Agreement and Information Structure
Agreement on negation tracks contrastive focus
Agreement on negation in Surati Gujarati (Indo-Aryan) agrees with a contrastively focused argument. Furthermore, this agreement in contingent on Overt movement of the contrastively focused argument. Such an agreement pattern raises interesting questions on the probe-goal approach to agreement. In this part of my thesis, I argue that the A-bar probe on negation copies both A-bar features and Phi-features from its goal.
Agreement on causative predicates tracks new information focus
Agreement on causative predicates in Surati Gujarati tracks the argument that is narrowly focused and prefers to agree with it. In this manuscript, I argue for a case alternation and object shift type of analysis to account for this research puzzle.
Move and Agree correlation
Agreement for information structure is contingent on movement
In this manuscript, I argue for the theoretical point agreement for information structural features is contingent on syntactic movement. I call it the Structural condition hypothesis on A-bar Agree. And provide a cross linguistic typology based on the movement condition.
Syntax Prosody Interface (Joint work with Sameer ud dowla Khan)
Semantic Exhaustivity at Syntax-prosody interface
In this paper, we investigate whether exhaustivity and narrow focus have same effect on the syntactic position of an object and on sentence prosody. The pre-verbal position, which is immediately above the vP in Gujarati has been associated with narrow focus (Joshi 2020), and here we also investigate whether that position also conveys exhaustivity (Kiss 2010).