Why does a Japanese scholar come to Regina? Why Saskatchewan?

For most Canadians who have not visited the province (of Saskatchewan), there is a general belief that it is mostly rural farmland, with happy rural socialist small towns. However, as we know, the reality of the province is now quite different. (Haward Leeson, Saskatchewan Politics, Crowding the Centre, p.7)

I wanted to know the reality of Saskatchewan and the Prairies, so a Japanese academic finally came to Saskatchewan,

I know I am a rare academic and not a Canadian though.

Just another Japanese Canadianist.

"The Crown in Canada Conference: Present Realities and Future Options",

The Senate, Ottawa, June 2009

Comparative Constitutional Monarchy

The reason I wanted to come to Saskatchewan was because Prof. David Smith (University of Saskatchewan) and D. Michael Jackson (former Protocol Officer of the Government of Saskatchewan) were here in Saskatchewan. Unfortunately, before I could make my visit to Regina, both of them passed away.

When I began studying the Canadian constitution and politics almost 20 years ago, what bewildered me was the existence of a seemingly arcane political system that stood in stark contrast to democratic values. Political institutions derived from the monarchy of the United Kingdom, such as the Governor General, Lieutenant Governor, and Privy Council, appeared to hold some inexplicable significance. As I delved deeper, it became apparent that these institutions, originating from the United Kingdom's monarchical system, played an exceptionally crucial role in Canadian democracy—not merely in a ceremonial capacity but rather politically. This realization deepened my confusion.

Furthermore, in the case of Canada, it seemed that these political systems, stemming from monarchical origins, played a role more significant than in the former colonial power, the United Kingdom. While observing Canadian politics, I couldn't help but sense a paradoxical aspect: that democracy and democracy alone might not be sufficient for smooth operation. Coexisting with non-democratic political systems seemed to allow democracy to operate more flexibly. It's challenging to articulate, but I felt a paradoxical element suggesting that the remnants of monarchical influence functioned like a lubricant for democracy.

This notion may connect with the contemporary debates surrounding the issues of the Heisei era's imperial system in Japan, which are currently being actively discussed.

In 1992, I was in Vancouver and a high school student at the University Hill Secondary School, and that year was the Charlotte Town Accord and the defeat of the Referendum. ©Vancouver Sun.

My Encounter with Canada

The catalyst for my study of Canadian politics can be traced back nearly 30 years ago when I spent a year in Vancouver during high school. It wasn't driven by academic or social science interests but rather stemmed from a personal experience of encountering Canada. Living in Canada for the first time, everything I saw and heard was fresh, and I vividly remember various aspects of that time. While I may not have fully understood everything, the social studies classes at the high school I attended, which incorporated discussions, were intriguing. Interactions with students, especially the increased presence of Chinese immigrants around the time of the Hong Kong handover, are fond memories. The relationships, including occasional misunderstandings, with classmates of Chinese, Middle Eastern, and Indian descent provided a valuable opportunity to experience Canada's multiculturalism.

In the early 1990s when I was there, Canada was celebrating its 125th anniversary, marked by various events and televised commercials. The year 1992, I believe, saw the Charlottetown Accord being reached. Watching the efforts of Prime Minister Brian Mulroney, Quebec Premier Robert Bourassa, and Ontario Premier Bob Rae trying to find common ground regarding constitutional amendments left a lasting impression on me. The televised scenes of these leaders earnestly discussing and negotiating left me with the sense that the country was on the brink of significant change. The day the Charlottetown Accord was rejected in a nationwide referendum coincided with the day the Toronto Blue Jays won their first World Series (or perhaps the day of the victory parade in Toronto; my memory is a bit fuzzy). The live broadcast on that day juxtaposed the jubilant celebration of the Blue Jays' victory with the disappointment of the political leaders who had failed in national unity, creating a peculiar mix of emotions. Discussions about constitutional amendments were also held in school, and the coverage of these events, complete with photos, in the Vancouver Sun remains a fond memory.

Upon returning to Japan, my life was largely disconnected from Canada for some time. However, when I considered attending graduate school, I decided to study Canadian politics. By chance, I participated in a seminar from another department, attended lectures at different universities, and further deepened my interest in Canadian politics. My research theme in graduate school focused on Canada's party system, examining the mechanisms behind the federal and provincial party systems' distinctions and questioning why they took such forms. Lacking sufficient resources in Japan, I returned to Canada during my first year of master's studies. I vividly remember being surprised to find out that Canadian Airlines had disappeared when I tried to book a flight to Vancouver.

Subsequently, from 2005 to 2007, I conducted research in Vancouver and Toronto, investigating the decision-making mechanisms within political parties. Despite various attempts and considerations, my research hit a roadblock, including the broader themes I contemplated. During my time as a Consul and a specialist researcher at the Consulate General of Canada, I began studying the Citizens' Assembly on Electoral Reform in British Columbia. The consulate's title made it easier to secure appointments with government officials, and I had the opportunity to directly speak with the architects of the assembly and those involved in its implementation, which proved invaluable. As of November 2018, another referendum on electoral reform was underway in British Columbia, seemingly turning electoral reform into a recurring tradition. In Canadian politics, electoral reform is frequently discussed, whether or not it is actually implemented. Even the current Trudeau administration initially aimed to carry out electoral reform based on election promises.

The 2000s, when the Citizens' Assembly on Electoral Reform was held in British Columbia, witnessed similar royal commissions in other provinces like Quebec, New Brunswick, and PEI, all exploring electoral reform. Trudeau's initiatives for electoral reform, along with other federal and provincial efforts, shared a common emphasis on citizen participation. Numerous public hearings and town hall meetings were held, and I had the chance to participate in some of them. One particularly memorable event was the policy cafe on electoral reform hosted by Joyce Murray, a federal Member of Parliament (Liberal Party), in August 2016. This series of meetings, organized under Prime Minister Trudeau's leadership to directly hear voters' opinions on electoral reform, occurred frequently across Canada. I was amazed by the enthusiasm of the participants in these lively discussions. On the MP's website, there are photos showcasing the spirited debates, and I happened to stand out in one of them, adding to the surprise. It remains a cherished memory.

In recent years, my focus has shifted to the structure of citizen participation in royal commissions, the role of public hearings, and the international comparison of independent investigation committee systems represented by royal commissions. In connection with the royal commission system, I developed an interest in the role of the monarchy in Canadian politics and started exploring comparative studies with former British colonies. This interest extended to the roles of governors general and lieutenant governors in Canadian politics. In recent elections at the provincial level in Canada, situations have arisen where no party secures a majority, leading to hung parliaments. This has resulted in lieutenant governors being forced to make political judgments during coalition negotiations. Similar situations occurred during the so-called constitutional crisis in 2008 when then-Prime Minister Harper's prorogation of Parliament was challenged. In contemporary Canadian politics, the roles of governors general and lieutenant governors, traditionally considered to lack substantive political functions, have come to the forefront, reflecting a new trend in Canadian politics.

I entered this field with the intention of studying Canadian politics. While I am not sure whether I am a Canadian studies scholar or a political science researcher, I increasingly identify myself as a regional scholar specializing in Canadian politics. In political science research, there is often a tendency to view the researched region merely as a collection of research data, with little sentiment or attachment. However, for me, Canada is a significant place where I experienced a formative period of my life. I have a strong connection to Canada, and I believe that research cannot be conducted without that connection. Moving forward, I want to continue valuing the field of Canada, considering comparative studies with former British colonies like Australia and New Zealand, and finding research themes that stimulate my interests.

Translated from the Japanese Association of Canadian Studies News Letter, No.111, January, 2019

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