O Gangster O Policial E O Diabo Download

The Gangster, the Cop, the Devil (Korean: ; Hanja: ; RR: Ak-in-jeon) is a 2019 South Korean action thriller film directed by Lee Won-tae. The film stars Ma Dong-seok, Kim Mu-yeol and Kim Sung-kyu. In the film, a gangster and a cop join forces to catch a serial killer, but face challenges from their respective enemies at work.[2][3][4][5]

Depois de sobreviver a um ataque violento, um gngster da Coreia do Sul descobre que foi vtima de um serial killer. Para se vingar e recuperar seu prestgio, ele une foras com um policial violento.

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In recent years, powerfully armed criminal factions have battled each other and police for control of Rio's favelas squatter towns. As a result, these communities have become some of the mostly intensely disputed terrains in the growing crisis of crime and violence in Brazil. Rio's funk dance parties, known as bailes funk and held in favelas, are a vibrant and important part of Rio's urban cultural scene and places in which a very complex, rich, and empowering musical practice is experienced by thousands of young people each week. At the same time, the bailes funk of the streets and dance halls of Rio's favelas are intrinsically connected to the realities of the undeclared war between the Brazilian state and organized crime. Frequently, these bailes are sponsored and paid for by Rio's criminal factions and become places for the staging of the identity of favela gangsters and of the relationship of these gangs to the larger favela communities.

At these dances, a style of funk songs known as proibidao has become popular, in which homage is paid to favela gangsters and their acts and power are glorified. The lyrics of these songs contain complex images and codes that have arisen through the ideological processes that support the governance and power of criminal factions. Proibidao songs are literally "prohibited" and not available in stores nor played on the radio since they are in violation of two laws of the Brazilian Penal Code: Article 286, which makes it illegal to incite people to violence; and Article 287, which prohibits making an apology of crime. Instead, proibidao songs are sung and recorded live at the bailes and distributed on clandestine CDs and tapes throughout the favelas and, to a lesser extent, other parts of the city.

In this article, I explore the cultural and rhetorical context of Brazilian proibidao funk songs in the favela of Rocinha, one of the most critical favelas in Rio, and the usage of this music by criminal factions to strengthen their hegemony in that community. In my analysis, I examine the large-scale, outdoor street dances known as bailes de comunidade, which are sponsored by these drug gangs and used as platforms for the staging of their power. I also offer close readings of the lyrics of some important clandestine songs, such as "Bandidos de Cristo," "Os Dez Mandamentos da Favela," and "Cachorro," which exemplify the representation of favela gangsters in proibidao funk--with utopian and messianic overtones--as social bandits and the legitimate defenders of their communities.

With a diminished presence of state agencies, including police, many residents of the favela squatter towns of Rio de Janeiro take recourse to alternative and even illegal means of meeting their needs. Residents of Rio's favelas compensate for the insufficiency of the formal infrastructure in their communities through a variety of strategies, such as tapping into supplies of water and electricity from surrounding areas and even organizing their own trash removal services. (2) One of the most notorious and hotly debated aspects of this informal social order is the central role played by factions of drug traffickers in the governance of Rio's favelas. Much of Rio's lucrative drug trade is conducted from favelas, and they often become battlegrounds as enemy factions fight for control of them. Conflicts with police are also common--the consequence of the frequent attempts by the Brazilian government to root out the criminal factions and affirm state power in the favelas. Even so, the gangsters' arsenal of weapons, their intimate knowledge of the labyrinth-like makeup of favelas, and the reluctance of favela residents to cooperate with police have left the city's drug gangs firmly entrenched in many favelas.

Anthropologist Alba Zaluar, widely cited as a definitive expert on the nature of crime in Brazil, has argued that, since favela gangsters in Rio have no intention of righting wrongs or making reforms on behalf of the poor and oppressed, they should not be regarded as social bandits. According to Zaluar, the power of the gangsters does not come from the sort of agreement with residents that would be typical of traditional paternalism and would be "... based on a social consensus about who should be obeyed in what spaces and by virtue of what values." (8) Instead, she argues, the power of Rio's criminal factions depends upon the force of their arms and the fear they inspire among the residents of their communities.

Despite the thoroughness of Zaluar's lengthy research and the strength of her argument, I do believe that there is some consensus about the authority of Rio's criminal factions in favela communities and that their power is not solely based upon fear but rather, like that of all forms of governance, upon a hegemonic process involving specific ideological strategies. (9) Since Rio's criminal factions are illegal organizations operating in squatter towns, evidence of these ideological strategies is obviously not to be found on television networks like Brazil's popular Globo or in the country's newspapers and journals. The text, codes, and cultural artifacts produced by the social order of criminal factions in favelas are available only in practices that, like the gangsters themselves, operate outside the hegemony of the Brazilian state, in some underground and illegal form.

Of course, Rocinha is much more than drugs and drug trafficking. A large number of organizations besides the drug gang provide Rocinha with leadership from various sectors, including religious groups, the neighbors' associations, several NGOs, and a thriving business community that even has its own commercial association. There is also a great amount of government activity and that of relatively big businesses such as Telemar, Light, and TV ROC that link Rocinha economically and politically to the outside city. Also, the entertainment industry in Rocinha is important in its own right, as well as sports and fitness-related organizations. Additionally, there are a Bob's Burgers, a Depla Kodak store, and two banks. This broad-based leadership and the multiple layers of the political makeup of Rocinha make it hard for its drug traffickers to establish any sort of "narco-dictatorship." Instead, Rocinha's gangsters must operate within a complex social terrain in which their political abilities gain them as much or even more advantage than the force of their arms. If the traffickers are successful at navigating this terrain, they can profit; if not, they will be in danger of being overthrown and replaced.

Without a doubt, one of the harshest and most traumatizing aspects of life in Rocinha is the constant presence of heavily armed drug traffickers and police and the frequent outbreaks of violence that occur between them. It is not uncommon for battles involving machine guns and even hand grenades to take place in Rocinha, sometimes involving police helicopters and the BOPE's semi-tank, the Caveirao. One of the most dramatic instances of this violence occurred in 2004 when, in a now infamous turf war that broke out in April of that year, Rocinha switched criminal factions from the CV to the ADA. The change has caused the intensification of violent conflicts in Rocinha between local gangsters, those from the nearby favela of Vidigal, and police that has continued at some level until the present.

By making such a public spectacle of their appearance at the dances, the drug traffickers are able to use them to build legitimacy for themselves. The baile is a platform for the presentation of the discourse of the hegemony of the traffickers, a discourse that unifies the community in racial, class, and geographical terms as it naturalizes and universalizes the rule of the drug traffickers. Not only are these dances free--a present from the boca-de-fumo, or drug strongholds within the favela--they are stages for the power of the gangsters. Drugs are used in abundance--the very product that sustains the whole structure of organized crime in the favela--and guns are brandished, as is the high lifestyle of the traffickers, with their numerous friends, groupies, and gold chains. At a deeper level, the presence of these gangsters at the community dances, attended by anywhere from 1,500 to 20,000 people, is a public affirmation that they are in control and that all is well in the community. In the world of the favela, the drug traffickers and their friends are the rich and famous and their fast lives are necessarily quite public. Even if they cannot leave Rocinha, for fear of the police, the drug traffickers are in their element at the funk dance; they are the warriors of the tribe, the special forces; brave, in charge, sometimes well loved, sometimes hated, and always dangerous to their enemies and useful to their friends.

The nature of Rio's drug traffickers in the city's favelas is as fragmented and hybrid as the complex sociohistorical terrain in which they have arisen; they can be violent and religious, bullies and protectors, murderers and avengers. Whatever the motives and intentions of individual drug traffickers, and however deplorable many of their actions may be in reality, in the communities in which they operate they have somewhat effectively pandered to the view that they are the heroic and legitimate defenders of the people. Their patronage of the bailes and of proibidao music gives them a stage from which to project this view. Proibidao funk songs written about the criminal factions by the MCs and other composers they patronize often represent them as social bandits, protectors, and benefactors of their communities in the face of government incompetence and corruption. At the same time, most of these songs also emphasize the gleefully violent nature of drug traffickers and their great willingness to resort to murder and torture in dealing with the police, rival gangsters, informants, and people committing crimes against the residents of their communities. e24fc04721