Visiting Scholar, University of Regina, 2023-2024
Professor of Law and Politics, Aichi University. Japan (On Leave until 2024)
Comparative Constitutional Monarchy (Canada, Commonwealth Countries and Japan)
Prairies and Saskatchewan Politics and the History of Social Democracy in the Prairies and Saskatchewan
okadakentarojp(at)yahoo.co.jp
Thank you, Regina! Saskatchewan!
I am a Japanese political scientist, specializing in Canadian politics, and I teach political science and constitutional law at a university in Japan. Last summer, I was fortunate enough to take a sabbatical and spend a year in the province of Saskatchewan. Despite having studied Canada for nearly 25 years, my interaction with the Prairie Provinces had been quite limited, with my only previous visit to Saskatoon being for an academic conference.
Saskatchewan, the birthplace of Canadian social democracy and Medicare, is a land of fascination for scholars of Canadian studies around the world. I had long dreamed of one day living in Saskatchewan, immersing myself in the social fabric of the vast plains and observing its unique way of life. This year, that dream finally came true. An introductory sentence from a textbook on Saskatchewan politics aptly states, “People like to talk about Saskatchewan, but few do so after having actually been here.” If even Canadians feel this way, then I must be quite a rarity—a person who has traveled all the way from Japan to experience Saskatchewan firsthand.
However, my days in Regina have been filled with continuous surprises. First and foremost, I was astonished by the scarcity of Chinese and Japanese people in the city. In places like Vancouver and Toronto, there are significant populations of Chinese and other Asians, making it easy to blend into the community. In contrast, in Regina, I was often met with curiosity in places like supermarkets, where people frequently asked if I was Chinese. It was a novel experience for me. Interestingly, no one ever asked if I was Japanese.
The last time I lived in Canada was from 2009 to 2011, and I am astonished by how much the presence of people of Indian descent has increased since then. Regina, in particular, seems to rely heavily on the Indian community. At the university, there are numerous Indian students, and they contribute significantly to the local economy, working full-time or part-time. While it's common for immigrants to underpin the economy in multicultural societies, it's striking to see how much this dynamic has shifted. In the past, it was predominantly the Chinese community that played this role. This change highlights how significantly the times have changed.
My son attended Harbour Landing Elementary School for a year, a school that epitomizes multiculturalism. It was a vibrant melting pot of children from various ethnic backgrounds, including many of Indian descent. In a school where native English speakers were in the minority, my son played with many friends and has only recently started to speak a bit of English. Interestingly, it seems his English has developed a hint of an Indian accent, which I found endearing and a testament to the multicultural environment. He might quickly forget his English once we return to Japan, but I hope he never forgets the unique multicultural experience he had in Regina, which is so different from places like Vancouver or Toronto. And my son envisions returning to Saskatchewan one day and starting a business importing Ford F150 pickup trucks to Japan, roads in Japan are too narrow to drive pickup trucks though.
I was quite taken aback by the public opinion polls on multiculturalism reported in the newspapers. It seems that Canadians are becoming increasingly skeptical and pessimistic about multiculturalism and are growing more resistant to accepting further immigrants. On the other hand, they appear to be more favorable toward welcoming more temporary foreign workers. This marks a stark contrast to the past, when Canadians took great pride in multiculturalism as a fundamental national value and maintained a positive, open attitude toward immigrants, no matter the situation.
Recent events, such as the tragic assassination of a Sikh leader in British Columbia and the concerns over political interference by foreign governments, seem to have heightened Canadians' wariness of foreign influences. This newfound caution, while understandable, paints a picture of a Canada that is becoming more inward-looking—something quite different from the inclusive and welcoming country I have always known and admired. I hope Canada remains true to its identity as a multicultural, minority-friendly nation—an inclusive Canada that embraces diversity.
Living in Saskatchewan has been a profound learning experience. While I eagerly participated in lectures and research meetings, I also had the chance to travel frequently around the province. In Prince Albert, I had the opportunity to meet and speak with refugees from Ukraine. I also visited the site of Diefenbaker's former law office, a fascinating piece of Canadian history. In Battleford and Marieval, I had the unexpected privilege of hearing stories from Indigenous people, which made me reflect deeply on the realities of life in residential schools.
One of the things that surprised me during my recent stay in Canada, after a decade away, was the growing presence of Indigenous people in society. Since the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) and its recommendations, I have sensed a palpable shift in Canadian society. It feels as though this change is irreversible, marking a new chapter in the country's history. I also had the chance to travel to Winnipeg for Louis Riel Day, where I listened to a speech by Manitoba Premier Wab Kinew. The speech was delivered with such remarkable strength and conviction that it left a lasting impression on me.
During my stay in Regina, I made an effort to speak not only with university researchers but also with as many local residents as possible. I even had the chance to hear from people who remembered hearing T.C. Douglas’s speeches in their youth. The insights from the townspeople were fascinating and often persuasive, particularly their analysis of how the rural areas, once a stronghold of the CCF and NDP, had rapidly shifted towards conservatism. I also found their observations about the ideological differences between the NDP in Saskatchewan and the NDP in British Columbia quite interesting.
I frequently visited the Saskatchewan Legislature and attended the Question Period. One thing that struck me with disappointment was that the debates in the legislature seemed largely unproductive and disconnected. Although I had hoped that, despite the fierce and often hostile exchanges between the ruling and opposition parties, there would be a foundation of mutual respect and trust among the members as individuals. However, it did not appear to be the case.
The current debates in the legislature seem to be dominated by hatred, anger, toxicity, and attacks on each other. Unfortunately, this trend is not unique to the Saskatchewan Legislature. Similar patterns can be observed in the Canadian federal parliament and, to a larger extent, in the Japanese Diet as well.
There was a time when I could see Joe Clark and Pierre Trudeau, who often clashed fiercely in parliament, celebrating Christmas together with their children, smiling and enjoying each other’s company. Or, I remember Prime Minister Brian Mulroney, with a touch of humor, congratulating the NDP for being the most popular party in the polls and proclaiming that he was always ready for a change of government. Ed Broadbent's warm reaction to Mulroney's speech left a lasting impression on me. Such scenes filled me with a sense of warmth and hope.
However, those days seem long gone. The camaraderie and mutual respect that once characterized our political landscape appear to have faded away. Now, with the passing of figures like Mulroney and Broadbent, I find myself nostalgically recalling those moments of shared humanity and goodwill. It feels as though the political climate today has become too hostile and divisive to allow for such genuine moments of connection and respect across party lines.
The gallery of the legislature was almost always empty, except for major events like the Throne Speech or the Budget Address. On the day the Pronoun Policy bill was introduced, I attended the session and found myself one of only three spectators. Besides me, there was a mother with her baby on the opposite side of the gallery. The baby was wandering around, singing and chatting. Concerned about the disruption, a security officer attempted to escort the mother and baby out of the gallery. However, the Speaker, noticing this, intervened and instructed the security officer, saying, "It's fine. Let the child see. There’s no need to remove them." In a legislature where debates often felt hostile and one-sided, that moment stood out as the only instance where I felt a sense of human warmth.
The recent turmoil in the provincial legislature, which began with a rebuke from the Speaker, has left me with much to ponder. It seems to be the inevitable outcome of the increasingly aggressive and one-sided debates that have characterized the proceedings. Yet, I can't help but wonder if there isn’t a better way forward.
I long for a legislature that children would not only feel proud of but also enjoy—one enriched with humor and dignity. If things continue as they are, I fear that even children will lose interest and turn away in dismay. It might be presumptuous of me to say so, but as a political scientist from Japan, I genuinely worry about the future of Saskatchewan’s politics. I might be accused of meddling like a foreign interference, but my concern for the political climate here is sincere.
As nearly a year has passed, the time approaches for us to leave Saskatchewan. Our experience here has been truly invaluable and rare. I would like to express my gratitude to the people who have taken care of us and to the welcoming community at the University of Regina. Saskatchewan has become a cherished place for us.
Upcoming Events
1. 3rd June 2026, Canadian Political Science Association Annual Conference @University of Ottawa
B13(b) - Democracy, Government and Public Policy: Examining Contemporary Japanese Politics from Comparative Perspective
Date: Jun 3 | Time: 01:45pm to 03:15pm | Location: FSS 4014
Chair/Président/Présidente : Jim Farney (Johnson Shoyama Graduate School of Public Policy)
Discussant/Commentateur/Commentatrice : Yuki Tsuji (Tokai University)
This panel examines the characteristics of contemporary Japanese politics from a comparative perspective. Previous research has predominantly focused on the country’s electoral system. Much scholarly attention has been directed toward the reform that replaced the single non-transferable vote with multi-member districts system with a mixed electoral system emphasizing single-member districts, and to the political consequences of this institutional transformation. These studies have deepened our understanding of party competition, candidate recruitment, and legislative behavior. However, the distinctiveness of Japanese politics cannot be fully explained by electoral institutions alone. Other dimensions—social, historical, and transnational—continue to shape political processes and outcomes. This panel seeks to broaden the analytical scope of Japanese political studies by addressing three underexplored themes: local governance, democratic practice, and the experiences of Japanese Canadians. By engaging these perspectives, the panel aims to contribute to broader debates on how political institutions interact with social contexts, how democratic accountability operates at multiple levels of governance, and how transnational experiences illuminate Japan’s political development. Kato considers the theoretical possibility and empirical validity of “Semi-parliamentarism” through the case study of parliamentary politics in Japan and Australia. Kido examines intergovernmental relations between national and sub-national governments mediated through political parties in Japan and Canada. Nakamura collects and analyzes minutes from local assembly meetings nationwide, extracting and coding statements made by assembly members regarding the Hometown Tax system. Okada aims to trace the curious intersections among the Doukhobors, Japan, and Japanese Canadians, and to elucidate the shared experience of “internment” that links them.
Is Japanese and Australian Political System the New Types of Representative Democracy? The Theoretical Possibility and Empirical Validity of the Concept of “Semi-parliamentarism": Masatoshi Kato (Ritsumeikan University)
Abstract: This paper considers the theoretical possibility and empirical validity of “Semi-parliamentarism” through the case study of parliamentary politics in Japan and Australia. The concept of “semi-parliamentarism” is developed by Steffen Ganghof（2018, 2023）. To both overcome the duality such as strong/ weak bicameralism and parliamentarism/ presidentialism and find the own feature and dynamism, he develops this concept and characterizes it as the political system with following characteristics: 1]no popular elections of the chief executive, 2]the directly elected both assemblies, 3] the executive’s survival depends on the confidence of just one part of the assembly. He argues that this concept applies to Japan and Australia and suggests that legislature-centered majority formation is likely to occur in both countries as theoretical prediction. However, empirical studies of both countries show that legislature-centered majority formation does not always occur but is an exception. Why do theoretical predictions deviate? Based on the historical development of parliamentary politics in Japan and Australia, this paper shows that legislature-centered majority formation presupposes the political factors such as the stabilization of multi-party system and difficulty of majority control of the two major brocks in the Senate. In other words, while the concept of “semi-parliamentarism” has the theoretical values in locating the rare case such as Japan and Australia in the consistent framework of political system, its validity depends on the political institutions but also on other political factors such as actor constellations.
Intergovernmental Relations through Political Parties: A Comparative Study of Political Career Paths in Canada and Japan: Hideki Kido (Ritsumeikan University)
Abstract: This study examines intergovernmental relations between national and sub-national governments mediated through political parties in Japan and Canada. We address two central questions. First, do local party organizations serve as a source of recruitment for central politicians? Second, do party organizations function as channels through which influence flows from the local to the national level? In democratic systems, political parties are indispensable institutions that aggregate the interests of voters and social groups and transmit them into the policy-making process. Within the literature on intergovernmental relations, increasing attention has been directed toward the linkages between party organizations operating at different levels of government. Despite this growing interest, relatively little research has explored the political consequences of such multilevel party structures. The limited existing studies suggest that when party organizations are connected across levels, local interests can be articulated at the national level through partisan channels. However, this line of research has paid insufficient attention to the political implications of cases in which party organizations are institutionally or organizationally disconnected between levels. To address this gap, we conduct a comparative analysis of Japan and Canada—two cases that differ markedly in the degree of organizational integration between central and local party structures. While party organizations in Japan are vertically connected across levels of government, those in Canada are largely fragmented. By comparing these contrasting cases, the study aims to clarify how the structural configuration of party organizations shapes central–local relations and conditions the transmission of political influence between levels of government.
Legislative Responses to Inter-Municipal Competition: A Case Study of the “Hometown Tax” System: Etsuhiro Nakamura (Aichi Gakuin University)
Abstract: The Hometown Tax system in Japan allows taxpayers to freely choose municipalities other than their place of residence and make donations (in effect, tax payments) in exchange for return gifts. The system was designed to promote the transfer of financial resources from urban taxpayers to rural local governments, in line with the policy direction of the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP). When the system was first launched in 2008, participation by municipalities was limited. However, following the 2014 revision that raised the cap on deductible donations, the program experienced a nationwide boom. Many municipalities began to engage actively in the system, competing over the attractiveness of their return gifts and other promotional measures. The purpose of this study is to clarify how local assemblies responded to this Hometown Tax boom. It is commonly understood that Japanese local assemblies play only a secondary role in policymaking. This is largely due to institutional constraints: most assembly members lack dedicated staff, and assemblies do not have the authority to increase budget allocations, limiting their capacity to promote policy initiatives. Furthermore, local assembly members are often seen as representatives of specific local or sectoral interests, rather than as actors concerned with the municipality’s overall fiscal health or institutional policy challenges. At the same time, local assemblies possess a degree of oversight and checking power vis-à-vis the mayor. Even with respect to individual policies, assemblies can exert pressure through questions, resolutions, and other procedural means. Therefore, examining how assemblies responded to a policy such as the Hometown Tax—which intensified competition among municipalities—is crucial to evaluating their role in local governance. This study collects and analyzes minutes from local assembly meetings nationwide, extracting and coding statements made by assembly members regarding the Hometown Tax system. By doing so, it seeks to identify the perspectives (fiscal, regional economic, policy evaluation, etc.) from which assembly members discussed the system, the tone of their remarks (positive or negative), how these changed over time, and whether such discussions influenced actual municipal policy decisions.
When the Doukhobors Encounter “Japan”: Intersections with Japanese Canadians and the Reception of the Doukhobors in Japan: Kentaro Okada (Aichi University)
Abstract: Around 1900, the Doukhobors, who had emigrated from Russia to Canada, first settled in the middle east Saskatchewan. The Doukhobors, known as a heretical sect within Christianity, constituted a religious minority that left a striking impression due to the contrast between their uncompromising pacifism—which led them to reject all forms of violence and conflict—and their intense acts of protest once they perceived themselves as persecuted, such as staging nude demonstrations or burning their own homes. Surprisingly, the Doukhobors are connected to Japan in two distinct ways. When they emigrated from Russia to Canada, their relocation was financially supported by the great Russian writer Leo Tolstoy. At that time, Japan—where interest in Russian literature was at its peak—also showed considerable concern for the Doukhobors, and it is said that donations from Japan contributed to supporting their emigration project. The other connection between the Doukhobors and Japan lies in their curious relationship with Japanese Canadians in Canada. After clashing with the Saskatchewan provincial government over land ownership, the Doukhobors were expelled from the province and sought a new place of settlement in Castlegar, British Columbia. There, they encountered Japanese Canadians who had been forcibly relocated from the west coast and interned in the area during the war. In his autobiography, for instance, David Suzuki fondly recalls meeting a Doukhobor girl who treated him without any sense of prejudice or discrimination. This paper aims to trace the curious intersections among the Doukhobors, Japan, and Japanese Canadians, and to elucidate the shared experience of “internment” that links them. Specifically, it seeks to shed light on the lesser-known yet remarkable historical process connecting the internment of Japanese Canadians with the confinement of Doukhobor children in government-run residential schools.
2 Friday, January 19, 2024 from 10:00 to 11:30
“Comparative Analysis of Royal Commission/Public Inquiry Systems: Lessons from Canada for Japan”
Presentation by Kentaro Okada, Professor of Constitutional Law and Politics, Aichi University Faculty of Law (Visiting Scholar at University of Regina to August 2024)
Date: January 19, 2024
Time: 10:00 am – 11:30 am
In person: ED 558
Join Zoom Meeting
https://uregina-ca.zoom.us/j/97391577365?pwd=a25JbUZqUFZkNWRpUVlaZkRQQllMQT09
Meeting ID: 973 9157 7365
Passcode: 735718
Subject: Comparative Analysis of Royal Commission/Public Inquiry
Systems: Lessons from Canada for Japan by Professor Kentaro Okada, Professor of Law, Aichi University
Commentary: Professor Ken Coates, Chair of Indigenous Governance, Yukon University
Abstract: Professor Okada became interested in public inquiries after the Fukushima nuclear accident occurred in 2011, a disaster which government agencies had seemingly failed to prevent. Japanese society began to discuss public inquiries, noting that United States, Canada,
and the United Kingdom all had independent commission systems. Okada wondered how Canada developed a robust public inquiry system. Why did Japan seem unable to implement one?
This presentation first introduces the significance of the term “Royal” in “Royal commission,” exploring how it was used to maintain the
appearance of independence from government. It then introduces the Royal Commission on Dominion-Provincial Relations (1937–1940) and the Mackenzie Valley Pipeline Inquiry (1974–1977), exploring the context and framework for the two inquiries. Finally the presentation will mention
the Truth and Reconciliation Commission. The TRC, Okada notes, is both an extension of Canada’s public inquiry system but also a developing
mechanism increasingly adopted in other parts of the world to right deep injustices.
The talk concludes by returning to Japan’s inquiry about the Fukushima nuclear power plant accident. A one-off phenomenon, the commission model failed to establish itself in Japan. Why? What can countries like Japan learn about public inquiries from Canada’s specific situation?
Professor Coates will provide a brief commentary on the talk, focusing specifically on the TRC and its significance.
3 June, 14th, 2024 @ Canadian Political Science Association Annual Conference @Montreal
Democracy, Representation and Institutions: Cases in Canada and Japan@CPSA
B19 - Democracy, Representation and Institutions: Cases in Canada and Japan
Date: Jun 14 | Time: 01:45pm to 03:15pm | Location:
Chair/Président/Présidente : Hideki Kido (Ritsumeikan University)
Discussant/Commentateur/Commentatrice : Jim Farney (Johnson Shoyama Graduate School of Public Policy)
Discussant/Commentateur/Commentatrice : Hideki Kido (Ritsumeikan University)
This panel will investigate how democracy works by focusing mainly on political actors and political institutions. Which interests in the society are reflected to public policy at the government? And how? To answer these questions this panel includes three presentations which examine political actors’ behavior in the policy making process in Canada and Japan by answering the following questions. How voters select candidates? How politicians behave in the parliament? And how political and legal institutions work in the developed countries? First, Nakamura will examine how the experience of voting has changed high school students' political knowledge and awareness through surveys conducted at a high school during three national elections. The results show that the voting experience does not significantly increase political knowledge at the national level, but rather at the district level. Second, Kido will question political careerism in Canada and examine how many federal politicians are coming from the provincial and/or municipal level and how they behave in the parliament. Kido will investigate the former jobs of all parliament members in the House of Commons between 1988 to 2022, including former party affiliation and types of political careers, such as mayor, provincial legislative assembly member, etc. Third, Okada will show characteristics and commonalities of constitutional monarchy in Japan and Canada. Additionally, Okada will explore the relationship between constitutional monarchy and democracy from various perspectives. Fourth, Kato and Tokuhisa will shows that the judicial system could not resolve the complex social conflict based on process tracing, interviews, and questionnaire surveys.
What Have Students Learned from Voting? Lowering the Voting Age in Japan and the Consequences of the Voting Experience: Etsuhiro Nakamura (Aichi Gakuin University)
Abstract: In 2016, the voting age was lowered to eighteen in Japan. On a macroscopic scale, Japanese political parties still continue to pursue policies biased toward the elderly. At the individual level as well, the lowering of the voting age is said not to have brought about significant changes in the political attitudes of young people. In empirical research utilizing the framework of natural experiments, the impact of voting participation has been found to be highly limited, with almost no observable changes among voters. However, Japanese high school students do go to the polls when urged to vote, and their turnout is surprisingly high. Did they really learn nothing from the experience of voting? This study examines how the experience of voting has changed high school students' political knowledge and awareness through surveys conducted at a high school during three national elections. The results show that the voting experience does not significantly increase political knowledge at the national level, but rather at the district level. Moreover, students themselves report an increase in their consideration of political issues, especially within their own communities, as a result of the voting experience.
How Political Career Paths Matter in Policy Making? Cases of Canadian Parliament Members: Hideki Kido (Ritsumeikan University)
Abstract: This presentation will examine the political careers of parliament members in Canada. I will focus on how many politicians are moving into the federal government from the provincial and/or municipal level and how they behave in the parliament. Many studies show that parliament members in the Canadian federal government started out in professional occupations such as accounting, legal practice, and medicine before becoming politicians. This is because the federal political party is completely separated from the provincial party in Canada, and provincial and/or municipal politicians are not regarded as significant resources for the federal parliament. Even though it is often said that local autonomy is the school of democracy, Canadian local and/or provincial politics is separated from its federal politics in terms of political careers. My presentation will question this aspect of political careerism in Canada and examine how many federal politicians are coming from the provincial and/or municipal level and how they behave in the parliament. Indeed, over 25% members of the House of Commons after the 2015 election have had a previous political career at the provincial and/or municipal level. These parliament members would behave in parliament to reflect provincial/local interest in the policymaking process. To reveal this, this presentation will investigate the former jobs of all parliament members in the House of Commons between 1988 to 2022, including former party affiliation and types of political careers, such as mayor, provincial legislative assembly member, etc.
Comparative Institutional Analysis of Constitutional Monarchy in Canada and Japan: Advocate of Democracy or Detriment to Democracy?: Kentaro Okada (Aichi University)
Abstract: In the past two decades, there has been a growing trend in Canada for political analysis related to constitutional monarchy. Administrative officials, journalists, and political scientists engaged in the study of Canadian politics have been actively discussing various aspects of this system, including its historical framework, roles, and its unique positioning as a system distinct from that of the United Kingdom. At the core of these discussions lies the argument that constitutional monarchy is an essential feature of Canada's political system and a vital element for its democracy. Coincidentally, in Japan as well, over the past decade, journalists, political scientists, constitutional scholars, and historians have engaged in lively debates concerning the Japanese imperial system. These discussions, initiated by the Emperor's abdication declaration, share a common perspective with Canada. They assert that the Japanese imperial system has brought a positive influence to Japanese democracy and is indispensable for post-war democratic governance, nourishing democracy. In their view, constitutional monarchy holds significant importance for democracy, creating a shared point of discussion between Japan and Canada. This article aims to organize and examine these discussions, while also contemplating the characteristics and commonalities of constitutional monarchy in Japan and Canada. Additionally, it seeks to explore the relationship between constitutional monarchy and democracy from various perspectives.
Merits and Limits of the Judicial System as a Conflict Resolution Mechanism: The Case of the Social Conflict in Isahaya City: Masatoshi Kato (Ritsumeikan University), Kyoko Tokuhisa (Ritsumeikan University)
Abstract: This paper analyzes the merits and limits of the judicial system as a conflict resolution mechanism. The judicial system is considered to be the most reasonable and reliable mechanism of conflict resolution in modern society. There is no doubt that it works well in many cases. However, in the case of the social conflict in Isahaya City, the courts have been unable to resolve the conflict, actually aggravating the problem. The social conflict in Isahaya stemmed from the state-run Isahaya Bay reclamation project. After intense discussions, the project was initiated in 1989 and completed in 2007. However, prior to completion, some fishermen took the state to court to stop the project. According to them, the reclamation project affected their catches of fish. After a trial in the high court, the fishermen won. That is, the state was ordered to open a floodgate. Consequently, some farmers of the reclaimed land filed a counter suit to stop the gate from being opened. According to them, if the state opened the gate, farming on the reclaimed land would be damaged terribly. After a trial in the lower court, the farmers won and the state was ordered to keep the gate closed. In short, there were contradictory judicial decisions on the same project. Why was the judicial system ineffective? Based on process tracing, interviews, and questionnaire surveys, this paper shows that the judicial system could not resolve the complex social conflict. While it focused on the legal aspects of the conflict, the stakeholders asserted the social aspects, such as their own identity. Therefore, in such cases, if the judicial system issues a decision, the concerned stakeholders might not be satisfied. Finally, this study implies that we should create a new conflict resolution system in modern society, and the theories of deliberative democracy provide some insights.