Bilingualism as a mechanism of poverty and inequality in Colombia.

Objective

The objective of this paper is to examine possible connections between English as a foreign  language and poverty, social inequality, and racial discrimination in Colombia

Rationale

The serious economic, social, cultural, and political consequences caused by Slavery allegedly abolished over 10 decades ago are alive and active within Colombian society along with the imbalance violence and injustice typical of capitalist ideologies and social models promoted by the dominant elites. Their victims continue being Afro-descendants who claim for true justice, reparation, social and economic equity. According to statistics presented by the National Planning Department (DPN), Afro-descendant face harsh realities as follows: (a) the areas of higher prevalence of Afro-Colombians are those of lower quality of life indicators in the country, (b) the average per capita income of Afro-Colombian is US$ 500 per year in contrast to the general average which is more than  US$1500 per year, ( c) the quality of secondary education received by the Afro-colombian is 40% lower when compared to the national average, d) in the Colombian Pacific departments, of every 100 students who finish high school only two gets access to higher education. These facts are not because these stakeholders lack abilities and intellectual cognitives, it is because there are not clear policies that develop impactful programs in favor of this vulnerable population. All these setbacks negatively impact  the economic and social development of students and families of Black people in this region. Another aspect that has become the stone in their shoes is globalization and the need of acquiring skill in English. 

      Although Spanish is the official language of Colombia through the territory, in addition to those of ethnic groups in their territories, education and current life take place in an increasingly bilingual context.  The government of Colombia has set an  ambitious goal of turning the Colombian population into bilinguals through the National Bilingual program created by the Ministry of education in 2004. That is, people should be able to wrap with English and as a foreign language and local languages in oder to position the country in international contexts. However,  the educational policies propelled within this framework tend  to foreground the development of English over Spanish and other Colombian ethnic languages (De Mejia 2011). In spite of the apparently “good” intended objectives with this program, a handful of scholars have criticized it because it is seen as a way in which education is stratified resulting in advantages for ones and disadvantages for others. First of all, not all departments count with assets for promoting English learning. For example,  the department of Choco is one of the richest in natural resources but the poorest in social policies that promote high quality education aligned with the concept of 21st century learning. Students at schools don’t have access to high-end digital resources, internet access is limited–eschools and in many cases, for example rural areas, don’t even have access to the internet. 

Literature review

Educational language policies in Colombia.

 Colombia has been through different bilingualism policies as an attempt to place the nation in competition with other countries. One of the first plans to introduce English formal teaching in Colombia  was known as the COFE project .  This project seeked to improve Colombian teaching practices in both teachers and in preservice teachers of English as a foreign language; this was an agreement between local stakeholders and external participants like the British council which also tried to involve cities different from the main ones. Though, it only lasted 4 years due to the lack of resources to be implemented meaningfully (Mora, Chiquito  & Zapata, 2019 page 59). The failure of this and other bilingual policies like the general law of education and the ECO (English for Colombia) in  gives light to a wave of scholars who got interested in doing research. Also this was the trigger for the development of a more robust plan like the National Bilingual Plan (NBP).

The National Bilingual Program (NBP) Usma (2009) is the principal policy that addresses the main strategies regarding bilingualism in Colombia. The  NBP was issued in 2004 by the Colombian Ministry of Education, the objective of this program is to develop diverse strategies to posit English as a tool that promote personal and social development as well as to deal with  what Pennycook (2010) calls the phenomena  of globalization. According to what is stated in the NBP ,  this  plan is designed to offer students an ample overview of vast existent languages across the country, among them, indigenous languages and Spanish (MINISTERIO DE EDUCACION NACIONAL 2004). In that sense, the Ministry of education acknowledges the educational and cultural interaction of these languages as bilingualism. English on the other hand, is fundamental to the bilingual program from the lens of a foreign language. Given its attributions as a universal language  and that students are hoped to finish high schools with a B1 and B2 for undergraduates level according to the Common European Framework for Languages pre intermediate scale, the ministry of education has established policies to improve the learning of English in private and public schools. Thus, this plan was tight to foreign language standards.

Further attempts to address the language education in the country has to do with standardization of English. On the one hand,  English teaching and learning has been ruled by external policies like the Common European Framework for Languages.  The CERF is a framework that originated over 40 years ago, it seeks to provide common basics to the elaboration of language syllabus, textbooks and examinations, and also provides references for language masterization on scale of six levels A1, A2, B1, B2, C1, C2 (Heyworth, 2006). It basically tells what the learners have to achieve according to what they are being taught. Thus Colombia has implemented Guia 22 which is the document that contains all CEFR unified guidelines based on other countries' learning and teaching processes. On the other hand, the implementation of  CEFR has raised concerns among scholars. Cardenas (2006: 3) states: 

The reality established in the CEFR would have to be contrasted with the conditions of Colombian educational institutions, namely, infrastructure, curriculum organization, use of foreign languages in the academic and cultural domains of the country, working hours and competences of language teachers. English is not the natural code to mediate communication in Colombia, a country with about 41.2 million people and more than 3 million internally displaced persons, the highest number of any country in the Western Hemisphere, and second world-wide, after Sudan. Thus, tracing frameworks for the Colombian context would have cultural, logistic and economic implications.

Her point implies that the adoption of the CEFR does not address the local reality, especially when it comes to vulnerable communities like afro descendants and indigenous, nor their territories where violence takes up. In addition,  Usma  (2009)  has found this policy troublemaking because  it has given place to standardization of English. Thus it becomes a model that “national policies follow projecting  a rational and logic deficit view of teachers and schools”. Ultimately it is clear that standardization and externalization of English in Colombia obeys to political and economic interests rather than cognitive and sociocultural.

How are these policies implemented?

The National Bilingual Program is the result of years of investigation. Therefore it ushered in  solid objectives.  (Mora, Chiquito  & Zapata, (2019) stays: 

To meet the government expectations, the National Bilingual Program proposed a multi-pronged approach, as follows: (a) developing consistent standards for language teaching and learning, (b) creating coherent and sound assessment procedures, (c) engaging teachers in ongoing professional development, (d) incorporating Information and Communication Technologies (ICTs) for instructional purposes, and (e) consolidating multilingual models for different indigenous and ethnic groups (Fandiño-Parra, Bermúdez-Jiménez, & Lugo-Vásquez, 2012; Gómez Sará, 2017)

In essence, teaching and learning English in Colombia is foregrounded with approaches, social capital and tools that help equip primarily educators with strong background in this area. Then, private and public institutions should be in the capacity to employ diverse methods to offer students meaningful learning experiences so that they acquire the language at high levels. Although, a handful of scholars have argued that despite the fact that the implementation of language teaching and learning policies in Colombia has been intended to be inclusive, it winds up being implemented erroneously. For example, De Mejia (2002) writes about “languages as a cultural or symbolic capital which is exchanged in the marketplace” she says: “english has become of great importance because of the prestige it represents to users. So, Colombia is not far away from this English labeling. As a result, private and charter schools make English a profitable capital that not only gives power to educational business but also students who can afford it.

On the other side of the bilingual discussion in Colombia is the community wealth that somehow is  by the value given to English over other languages. De mejia (2006) makes a point towards the recognition of culture and identity. In her article she explains that language policies have underestimated  indigenous and Creole language as valuable assets. These two languages are part of the cultural enrichment schools must offer, but little attention is given to them. Equally the law of education has issued Afrocolombian lectures which cover their culture and languages to be taught at schools, however, it is also ignored.  In addition, the use of imported teaching and learning materials has served as cultural alienation and undervaluation of the local’s. For example, the author (de Mejia) posits an example in which a school in Bogota used English books for social science subjects  imported from the UK. She remarks that such books portrayed Colombian culture based on drug trafficking and murder. As a result this makes “students feel ashamed of their own country and culture”. 

Within these policies it is clear that cultural wealth is not given substantial attention. Guerrero (2009) argues that language policies in Colombia have been the main cause for disencouragement toward local languages as a linguistic asset. The bilingualism program in Colombia is seen by the author as a worrisome pattern of inequality, discrimination, marginalization and segregation just as happened because of the imposition of Spanish when conquerors colonized natives in Colombia. Nowadays, English policies seem to perpetuate poverty and backwardness to Black and Indigenous communities due to the fact that their culture and local language is not taken as valuable to somehow serve the economic development of the country. The author asserts that this is a historical problem based on the ideology of superiority vs inferiority Thus there are recommendations made by the same author bove. She says that  there is the need for culturalized teachers in both languages; teachers who are sensitive about the cultural differences and implications of what they are teaching. It is imperative that teachers help their students to be aware of the value culture has when they see the world in different ways. Thus using comparative methodology becomes critical. In turn, policy makers must promote coherent intercultural institutional programs that avoid exclusive focus of foreign languages and rather help students reaffirm the value of our culture, especially linguistic heritage..

Who benefits from these policies?  

In order to understand who benefits from language policies, it is important to analyze them in a globalized context. In that sense, Pennicook (2010) writes about globalization as one the main triggers of English expansion across the globe. The author asserts that globalization is the way in which people, culture, economic, and politics connect each other. It is imperative to recognize that these connections are given by capitalism and corporatism, and these are the forces that move the global economy itself, but this economy would not move without the intersection with education. Usma (2009, p 25) adds:

 From an economic point of view, globalization and education are investigated in their relation with international markets, transnational trade, neoliberalism, privatization, financial issues, transnational capital flow, poverty, economic development, inequity, and the different economic agendas that serve the consolidation of private capital and the knowledge economy (see e.g., Bloom, 2004; Stiglitz, 2002; Stromquist, 2002).

In that sense, English language policies, especially in underdeveloped nations, becomes a formal way to gain access to deem assets and provide goods to stakeholders who can develop skills at it. Besides, Nieto, D. (2007) claims that English is the second most spoken language; it is the language of science, technology and business. Therefore, English is seen as an opportunity for individual development and nation progress. Also,  globalization is described as a force that moves goods, labor and ideas; this movement would not have the same impact without English as a vehicle (Usma, 2009, p 24). 

Furthermore, English as a vehicle for global expansion also gives place to the intersection of language and social class. This phenomenon  has been extensively discussed not only locally but also transnationally. For example, Vandrick (2014)  explored the connection between social class and languages. In doing so, she remarks that “English language educators are often advocates for social justice and often focus on learners’ identities,such as their race, gender, and ethnicity; however, they tend not to employ a social class lens in analyzing students, teachers, classrooms, and institutions”. The author also says that  social class is an uncomfortable topic to bring about in the US; it keeps blurry due to the American ideology that everyone is equal and has the same opportunities to succeed. This connotation is one of the social issues that gives life to deficit ideologies  in which the plight of minorities is ignored and the rich privileges  are  celebrated. Deficit thinking usually  arises because there is the belief that it is the duty of each individual to overcome his/her own difficulties rather than the state duty of providing equal opportunities for everyone. In that sense, stakeholders are blamed for their failure at adjusting themselves to society norms and values. Moreover, social class is not merely about economic status, it is also connected to education which grants prestige, that is how Weber (1977) cited in Vandrick (2014) sees it. Following, Usma (2019) writes about stratification as a result of strong connections between capitalism and English; this connection leads us to realize tha class intersects with different identities like religion, gender, economic,  race, and the movement of goods.

Regarding what has been stated above, it is not difficult to find out who benefits from the implementation of languages in Colombia. First off, “this is the language of the elites''. English language  first arrived in the country because in the 90s upper classes sent their children to The US and UK with the purpose of having them being educated in English. So speaking English became fashionable among privileged classes (Mora, Chiquito  & Zapata, 2019) and (De Mejia 2002). Since the implementation of the first languages policies in the country, private schools have been given access to implement their own languages curriculum for which they hire high quality teachers both local and foreigners, and use much more resources; specially technological resources. Moreover, De mejia (2002: p 4) writes about the interest that nations like India and some newly independent nations of Africa have in international languages. These nations associate international languages with social prestige which have a colonial history and legacy in colonized towns.

furthermore , to explain the positive view that nations have towards English. De mejia (2002,p 4) also adds  that English is considered by the governing elites  vital for technologic, science, and economic development. This colonization is a phenomenon that is still perceived nowadays. For instance, middles and uppers classes in Colombia strive to send their children to private, or to charter English schools or simply  send them to countries where English is dominant  because they want them to speak English “perfectly”; this trend is given because they have nurtured the believe that English will enable individuals to have “access to the language resources”. In addition, Vandrick (2014) cites  Persell (1997) to remark  differences in education in the US mainly related to school structure among urban, rural, private, and public schools. That is, students with the same background attend the same schools; there are different curriculums among public and private schools so it is evident how education, especially English language learning, serves as a reproducer of social class, and subsequently inequality. In sum, language policies whether globally or locally result in advantages for middle and upper social classes. 

Language policies impact on students of color from primary schools to higher education

Before taking a look at how language policies impact students of color from primary to higher education,it is important to understand the Colombian context in which black communities live. As this was stated at the beginning, most black communities are located in the Pacific region. Choco is one the departments in this region in which 94% of its population are Afrodescendants. It is also a department of plights. The biggest problem that these percentage of community has been facing is “general violence, harrasment and instrumentation of minors for war, sexual abuse, confinement and displacement due to recurring attacks and control exercised by illegal groups in the territory” (El Pais 2023). In that sense Chaverra (2019) agrees that the armed conflict has had a significant impact on the department development in different ways: economically, socio-culturally, and education. She adds  that this inhibits learners from going to schools whether due to traumatism or systematic destruction of schooling. Corso & Stiven (2021) also recognizes the effect that armed conflict has on education. The author focuses his attention on the exit ICFES test and bilingualism, and how violence in departaments like Choco and Antioquia has been a determinant factor of educational  retreat. He asserts that students from these regions have historically got the lowest scores, especially in English learning which in the end is a factor that allows or inhibits the access to higher education.  

The externalization and instrumentation of languages plays an important role in the division between people of color and the dominant society. People see education in general as a way of overcoming many social obstacles, nevertheless languages are taken as ways of personal development but from an economic angle rather than  cognitive and socio-cultural perspectives. Usma (2009) asserts three ways in which language education is instrumented but here I will address just one. He explains that foreign languages are seen as a “utilitarian” instrumental or practical objective. In that sense, the author also argues that when a foreign language is seen under this lens, it loses other embedded characteristics and becomes a tool that serves economic, practical, military, and industrial purposes. Thus, this instrumental view spurs the notion of developments, competitiveness, human capital and knowledge (Usma 2019). But how are minorities, especially, Black people perceived in this scenery? In a conference in may 2012, The congressman Rodrigo Mesa said, in a despective way, that to invest in Choco would be a waste of resources. A typical deficit view. 

Luz Edith Valoyes is a Math teacher in the city of Cali-Colombia,  in her Valoyes (2015) research article “Los negros no son buenos para las matematicas” (“Blacks aren’t good for math” she explores perceptions that educators have about their Black students. The result of her study showed that there are deficit ideologies toward Black students. These thoughts posit black students as incapable of learning mathematics. Such ideologies are foregrounded in cultural and social deficit views in which students are blamed for failing due to the context they come from and the conditions in which they live. Even though this study does not entail a connection to bilingualism, it sheds light that deficit ideologies do not only take place in the US but it’s a global phenomenon. In the same article she remarks that it is necessary to carry out research about the way schools are racially organized to discover unfair ways of knowledge in Colombia. I am sure this kind of research would also serve to identify whether language policies are being implemented equally in terms of race and geographic. 

Conclusion

I have explored the language policies in Colombia,  the intersection of English with social and economic aspects. How nations see English as a vehicle of power, prestiges, and advancement. Also how English somehow widens the gaps between  the poor and the rich, and inhibits minorities from accessing elite privileges due to its instrumentation from a capitalist and neoliberalism perspective. Also, education has been recognized as  the main reproducer of disparities due to the way in which it is malleable by market forces. It has been explained how minorities who live in the middle of the armed conflict falls, like Choco, behind educationally. The way language is approached by policy makers raises concerns in many scholars who have raised their voice against. 

It is evidence that the main problem in Colombia has to do with the development and implementation of a language policy that addresses social equity from schools as the principal scenery; that recognizes the importance of other languages in the social construction of a dynamic society. Thus language policies should recognize that English should  not  be the only medium to generate individual development. As a result, educational leaders have the duty of advocating for  policy reforms that highlight cultural wealth in which all communities are recognized as deemed cultural assets. This short project is an initiative to address intersectionality of different social problems towards foreign languages in Colombia, especially in the pacific region, as well as the addressing of cultural community wealth as an alternative to dismantle colonization.

References

Corzo, V., & Stiven, D. (2021). Armed conflict and its impact on bilingualism: a reflection for the departments of Antioquia and Chocó.

De Mejía, A. M. (2006). Bilingual education in Colombia: Towards a recognition of languages, cultures and identities. Colombian applied linguistics journal, (8), 152-168.

De Mejía, A. M. (2002). Power, prestige, and bilingualism: International perspectives on elite bilingual education (Vol. 35). Multilingual Matters.

Guerrero, C. (2009). Language Policies in Colombia: The Inherited Disdain for our Native Languages

MINISTERIO DE EDUCACION NACIONAL (2004) El programa nacional de bilingüismo.  (mineducacion.gov.co)

Nieto, D. (2007). The Emperor’s New Words: Language and Colonization. Human Architecture: Journal of the Sociology of Self-Knowledge, 5, 21.

Pennycook, A (2010). The Routledge companion to English language studies chapter 5 English and globalization. page 113-121.

Steinbach, A. (2012). Imperial Language Policy in the Nineteenth Century.: A Study on the Spread of English under Early British Rule in Ceylon and the Protected Malay States. Comparativ, 22(1), 33–48. https://doi.org/10.26014/j.comp.2012.01.03

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Usma, Jaime. (2009). Globalization and Language and Education Reform in Colombia: A Critical Outlook (scielo.org.co). Íkala, Revista de Lenguaje y Cultura, 14(22), 19-42.

Vandrick, S.(2014) The Role of Social Class in English Language Education: Journal of Language, Identity & Education: Vol 13, No 2 (tandfonline.com) 

VALOYES CHÁVEZ, L. E. (2015). " Los negros no son buenos para las matemáticas": Ideologías raciales y prácticas de enseñanza de las matemáticas en Colombia. CS, (16), 169-206.

Annotated bibliography