Polish Context

Polish Context

Poland’s relationship with the Soviet Union was uniquely complicated. While it was firmly within the Soviet sphere of influence, Polish society retained strong nationalist and religious traditions that clashed with Communist ideology. As early as 1956, Polish workers and students had challenged the government. This led to a insecure compromise that gave Poland slightly more autonomy than other satellites. However, limits were always set by Moscow.

Throughout the 1970s and into the 1980s, economic hardship deepened and public frustration grew. Poland became an increasingly unstable member of the Soviet bloc. The Soviet Union watched these developments with concern. The USSR knew that if Poland’s rebellion against communism succeeded, a domino effect throughout Eastern Europe could follow.

The 1956 Poznań Protests

The first major postwar uprising occurred in Poznań in June 1956, when workers at the Cegielski locomotive factory went on strike to demand better working conditions as well as wage increases and more political freedoms. What began as an economic protest quickly escalated into a broader anti-Communist demonstration. Approximately 100,000 people took to the streets, chanting slogans like "We want bread!" and "Freedom!"

The government, under the Polish United Workers' Party (PZPR), responded harshly. Soviet-backed Polish military forces were deployed to suppress the revolt, leading to violent clashes that resulted in the deaths of at least 57 people (many of them unarmed civilians) and hundreds of injuries. Although the government portrayed the uprising as a reaction to local economic grievances, it was clear that deeper dissatisfaction with Communist rule was taking root.

In the aftermath, the government promised limited reforms. Władysław Gomułka, who was perceived as a moderate, was reinstated as First Secretary of the Party. His initial popularity reflected the hopes for change. However, the Communist regime remained firmly in place. Andrzej Paczkowski and Inessa Yazhborovskaya explain how these early protests set the stage for further protests and the rise of Solidarity in the future.

The sign reads "We demand bread!"

1970 demonstration in Poland

1970 Worker Strikes

Discontent continued beneath the surface throughout the 1960s, surfacing again in December 1970. Despite leadership changes, the underlying issues remained unresolved throughout the 1970s. As dissatisfaction grew, a network of opposition movements, including the Worker’s Defense Committee (KOR), emerged to support arrested activists and promote human rights. These groups laid the groundwork for future resistance, creating alliances between workers and intellectuals that would prove critical in the next major confrontation with the regime.

Without warning, the government announced sudden increases in food prices, placing immense strain on workers already struggling under difficult economic conditions. In cities along the Baltic coast, notably Gdańsk, Gdynia, and Szczecin, shipyard workers organized massive protests and strikes.

The government's response was brutal. Under orders from the PZPR leadership, security forces opened fire on unarmed demonstrators. Official figures report around 40 people killed. Some estimates suggest higher numbers. Once again, the government was forced to recognize the severity of the unrest. In an attempt to calm public anger, Gomułka was removed from power and replaced by Edward Gierek. Gierek promised reforms and better living standards. These promises, in the long run, remained unfulfilled.

The events of 1970 deeply scarred the national memory, fueling an understanding among Polish workers that mass protest could force political change—but at a terrible cost.

The 1980 Gdańsk and Rise to Solidarity

By 1980, Poland was facing yet another economic crisis: rampant inflation, widespread shortages of basic goods, and deteriorating living standards. When the beloved shipyard worker activist Anna Walentynowicz was fired from the Gdańsk Shipyard in August 1980, workers initiated a strike that quickly expanded beyond her case.

Inspired by earlier movements, workers formulated a set of 21 demands, including the right to form independent trade unions, freedom of speech, and better economic conditions. The strike in Gdańsk was unlike earlier protests. This one was well-organized, nonviolent, and connected workers across different industries and cities.

Lech Wałęsa, a charismatic electrician, emerged as the movement’s leader. Negotiations between the striking workers and the government led to the Gdańsk Agreement on August 31, 1980, which granted the workers many of their demands. The most significant was the right to establish an independent union. This union became known as Solidarity (Solidarność). For the first time, an Eastern Bloc government recognized an independent trade union. Within months, it grew rapidly and attracted nearly 10 million members. The Soviet Union viewed these developments with deep concern.

The Kremlin’s concern was quickly evident in its state-controlled media. In a September 1, 1980 Pravda article, Soviet authorities framed the Polish crisis as the work of “antisocialist elements” attempting to trigger “anarchy in public life” and plotting a “counterrevolution” by exploiting economic hardships. Soviet commentary downplayed the historic nature of the Gdańsk Accords, focusing instead on the threat posed to the socialist system. The article accused Solidarity leaders of aiming to "destroy the link between the party and the working class," labeling them tools of hostile Western powers who were “inflicting direct damage to real socialism.” Soviet rhetoric reveals an underlying fear that Solidarity’s success might inspire similar movements elsewhere.

Anna Walentynowicz addressing shipyard workers at Gdansk in May 1980, flanked by Lech Walesa

A. Petrov, “The Intrigues of Socialist Poland’s Enemies,” Pravda (Moscow, Russia), September 1, 1980, Seventeen Moments in Soviet History, https://soviethistory.msu.edu/1980-2/solidarity-in-poland/solidarity-in-poland-texts/soviet-evaluation-of-polish-solidarity-crisis/.

This Times article is written to explain the Soviet view of Solidarity. It highlights Pravda’s claims that Solidarity was attempting to destroy the Polish state through "blackmail, threats, provocations and physical force." Clearly, the USSR was attempting to vilify Solidarity, providing insight to Soviet justification for supporting martial law in Poland.

Michael Binyon. “Pravda says Solidarity tries to destroy state,” The New York Times, (New York City, United States), January 31, 1981, Keston Center Archives.

Conclusion

The history of the Poznań protests, the 1970 worker strikes, and the Gdańsk protests reveal a recurring pattern. Polish workers and intellectuals, frustrated by economic hardship and political oppression, continually pushed back against Communist rule. Each time, the government attempted to suppress dissent with a mix of concessions and repression. However, discontent only grew stronger.

Video Reenactment of Gdansk Protests: Andrzej Wajda: Man of Iron (1981)

This video comes from Seventeen Moments in Soviet History, an online archive of primary sources. It stars Starring Jerzy Radziwilowicz, Krystyna Janda, Marian Opania.

Description: The historic moment of Solidarity is viewed through the person of Winkel, a weak-willed TV reporter sent to Gdansk to dig up dirt on the shipyard strikers, particularly on Maciek Tomczyk, an articulate worker who is among the strike leaders. At first posing as sympathetic reporter, and then caught up in the historic moment, Winkel is reborn a new man just as his Polish homeland is reborn. Director Andrzej Wajda was filming during the Gdansk shipyard strike, and his actors and the news footage are knit into one. This movie, needless to say, was never shown in the Soviet Union.

Sources

Andrzej Paczkowski and Andrzej Werblan, "'On the Decision to Introduce Martial Law in Poland in 1981':

Andrzej Paczkowski and Inessa S. Yazhborovskaya, “THE SOVIETS AND THE POLISH CRISIS: THE ROAD TO MARTIAL LAW, 1980–1981.” In White Spots—Black Spots: Difficult Matters in Polish-Russian Relations, 1918–2008, edited by ADAM DANIEL ROTFELD and ANATOLY V. TORKUNOV, (2015): 431-466. https://doi.org/10.2307/j.ctt166grd4.14.

Vladislav M. Zubok, “REVOLUTIONS.” in Collapse: The Fall of the Soviet Union, (2021): 70–97.

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