In 1404, one of Ji Yun's ancestors, whom he refers to as Jiaopo gong 椒坡公, had moved from Shangyuan xian 上元縣, in Yingtianfu 應天府, to Jingcheng 景城, in Xianxian 獻縣, Zhili 直隸.[1] It is here, that Ji Yun was born on the 3rd of August 1724. His well-known alternative names are Xiaolan 曉嵐 (字), Chunfan 春帆 (字), Shiyun 石雲 (號), Guanyi daoren 觀奕道人 (號), and Gushi laoren 孤石老人 (號).[2]
Ji Yun came from a reputable family of scholars, who frequently engaged in social welfare such as famine relief. Ji Yun's grandfather, Ji Tianshen 紀天申 (1665−1732), had three sons, of which the eldest is Ji Yun's father, Ji Rongshu 紀容舒 (1686−1764). In 1713, Ji Rongshu passed the wanshou enke 萬壽恩科 and began to work as an official. At one point in Ji Rongshu's career, he became prefect of Yao'an 姚安 in the province of Yunnan. Because of this, Ji Yun later referred to his father in the YWCT as 'the honourable Yao'an' (Yao'an gong 姚安公).[3]
Ji Yun had an older half-brother, Ji Zhuo 紀晫 (1706−1777), whose alternative name (字) is Qinghu 晴湖. Ji Qinghu's mother was the daughter of An Guowei 安國維 and Ji Rongshu's first wife. She died early, as did Ji Rongshu's second wife, the daughter of Zhang Fen 張棻 from Cangzhou. Thereafter, he married the younger sister of his second wife, who became Ji Yun's mother. For generations it was the custom for members of the Zhang and Ji families to marry each other. Ji Yun mentions his father's late second wife in the YWCT, as having suffered from being unable to bear children. One day as Ji Yun continued writing, after the anniversary ceremony of her death was over, she appeared before her younger sister in a dream in order to warn her about her little son being in danger. At that moment she woke up and indeed saw her son playing with his father’s sword (LY V.31).[4]
During his childhood, Ji Yun's classical education was taken care of by his grandfather and private tutors. Additionally, his uncle Ji Rongxun 紀容恂 (1706–1752), supervise his educational progress while Ji Rongshu was away from home working as an official. In 1734, Ji Yun joined his father in Peking, who by then was working for the Ministry of Revenue (戶部). Here he continued to study for the official examinations and in 1735, Ji Yun, his cousin Ji Zhao 紀昭 (1717−1770), and Ge Tao 戈濤 (1717–1768) became students of Bao Zi 鮑梓. As described in the YWCT, Ji Zhao took part in the provincial examination in 1737. The candidate sitting next to Ji Zhao was giving himself an air of great confidence. Nevertheless, during the examination, he suddenly shouted out loud and collapsed. As it turned out, the ghost of a former maid who had been wronged by him had taken her revenge (HX I.11). Apart from this, Ji Zhao also failed the examination and continued his studies together with Ji Yun (LY III.43). From 1738 onwards, Dong Bangda 董邦逹 (1699−1769) was their teacher in Peking and Ji Yun studied together with Chen Xiaoyong 陳孝泳 (1715–1779), Dou Guangnai 竇光鼐 (1720–1795), Liu Bushan 劉補山 , Cai Yitai 蔡以台 (1757 jinshi), Lu Yao 陸耀 (1723–1785), Liu Xiye 劉西野, and Li Yingxian 李應弦.[5]
In 1740, Ji Yun returned home in order to take part in the local examinations. On his way, as Ji Yun later recalls, he stayed in a room where the ghost of a young woman had to be exorcised. After hearing of this, Ji Yun advised the host of the guest house to find out if the woman's grave might be located underneath the room. If so then the host should exhume her bones, so that the ghost would be able to rest in peace (HX IV.29). Shortly afterwards, Ji Yun passed the local examination (fushi) and qualified for the first of three main official examinations (yuanshi 院試).[6]
On the whole, the YWCT does not contain many stories about Ji Yun's childhood or adolescence, even though a variety of over 120 family members are mentioned as narrators or characters. Among these are at least eleven relatives of Ji Yun's half-brother's maternal family with the surname An 安. Special mention is made of his uncles An Jieran 安介然 and An Shizhai 安實齋 (fl. 1734). Further on, about 15 individuals from the Zhang family figure in the collection, particularly Ji Yun's maternal grandfather, Zhang Fen 張棻 from Cangzhou 滄州. Finally, over 50 family members of the Ji's are mentioned, starting with the ancestor, Jiaopo 椒坡 (fl. 1400), to Ji Yun's great-grand-father, Ji Kun 紀坤 (1570−1642), and his great-uncle Ji Tongren 紀同仁 (d. 1637). The latter, as Ji Yun notes, had once been to the netherworld while sleeping. Upon his arrival, he is told that he has come seven years too soon and is sent back to the living. Upon awakening, Ji Tongren takes the experience quite seriously, and decides to spend his last seven years travelling. During one of his journeys, he meets a Daoist who gives him a book about magic as a present. Ji Tongren learns some magical techniques from the book and sometimes uses them for entertainment. After seven years, as expected, Ji Tongren becomes ill and dies. After half a day, however, he wakes up again to tell the family that he has been punished by the underworld for his misuse of magical tricks. He therefore instructs them to immediately burn the book of magic, as once burned it could return to the netherworld where it belongs. The family does as instructed, but half a day later, Ji Tongren once more wakes up, to instruct them to also burn the three pages that have not burned to ashes. Only after they indeed find the three pages and burn them, can he die for the last time (LY VI.28).[7]
Next to Ji Tongren, Ji Yu 紀鈺 (1632−1716), as well as Ji Yun's grandfather Ji Tianshen 紀天申 (1665–1732) are mentioned.[8] In one instance, Ji Yun recounts how the late first wife of his grandfather appeared to his new wife on their wedding day. Seemingly the ghost thought it necessary to give her successor instructions about family and household matters. Ji Yun remarks that this kind of interference is indeed improper behaviour (LY VI.27).
Of all the people in the YWCT, Ji Yun's father, Ji Rongshu, is mentioned the most. Only a few times is he the protagonist, but he is the narrator of at least 30 stories, is mentioned in about 30 biji, and comments upon nearly 40 stories. It appears that Ji Rongshu figures as an authoritative role model in the collection, especially, when he is instructing, admonishing, or correcting Ji Yun.[9]
2. Family and Examinations, 1740−1754
In 1740, Ji Yun married Ma Yuefang 馬月芳, from Dongguang in Zhili 東光直隸, the daughter of the district magistrate Ma Zhoulu 馬周籙 from Chengwuxian, in Shandong.[10] Notwithstanding this, Ji Yun and his cousin, Ji Zhao 紀昭, continued their studies in preparation for the examinations. Their tutor was still Dong Bangda 董邦逹, who at this time, held the position as compiler (bianxiu 編修) of the Hanlin Academy. Additionally, Ji Yun became acquainted with Liu Tongxun 劉統勳 (1700−1773), through his son, Liu Yong 劉墉 (1720−1805).[11] Liu Tongxun, who at this time was the president of the Censorate, would become one of Ji Yun’s examiners for the province and metropolitan examinations as well as a close friend. He would be of help in times of trouble and additionally support Ji Yun’s official career.
In 1744, Ji Yun took part in the main examination of his home prefecture and was placed first. In the same year, his first son, Ji Ruji 紀汝佶 (1744−1786) was born, followed three years later by his second son, Ji Ruchuan 紀汝傳 (b. 1747). Shortly after this, Ji Yun took a concubine by the name of Guo Caifu 郭彩符 (d. 1771) from Tianjing 天津 into the family (HX II.65) and passed the provincial examinations 鄉試 as the best candidate. Although Ji Yun was already a member of the traditional elite by birth, his success in one of the three main examinations led to important personal connections with state officials and members of the elite. Candidates, who passed one of the civil service examinations in the same year, would call each other tongnian 同年 (lit. "same year") and have a lifelong connection.
A close relationship also existed between successful candidates and their examiners, whose protégés (mensheng 門生) they would involuntarily become. In return, examiners were often referred to as ‘teacher’ (laoshi 老師) by their former examinees. Thus, the connections formed by the examination system created a complex interwoven personal political network throughout the Empire, which was a substantial part of the traditional elite.[13] Likewise, many of Ji Yun's tutors, examiners, and fellow examinees are mentioned in the YWCT as narrators, protagonists and commentators. Accordingly, at least 12 different teachers and tutors, 15 examiners, and over 30 tongnian are introduced to the reader; even though not always in a respectful way. The following table presents an overview of those individuals:
Alternative Name in Collection and Contribution
Teachers and Mentors
Bao Zi 鮑梓 (1723 jinshi)
Jingting 敬亭, Narrator (1), Mentioned (1), Commentary (1)
Cheng Jingyi 程景伊 (1712–1780)
Wengong 文恭, Mentioned (1), Commentary (1)
Dong Bangda 董邦達 (1699−1769)
Wenke 文恪, Narrator (3), Mentioned (4), Commentary (2)
He Xiu 何琇 (1733 jinshi)
Li'an 励庵, Narrator (3), Protagonist (1), Commentary (2)
Ji Ru'ai 及孺愛 (n.d.)
Narrator (2), Protagonist (1), Mentioned (2)
Li Ruolong 李若龍 (1735 juren)
Youdan 又聃, Narrator (7), Protagonist (1), Mentioned (1), Commentary (2)
Liu Pu 劉璞 (n.d.)
Junzhuo 君琢, Narrator (1), Protagonist (1), Commentary (1)
Qiu Yuexiu 裘曰修 (1712−1773)
Wenda 文達, Narrator (3), Mentioned (3), Commentary (6)
Sun Renlong 孫人龍 (jinshi 1730)
Duanren 端人, Protagonist (1), Mentioned (1)
Wang Youdun 汪由敦 (1692–1758)
Wenduan 文端, Narrator (1)
Zhao Dajing 趙大鯨 (1681–1749)
Hengshan 橫山, Narrator (1)
Zhu Chengxu 朱承煦 (b. 1675)
Tianmen 天門, Narrator (2), Mentioned (1)
Examiners at 1747 Provincial Examination
Akedun 阿克敦 (1685−1756) 主考
Wenqin 文勤, Mentioned (1), Commentary (3)
Chen E 陳鍔 (b. 1695)
Baiya 白崖, Narrator (1), Protagonist (1), Commentary (1)
Liu Tongxun 劉統勳 (1700−1773) 主考
Wenzheng 文正, Mentioned (1), Commentary (3)
Qian Chenqun 錢陳群 (1686−1774)
Xiangshu 香樹, Zhenan xiansheng 柘南先生, Mentioned (2)
Qiu Yuexiu 裘曰修 (1712−1773) see teachers and mentors
Tongnian of 1747
Dong Yuandu 董元度 (b. 1709)
Qujiang 曲江, Narrator (9), Protagonist (2), Mentioned (2), Commentary (3)
Jiang Shiquan 蔣士銓 (1725–1785)
Tiaosheng 苕生, Narrator (3), Commentary (1)
Li Chengfang 李承芳 (jinshi 1752)
Shuliu 漱六, Narrator (1), Protagonist (1)
Liu Shanmo 劉善謨, Protagonist (1)
Wang Qixu 王啟緒 (1732–1784)
Depu 德圃, Narrator (1)
Examiners at 1754 Metropolitan Examination
Akedun 阿克敦 (1685−1756) see examiners 1747
Cai Xin 蔡新 (1707−1799)
Geshan 葛山, Narrator (1)
Chen Shiguan 陳世倌 (1680–1758)
Wenqin 文勤, Narrator (2)
Dong Bangda 董邦達 (1699−1769) see teachers and mentors
Jiefu 介福 (d. 1762)
Yeyuan 野園, Narrator (1), Protagonist (1), Mentioned (1)
Liu Tongxun 劉統勳 (1700−1773) see examiners 1747
Qian Weicheng 錢維城 (1720−1772)
Wenming 文敏, Narrator (1), Protagonist (1), Commentary (1)
Qiu Yuexiu 裘曰修 (1712−1773) see examiners 1747
Shi Yizhi 史貽直 (1682−1763)
Wenjing 文靖, Protagonist (1)
Yang Xifu 楊錫紱 (1701–1768)
Qinque 勤慤, Narrator (1)
Zou Yigui 鄒一桂 (1685−1772)
Xiaoshan 小山, Mentioned (1)
Tongnian of 1754
Asu 阿肅 (d. 1792)
Yuzhai 雨齋, Narrator (1)
Cao Xuemin 曹學閔 (1719–1787)
Mutang 慕堂, Narrator (1), Mentioned (5), Commentary (1)
Fan Jiaxiang 范家相 (d. 1769)
Hengzhou 蘅洲, Narrator (2), Mentioned (1)
Ge Yuan 戈源 (1738−1799)
Xianzhou 仙舟, Narrator (2), Mentioned (2)
Hu Shaoding 胡紹鼎 (1713−1776)
Muting 牧亭, Narrator (3), Protagonist (1), Mentioned (1)
Jiang Bingzhang 姜炳璋 (1709–1786)
Baiyan 白巖, Narrator (1)
Ke Jin 柯瑾 (1715–1786)
Yufeng 禺峰, Protagonist (1)
Li Changyu 李昌昱 (b. 1716)
Huichuan 匯川, Narrator (2)
Liu Tiancheng 劉天成a)
Yizhai 乙齋, Narrator (1)
Ni Chengkuan 倪承寬 (1712−1783)
Yujiang 餘彊, Narrator (1), Mentioned (1), Commentator (3)
Qian Daxin 錢大昕 (1728−1804)
Xinmei 辛楣, Mentioned (1)
Wang Chang 王昶 (1725−1806)
Lanquan 蘭泉, Narrator (2)
Wang Cunkuan 汪存寬
Xiangquan 泉香, Narrator (1)
Wang Yongxi 汪永錫 (d. 1782)
Xiaoyuan 曉園, Narrator (1), Protagonist (1)
Yin Jun 尹均 (1715–1787)
Songlin 松林, Narrator (1)
Zhu Yun 朱筠 (1729−1781)
Zhujun 竹君, Mentioned (3)
Zhuang Peiyin 莊培因 (1723−1759)b
Benchun 本淳, Narrator (1)
a) No additional information could be found. See also QRSM, 1623; MQJS, 1968.
b) For more information about Zhuang Peiyin, his famous family, and their entanglement with the examiner Qian Weicheng at the 1754 metropolitan examination, see Elman 2000, 255, 317–318.
In 1750, after the death of his mother, Ji Yun returned from Peking to Xianxian in order to spend the traditional three years of mourning at home. During this time Ji Yun prepared himself for the metropolitan examination (huishi 會試), in which he participated in 1754. After successfully completing the main part of the examination, and shortly before he wrote the final palace examination, Ji Yun encountered a fortune-teller at the house of Dong Bangda 董邦達. Curious of his professional future, he inquired as to his final rank in the metropolitan examination and the fortune-teller stated it, as well as Ji Yun's entrance into the Hanlin Academy (RS I.15). True to the prediction, he passed as the seventh best examinee and due to his good result, was indeed appointed bachelor (庶吉士 shujishi) at the Hanlin Academy. At this time the circle of Ji Yun's closer friends, with whom he also exchanged views on literature included Wang Mingsheng 王鳴盛 (1722−1797), Qian Daxin 錢大昕 (1728−1804), Zhu Yun 朱筠 (1729−1781), Lu Wenchao 盧文弨 (1717−1795), and Wang Chang 王昶 (1725−1806).[15]
In 1755, Ji Yun invited his friend Dai Zhen 戴震 (1724−1777) to reside as a guest and tutor for his two sons in Peking. Ji Yun was one of the first scholars to realise Dai Zhen's philosophical talent, and to support him in his scientific publications. Next to their friendship, both shared a mutual interest in the study of evidential research (kaozhengxue 考證學). As Ji Yun wrote, he was intensely involved with the 'search for evidence' as a young man. The intention of 18th century kaozhengxue was to reconstruct the Confucian classics, and return to the most ancient literary sources available. By means of philology, palaeography, astronomy, mathematics, geography, and epigraphy, the kaozheng-scholars tried to authenticate the old writings and cleanse them of later additions and commentaries. Through these critical textual reconstructions it was hoped to confirm and revive the original contents, not only of the Confucian classics, but of all old documents. As Marc Winter writes, kaozheng is a fundamental methodical conviction that determines how one has to approach classical texts. Additionally, both scholars shared a dislike of exaggerated neo-Confucian ethics. As noted in the YWCT, Ji Yun frequently criticised this as an exaggerated suppression of natural human desires through the dictates of pedantic scholars. Later he and Dai Zhen had a more detached attitude towards kaozheng-learning, which Ji Yun used mainly as a scientific methodology to reconstruct more accurate transmissions of classical texts.[16] As his protégé Sheng Shiyan 盛時彥 states in the colophon of the fourth book, the practicality of these critical textual studies are often demonstrated in the YWCT. It can therefore be said, that Ji Yun uses science in the collection as a transmitter of the believe in the supernatural. At times, he is using rational scientific methods in order to not only explain the supernatural, but as a means to 'purify' the stories.[17]
After studying and working for the usual term of three years as a shujishi 庶吉士 in the Hanlin Academy, Ji Yun passed his final examination and was 'released into officialdom', sanguan 散館, in 1757. According to the good results of his final imperial literary examination, he was 'retained in the Institute' as a junior compiler (bianxiu 編修). Next to this comparatively low official rank, the emperor awarded Ji Yun with honourable titles and ordered him, together with his tongnian, Qian Daxin 錢大昕 (1728–1804), to write a local history of Rehe. Therefore, both were allowed to accompany the imperial family to their summer retreat in Rehe, in order to gather information. In the same year, Ji Yun finished his book Shenshi sisheng kao 沈氏四聲考 in two juan 卷, a research on Shen Yue's 沈約 (441–513) phonological studies.[18]
From 1759 onwards, Ji Yun was often appointed examiner for both the provincial and metropolitan examinations. As the main examiner for eight metropolitan examinations, it is not surprising that at least 26 of Ji Yun's protégés (門生) are mentioned as narrators or protagonists in the collection. In 1763, Ji Yun was appointed shidu xueshi 侍讀學士 (Reader-in-waiting) of the Hanlin Academy, and was subsequently promoted to Provincial Education Commissioner (xuezheng 學政) in Fujian. This third highest-ranking post in a province was, as in all official appointments, assigned for a three-year term.[19] Ji Yun states that during his time as Commissioner, there was a mountain demon 山魈 haunting his yamen 衙門. Although he could never catch sight of the demon, Ji Yun often heard him at night. To temper the apparition, he wrote a couplet:
地回不遮雙眼闊，窗虛只許萬峰窺。
Wide land, nothing obstructs the view
Open window, only 10.000 mountain summits pry.[20]
After Ji Yun's acknowledgement and respectful assumption that the demon is well enough educated to understand the message, no harm was done.
Ji Yun already resigned from office in 1764 when his father died, to spend the traditional three years of mourning at home. During this time, his oldest son, Ji Ruji 紀汝佶, passed the provincial examinations and Ji Yun's third son, Ji Rusi 紀汝似 (b. 1766) was born to his concubine Qian Mei. In 1767 Ji Yun returned to Peking and resumed his occupation at the Hanlin Academy.[21] At first he lived in the vacant house of one of his former examiners, which he had to share with foxes:
In the spring of the thirty-second year of the Qianlong reign [1767], my family and I returned to Peking. As our old house in the Hufangqiao was not quite ready to move into yet, we settled in the empty house of Qian Xiangshu 錢香樹 [Qian Chenqun 錢陳群, 1686−1774]. It was claimed that foxes reside upstairs, but the only thing I could make out there was the locked up door of a storeroom. As normally no one would go up, I jokingly glued the following poem on the wall:
"On short notice I move in and meet you here;
You upstairs, me downstairs, this will do for the time being.
I am possessed with writing poems;
All night long I recite–please do not take offence."
One day, the maid opened the door to get something out of the room. All of a sudden, she called for me and said that something strange had happened. When I came up to look, I could see some lotuses painted into the dust on the floor. Not only did their peduncles as well as petals looked graceful and delicate, but just about everything was exquisitely painted. As an answer to it, I placed brush and paper on the table along with another poem that I pasted up on the wall:
"Honourable higher being, as could be expected you are a good co inhabitant,
Your superior talent I cannot compete with.
Here are 30 new sheets of paper from Wu,
Use as much as you please for painting lotuses."
A few days thereafter, I nosily opened the door again to have a look, but to my surprise the brush was still untouched.
Later on, when I told Qiu Wenda 裘文逹 [Qiu Yuexiu 裘曰修, 1712−1773] about this incident, he replied laughingly: "Of course a fox inhabiting the house of Qian Xiangshu would have to be especially cultivated." (LY: 102)
As in the account of Ji Yun's own experience in Fujian, the otherworldly being here is also well educated. It moreover seems a question of prestige for a known scholar official to have a cultivated supernatural being in residence. Not only had Ji Yun heard about the existence of the fox before moving into Qian Xiangshu's house, but this is also what Qiu Yuexiu finds amusing about the account.
During the year of his return to Peking, in addition to his occupation as a reader in the Hanlin Academy, Ji Yun also finished the Shitong xuefan 史通削繁, a textbook for students. In 1768, he was assigned as prefect of Duyun, in Guizhou. Nevertheless, the Emperor personally instructed Ji Yun not to take up the post, because he could 'serve the state best through his knowledge by remaining in Peking'.[22] Instead, however, shortly afterwards, Ji Yun was exiled for breach of confidentiality to the remotest banishment from the capital.
https://en.m.wikipedia.org/wiki/File:Map_of_Qing_dynasty_18c.svg
4. Banishment, 1769−1771
The cause of Ji Yun's exile started with the fact, that his eldest daughter was married to Lu Yinwen 盧蔭文 (1789 jinshi), the grandson of the bibliophile, retired Lu Jianceng 盧見曾 (1690–1768). Until 1762, Lu Jianceng was chief salt commissioner of the Lianghuai region, with headquarters at Yangzhou. Late in 1768, together with other officials, he was suspected of tax-fraud involvement from his time as a commissioner. Ji Yun, Wang Chang 王昶 (1725−1806), and other friends secretly warned him. Lu Jianceng was therefore able to secure some of his fortune, which was supposed to be confiscated. This, together with proof that he had received bribes during his term of office, led to his condemnation in Yangzhou and sentence of death by strangulation. Fortunately, Lu Jianceng died in prison before this was carried out. Of all the friends who had warned Lu Jianceng, Ji Yun was most severely punished by banishment to Urumqi, in today's Xinjiang.
Xinjiang was conquered in 1757 and Urumqi lies about three thousand miles northwest of Beijing. In Qing law, banishment to such a faraway alien region was second only to execution. To make matters worse there was hardly any information about this vast region available and if, it was frequently unfavourable misinformation.
Unlike ordinary criminals, disgraced officials had the advantage of special treatment and were supposed to work for the frontier administration.[23] They assisted officials by drafting documents, memorials and military orders or taught in newly founded charity schools. Ji Yun wrote about some schools in his later collection, such as the Huafeng Academy 虎峰書院 in Urumqi. The exiled former Baxian magistrate 巴縣令 Chen Zhili 陳執禮 was the director of the academy and his successor the former Wuyuan magistrate Yang Fengyuan 楊逢源 (LY IV.21, GW II.49).
After a journey of over half a year, crossing the Gobi desert by cart and camel, Ji Yun reached Urumqi early in 1770. The very cold winters in Xinjiang made the journey additionally difficult, as the snow could melt and turn into mud during the day. At the beginning Ji Yun could stay in the yamen of lieutenant governor Wenfu 溫福 (1710–1773), who had an informal relationship with banned officials. Governor Wenfu is much later several times favourable mentioned in the YWCT. After he was transferred, Ji Yun moved to his friend's Tian Baiyan's 田白巖 house.
Like other exiled officials, Ji Yun’s duties consisted of drafting, checking, and transmitting Chinese documents, such as memorials and military orders. Later, he worked for lieutenant governor Bayanbi 巴彦弼, assisted the military governor of Ili, and became a secretary for a military unit in Urumqi. Ji Yun was also responsible for inspecting the travel documents of men who had died in Xinjiang, and whose corpses were to be sent back to their home province. These documents were meant for the officials in this life, as well as for the officials of the other world. Apparently, as Ji Yun ironically wrote, the dead seem to be in need of official documents for the underworld in order to be allowed to pass the border of the province. One day the military governor of Urumqi asked for Ji Yun’s opinion concerning these documents. As Ji Yun thought them poor in quality and content, he decided to abolish them altogether. A few nights later the noises of discontent ghosts were heard throughout Urumqi. Not only could everyone hear this, but night after night the noises steadily advanced towards Ji Yun's accommodation. Since it was presumed that the ghosts were worried about their missing documents, Ji Yun was ordered to issue them again. Reluctantly, he did as he was told and immediately afterwards it was again quiet at night (LY I.41).[24]
Apart from his secretarial work, Ji Yun was interested in everything he could observe in Xinjiang, from the different ethnic cultures, to geography, history, zoology and botany.[25] Exiles were also culturally active and Ji Yun visited some of the different theatre groups, which inspired him to assemble one himself. Additionally, he bred dogs and studied the various plants in the area.[26]
Already in the spring of 1771, Ji Yun was recalled to Peking, after only one year in exile. This early rehabilitation was uncommon and revealed his friends' and therefore his own political influence. During the arduous travel back to Peking, Ji Yun composed poems in remembrance of his life in exile, which were later known as Miscellaneous Poems of Urumqi (烏魯木齊雜詩 Wulumuqi zashi). The collection consists of 160 seven-syllable short poems, in which Ji Yun wrote everything down that he had observed. In the foreword, he conveyed his hope that by providing information about the mainly unknown province of Xinjiang, prejudices would be eliminated.[27] As Peter Perdue writes, " The long tradition of "border poetry" usually depicted this frontier as a place of forlorn exile, but Ji Yun, at least temporarily, had made it his home. The domesticated frontier now became another resource to be added to the Qing literary tradition." (Perdue 2005: 248-249). There are over 60 notes in his much later published biji collection about Ji Yun's time in exile. Next to his own experiences and observations, these are also narratives he had heard. Subsequently, his poems and stories served as a historical source for a number of scholars, encouraging intellectual interest in this remote region [28]. Ji Yun does not express remorse in the YWCT, but instead states that his banishment had been predicted (LY I.35, GW II.38) and was therefore unavoidable.
5. From Rehabilitation to Chief Editor of the Siku Quanshu, 1771−1787
In the summer of 1771, Ji Yun arrived in Peking and rented a house situated next door to the official Long Chengzu 龍承祖 (1732–c 1779). Unfortunately, there was an apparition in his and Long Chengzu's houses and this time, Ji Yun had to unwillingly move to pacify his frightened children. Once again he and his family took refuge in the house of his former examiner, Qian Chenqun 錢陳群 (1686−1774), since they already knew that the fox living there was peaceful. The move seems to have been a good decision, since, as Ji Yun noted in the YWCT, the people who later lived in the two haunted houses had been rather unfortunate and one person even died unexpectedly (RS III.19).
Later that same year, Ji Yun travelled to Miyun, about 70 miles northeast of Peking in order to welcome the emperor, who had returned from his summer retreat in Rehe. During their meeting, the emperor ordered Ji Yun to write a poem about the return of the Torghuts from Russia. It is said that this poem, 土爾扈特全部歸順 "Tuerhute quanbu guishun", so delighted the emperor, that he promptly restored Ji Yun to his former position as compiler in the Hanlin Academy. Following this, Ji Yun's career continued successfully and already in 1772, he was additionally appointed Instructor at the Hanlin Academy (shujishi zi jiaoxi 庶吉士子教習).[29]
Shortly after Ji Yun's return from Xinjiang, his concubine, Guo Caifu 郭彩符, died. During his exile, she had sent a petition on his behalf to Emperor Qianlong. Ji Yun wrote in the YWCT that Lu Jianceng's 盧見曾 (1690−1768) son, Lu Qian 盧謙 (1713−1785), who was skilled at astrology, had predicted that Guo Caifu would die before her 40th birthday, and therefore, her death came as no surprise (HX II.65).[30]
At the beginning of 1771, the emperor started his second book collecting project. In March 1773, a special office was established in Peking to receive valuable and rare books and manuscripts collected throughout the empire and to evaluate them. Books that were especially significant or valuable were borrowed, copied and then returned. The project was so successful, that the office quickly reached a staff of over 700 editors, collators and copyists and the project called Complete Library of Four Treasuries (Siku quanshu 四庫全書). These 'four treasuries' or categories was the traditional organization of knowledge for the Complete Library. All texts were divided into one of the four main categories: Classics (jing 經), History (shi 史), Philosophy (zi 子), and Collections (ji 集) and then further divided into sections and groups.
Also in 1773, Ji Yun and Lu Xixiong 陸錫熊 (1734−1792) were appointed chief editors (zongzuan 總纂), as suggested by Grand Secretary Liu Tongxun 劉統勳. The position of chief editor for the Siku quanshu was very prestigious, and there was hardly any contemporary scholar who would not have wanted to be associated with the compilation project. Yuan Mei 袁枚 (1716−1798), for example, seemed to have been rather distressed that he had not been asked to assist in the enterprise. In 1773, he humbly and humorously wrote to his friend Cheng Jinfang 程晉芳 (1718−1784), who had been made assistant editor for the project, "[…], if only I might come and join you, and drudge as your secretary!" Next to many eminent scholars, Ji Yun's tongnian Zhu Yun 朱筠 and Dai Zhen 戴震 were also involved in the project, with the latter being recommended by Ji Yun.[31]
Agui 阿桂 (1717–1797), 誠謀英勇
Cai Xin 蔡新 (1707–1799)
Cao Wenzhi 曹文埴 (1735–1798)
Cheng Jinfang 程晉芳 (1718–1784)
Cheng Jingyi 程景伊 (c 1712–1780)
Dai Zhen 戴震 (1724–1777)
Debao 德保 (1719–1789)
Dong Gao 董誥 (1740−1818)
Dou Guangnai 竇光鼐 (1720–1795)
Jin Shisong 金士松 (1729–1800)
Huang Xuan 黃軒 (1771 進士)
Li Shou 李綬 (1713–1791)
Liang Guozhi 梁國治 (1723–1787)
Liu Tongxun 劉統勳 (1700–1773)
Liu Yong 劉墉 (1720–1805)
Liu Yueyun 劉躍雲 (1736–1808)
Lu Xixiong 陸錫熊 (1734−1792)
Ni Chengkuan 倪承寬 (1712–1783)
Peng Yuanrui 彭元瑞 (1731–1803)
Qian Weicheng 錢維城 (1720–1772)
Qiu Yuexiu 裘曰修 (1712–1773)
Ren Dachun 任大椿 (1738−1789)
Shao Jinhan 邵晉涵 (1743−1796)
Shen Chu 沈初 (1735–1799)
Suhede 舒赫德 (1711−1777)
Wang Chang 王昶 (1725–1806)
Wang Jiazeng 王嘉曾 (1729–1781)
Wu Shizhen 吴世珍 (fl. 1773)
Yu Minzhong 于敏中 (1714–1780)
Yu Xiaoke 余蕭客 (1732−1778)
Zhou Huang 周煌 (1714–1785)
Zhou Yongnian 周永年 (1730−1791)
Zhu Gui 朱珪 (1731–1806)
Zhu Wenzhen 朱文震 (1717–1777)
Zhu Yun 朱筠 (1729–1781)
Zhuang Cunyu 莊存與 (1719–1788)
Zou Yixiao 鄒奕孝 (1728–1793)
Later in 1773 however, Ji Yun's career was once more endangered, when his son Ji Ruji 紀汝佶 was convicted of tax fraud. The emperor ordered that Ji Yun could keep his official positions, even though his rank would be reduced three grades.[32] For the next twelve years, Ji Yun served mainly as a chief editor of the Siku quanshu, during which time he and the other employees were often promoted and given presents by the emperor for their achievements. In 1780, Ji Yun and Lu Xixiong 陸錫熊 were additionally ordered to compile a few books, one of them being the Lidai zhiguan biao 歷代職官表 in 72 juan. In 1781, the annotated catalogue of the imperial library, the Siku quanshu zongmu tiyao 四庫全書總目提要, in 200 juan, was presented to the emperor, even though as it turned out, it would need to be revised for the following two years. Ji Yun had the editorial responsibility for this catalogue, which contained information of over 10.000 revised books for the Siku quanshu. One year later, the first of the seven Siku quanshu collections was completed, including over 3.400 whole copied texts.[33] In the same year, Ji Yun was promoted to the post of vice-president of the Ministry of War, bingbu shilang 兵部(右)侍郎, and after three years became president of the Censorate, du yushi (左) 都御史. From this point onward, Ji Yun served at different times as president of the Ministry of Rites, Ministry of War, and the Censorate.[34]
The discovery of errors in the Siku quanshu started as early as the production of the collection, and the corrections continued until well after the completed work was presented to the emperor. Taking into account the unfavourable working conditions under which the Siku quanshu came into being, this was no surprise. As one of the two chief editors, Ji Yun was also pointed out as one of the main delinquents in 1787, when Emperor Qianlong personally found many mistakes in one of his collections while at his summer residence in Luanyang. One severe blunder was the inclusion of the Ershiyi shi tongyi 二十一史同異 by the historian Li Qing 李清 (1602−1682), a book with unfavourable remarks about the Manchus. In a special edict, the emperor ordered that this book be destroyed immediately. Ji Yun quickly wrote an apologetic memorial in response. He offered to travel to Luanyang together with some assistants and at his own expense, in order to make all necessary corrections for the Siku quanshu there. Emperor Qianlong accepted Ji Yun's apologies, even while he continued to find references to Li Qing and other proscribed writers in his library in the following weeks. In November of the same year, Ji Yun had already journeyed to Luanyang to start his task. The stay in the summer residence at this time of year was quite uncomfortable, and the working conditions might have served as an additional punishment. Nonetheless, free of his other official obligations in Peking, Ji Yun managed to complete the necessary alterations for the library in three months time. At the beginning of 1788, he was allowed to return to Peking,[35] but was continuously occupied with further corrections of the different collections.
Qing dynasty map of the Chengde mountain resort (Rehe xing gong quan tu (Map of the Rehe Palace)
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Chengde_Mountain_Resort
The city of Chengde, in present day Hebei province, is about 250 kilometres north of Beijing, halfway between the Qing capital and the Manchus’ hunting grounds at Mulan (Dunnell, Millward 2004, 1). The summer residence itself is called Bishu shanzhuang “Mountain Hamlet for the Escape from the Summer Heat”. The Kangxi emperor originally called Chengde “Rehe shangying, Upper Camp on the Rehe River,” the hunting lodge that was located close to the major Luanhe river valley. A warm spring flows into the Wulie river that does not freeze in winter, hence its name 'Rehe', which means 'warm river' (Foret 2000, 15-16).
In the following two years, Ji Yun travelled to Luanyang a few more times and it was during this time that he started to collect stories for the YWCT. He only randomly mentions the reason for his travels in the collection, but instead describes the beauty of the landscape or marvelled at the late blooming lotuses at the summer palace in Manchuria (HX: 91, LX: 11).
In 1789, after the most important corrections to the Siku quanshu were completed, his main task was to inspect the formal work. Since 'the days were long', he made notes about his own experiences as well as stories told to him. Ji Yun titled the nearly 300 biji Notes From Whiling Away the Summer in Luanyang, Luanyang xiaoxialu 灤陽消夏錄, thus giving the impression of a pleasant summer holiday. For the next ten years, Ji Yun continued to collect biji and remarks in the different forewords of the YWCT that he was now so obsessed that he could not stop collecting stories. Moreover, every time that he and his friends would gather, they now told him narratives about strange events.
Ji Yun finishes the first of the five books of the YWCT in Luanyang in 1789. He mentiones in the foreword, that his main task is to inspect the formal work of the Siku quanshu corrections. Since the days were long, he made notes about his own experiences as well as of stories told to him. Ji Yun titled the 297 biji, in six juan 卷, Notes from Whiling Away the Summer in Luanyang, Luanyang xiaoxialu 灤陽消夏錄, thus giving the impression of a pleasant summer stay.
In the middle of 1791, Ji Yun finishes another book of 245 biji 筆記, in four juan. In reference to the beginning of Buddhist sutras, he calls it Thus Have I Heard, Ru shi wo wen 如是我聞. Ji Yun states in the preface that his first collection had already been printed without his consent. Contrary to his expectations, the narratives were praised by respectable scholars who, as a result, told him more stories. Therefore, together with his own accounts, the second book came into being. Ji Yun remarks that he is now obsessed about collecting more stories.
The following year Ji Yun is still occupied with the corrections for the Siku quanshu. Among others, the son of his cousin Ji Zhao 紀昭 was assisting him. He completes his third book, Miscellaneous Notes from West of the Huai-tree, Huaixi zazhi 槐西雜志, containing 283 stories, in four juan. The title of this book was in reference to the fact, that Ji Yun was president of the Censorate at this time. Since his own house was too far from the courthouse, he had occupied rooms in the house of his son-in-law, which was closer to his work place. Ji Yun wrote that above the entrance of the house, there was a plate of wood with the inscription 'old house, west of the Huai-tree.' In the preface to this book, Ji Yun expresses that he did not have much work to do and his days are spend quietly lingering. Since both of his previous books are already in print, every time that he and his friends gather, they would now tell him stories about strange events. Thus, before he even noticed, this third collection was completed.
By 1793, Ji Yun has gathered 215 more narratives, in four juan, for his next book. It is titled Listen at Random, Guwang tingzhi 姑妄聽之 because, as he points out, most of the contents are based on hearsay and not his own experiences. Once more Ji Yun emphasises that the book came into being merely to pass the time.
At the beginning of 1798, Ji Yun accompanies Emperor Jiaqing to Luanyang and stays until autumn. In the summer of this year, he writes his fifth and final volume, the Sequel to Notes from Luanyang, Luanyang xulu 灤陽續錄. The 143 stories, in six juan, have an addition of six tales written by his first son, Ji Ruji 紀汝佶. Ji Yun mentions, that he included these actually rather mediocre stories as a memory to his late son, who died in 1786.
In the preface to his last book, Ji Yun once again explains, that whiling the time away had been his main motive for collecting narratives about the unusual. Nevertheless, he also announces that from now on, he feels too lazy to continue and that this is also the reason why the completion of the fifth book took so long.
The stories of the YWCT belong to the genre of biji 筆記 and zhiguai 志怪 (xiaoshuo 小說). Due to their heterogeneity in regards to content and style, biji are difficult to define. They are often assembled in collections, subdivided into sections, and frequently have a condensed form. They are a kind of short prose consisting of brief and basic notes or sketches, and intentionally casual in character. Just about everything an author thinks of as noteworthy can be mentioned, and fantastic as well as realistic contents are combined. Considering the flexibility in content, size, and style one could understand biji less as a literary genre and more as an expression of the literary intention of the author.[36] Accordingly, if the title of a work contains the term 'biji', this already discloses to the reader that the author's own and foreign literary material is put together in different writing styles and assembled without any particular order.
Zhiguai are 'records of anomalies' or 'descriptions of the strange' and 'naturally occurring, unaestheticized narrative'. They are part of the didactic literature, through which the reader or listener should receive moral instructions and be persuaded. During the Six Dynasties (222–589), the zhiguai were collected and published systematically on a large-scale for the first time. Through their origin and claim of authentication the zhiguai are close to the historical writings, whereas their content reflects popular beliefs. Many collections were compiled in the 18th century; starting with Yuan Mei's (1716–1798) Zi bu yu in 1788, and until the publication of Ji Yun's fifth book in 1798, this was an era in which more zhiguai were published than ever before. Today's best-known collection is the Liaozhai zhiyi by Pu Songling (1640–1715), which was printed in 1766. Pu Songling used an unconventional literary style, in which his narratives and characters became livelier than the custom. Therefore, his collection marks a turning point in classical oral storytelling. Ji Yun criticized the Liaozhai zhiyi for this novelty and stayed in accordance with literary conventions. His narratives are written in a traditional plain and straightforward way. Accordingly, the authenticity of the orally transmitted stories appears to be retained and the contents more directly communicated.[37]
As has already been mentioned, the entries of the YWCT have a wide range of topics. They include everyday observations and characterizations of humans, as well as the influence of heaven, and descriptions of gods, ghosts, the underworld, foxes, and demons. Typical for this genre, the names of persons, places, and dates are often given, so that many narrators, protagonists, and commentators can be identified to this day. Most of the stories are set during Ji Yun’s lifetime and in his native region of north-east China. As an adherent of the kaozheng-scholarship, Ji Yun often demonstrates his textual criticism and has a tendency to criticise neo-Confucian scholars as captious and small-minded pedants.[38]
The stories of the YWCT often include at least one appended note by Ji Yun, his relatives, friends, or colleagues. These, mainly later added supplementary comments, are increasingly in style for the xiaoshuo from the 17th century onwards. Through these statements, the reader can be informed about other readers’ thoughts, different interpretations, the original intention of the author, or a hidden meaning of the story. Thus, by adding the reflections of another person, a narrative might become easier to understand, or even get a different meaning.[39]
The five forewords to the different volumes of the YWCT have already been translated, commented on, and analysed a few times. Certain traditional elements concerning the prefaces immediately become clear, such as the repeated explanation that the notes are merely collected at random, for entertainment, and for whiling away the time. The same can be said about the emphasised humble tone considering the literary achievement, even though this is slightly refuted by the mentioning of well-known writers as literary examples in the preface of the Huaixi zazhi.[40] Further on, the expression of aiming at a moral influence and to broaden the knowledge of the reader is an often-used argument to legitimise the writing and collecting of zhiguai. Also the saying that 'friends and other people knew of the author's passion for stories and therefore supplied him with new accounts, so that the stories accumulated by themselves', is an established statement. For example, Hong Mai 洪邁 (1123–1202) and Pu Songling do so in their prefaces, and thus mention a popular obsession for collecting.[41] Ji Yun moreover quotes the well-known sentence by Ouyang Xiu 歐陽修 (1007–1072) that 'things accumulate with those who love them'[42]; at the same time giving emphasis to the ease of writing and naturalness of the process itself. Finally, the humorous alteration of Confucius' saying from The Analects (Lunyu 論語, 2.4), in the fourth preface of the YWCT, is also known from the editor of Water Margin (Shuihu zhuan 水滸傳).[43]
Therefore, the only thing to say with certainty about the prefaces of the collection is that they contain traditional phrases. Should Ji Yun have had any other intentions when compiling the collection, this cannot be discovered from the forewords.
When Emperor Qianlong died in 1799, his successor, who until now had been carrying out his father's wishes, in actual fact took the reigns of the government. Ji Yun's reputation at court did not change, and he continued being a main examiner for the civil examinations.
In 1800, Ji Yun’s protégé, Sheng Shiyan 盛時彥, published all five books of Ji Yun's collected narratives in 24 juan, under the title "random notes from the cottage of subtle perception", Yuewei caotang biji 閱微草堂筆記. One year later, on his 80th birthday, Ji Yun was bestowed with special honours by Emperor Jiaqing; he received valuable presents, a honourable title, and permission to ride by horse through the Forbidden City. In 1805, Ji Yun was promoted to assistant grand secretary (xieban da xueshi 協辦大學士) and received further honourable titles. When he died only a few days after taking office, Emperor Jiaqing wrote the inscription for the memorial tablet and canonised Ji Yun as Wenda 文達 ('the literary successful'). Although Ji Yun held high official posts and was often honoured by the emperor, he was never appointed to the highest of posts. Obviously, the emperor appreciated his literary talents more than his political ones. When Ji Yun and two other editors of the Siku quanshu were recommended for position on the Grand Council (junji chu 軍機處) in 1796, the emperor refused all of them. In the case of Ji Yun, the reason was that even though he was very educated, he did not quite understand the moral principles (li 理).[44]
Next to the YWCT and his long-term occupation with the Siku quanshu project and the Siku quanshu zongmu tiyao 四庫全書總目提要, Ji Yun published few other works. Apart from the previously mentioned Rehe zhi, Shitong xuefan, Shenshi sisheng kao, and the Wulumuqi zazhi, he wrote the Ping Wenxin Diaolong 評文心雕龍 and Jingyan tang shizhong 鏡煙堂十種. After his death, a compilation of his essays and poems under the title Ji Wenda gong yiji 紀文達公遺集, and a book about his collection of ink-stones and their inscriptions, the Yuewei caotang yanpu 閱微草堂硯譜, were published.[45]
Until today, Ji Yun is best known as chief editor of the Siku quanshu and the Siku quanshu zongmu tiyao. Nevertheless, he has also achieved fame in China for his Yuewei caotang biji and is as well known as Yuan Mei and Pu Songling.
NOTES
______________________________________
[1] JXLNP, 191–192; "明永樂二年，遷江南大姓實畿輔. 始祖椒坡公, 自上元徙獻縣之景城. 後子孫繁衍, 析居崔莊, 在景城東三里." HX II.11. The emperor asked the notable families south of the Yangtze River to move to the capital. This would be from about 800 km north, in today's Nanjing in Jiangsu province, to Cangxian 滄縣, Hejian county, in Hebei province.
[2] JXLNP, 1; Lai 1982, Chunfan 春帆 (字); Guanyidaoren 觀奕道人 (未詳), Jingyantang 鏡煙堂 (號), Jiushijiuguanzhai 九十九觀齋 (號), Ruixingxuan 瑞杏軒 (號), Shiyun 石雲 (號), Wenda 文達 (諡號), Xiaolan 曉嵐 (字), Yueweicaotang 閱微草堂 (號).
[3] JXLNP, 191–192, 94-94; Maeno 1975, 305. Next to Ji Yun’s father, Ji Tianshen's sons are Ji Rongya 紀容雅 (1698−1758) and Ji Rongxun 紀容恂 (1706−1752). JCJSJP, 6, 30, 62, 68; YWCT, RS: 32. The wanshou enke is an additional palace examination, next to the regular triennial civil examinations, which take place in special years. In 1713, it had been held in honour of the Kangxi emperor (1662−1723). Lui 1981, 67. For more information about these 'grace examinations' at the time of the Qing dynasty, see also Elman 2000, 523–524; Lai 1982, 1; Luo 1996, 18; Maeno 1975, 305; Yang 1986, 7.
[4] See Yang 1993, 6. JXLNP, 194–195. YWCT, 1118; Lu 1974, 4. Ji Zhuo is a jinshi of 1730.
[5] Yang 1993, 9; Luo 1996, 18; Lu 1974, 4-5, 7-8; JXLNP, 7, 纪晓岚 2012, p. 24. Ji Zhao's father is Ji Rongya 紀容雅 (1698–1758) and his brother is Ji Yi 紀易 (1720–1783). JCJSJP, 6, 35, 66, 80. Ge Yuan's son and Ji Yun’s third daughter were engaged, until Ji Yun's nine year old daughter died in 1790 (LY V.38).
[6] See also Keenan 1999, 11–12; JXLNP, 8; Luo 1996, 26 and Yang 1993, 55.
[7] An Jieran and An Shizhai could not be further identified. See also Lu 1974, 110. Zhang Fen is mentioned in the collection under the alternative name Xuefeng 雪峰 and Ji Kun as Houzhai 厚齋, as well as his poems and book Huawangge shenggao 花王閣剩稿. See LY: 108, LY: 119, LY: 244, LY: 274, LY: 279, LY: 280, and LX: 67 and JXLNP, 192. Ji Tongren is mentioned under the alternative name Aitang 爱堂, see also Ji Yun's Family Members. For another account of a visit to the Underworld by a family member, An Tianshi 安天石, see LY: 206.
[8] Ji Yun's great-grandfather has the alternative name Runsheng 潤生 and his grandfather, Ji Tianshen, Chongyu 寵予 and Guanglu 光祿. See also Chan 1998, 73, 207, 212.
[9] For example, LY: 51, LY: 93, LY: 100, RS: 138, HX: 254.
[10] JXLNP, 8; Luo 1996, 26; Yang 1993, 60. Ma Yuefang is only seldom mentioned, whereas Ma Zhoulu appears several times in the collection.
[11] ECCP, 792, Lu 1974, 33, JXLNP, 9, 202 and Yang 1993, 94. Ji Yun and Ji Zhao both passed the provincial examination in the same year, but Ji Zhao became a jinshi in 1757, three years later than Ji Yun. JXLNP, 9, 25. Ji Yun called his homes in Peking and Xianxian 'Yuewei caotang' (also translatable as 'the Cottage of Subtle Perception'). Yang 1993, 210. What is left of Ji Yun's former house can be visited under today's address: 241 Zhushikou Xi Dajie, Xicheng district 西城区珠市口西大街241号, near Hufangqiao. For more information about Liu Tongxun see Table 1; ECCP, 533-534; JXLNP, 203 and QDQB, 1481. Liu Yong’s alternative name is Liu Shi’an 劉石庵. ECCP, 536–537, 715; JXLNP, 115, 207; QSLZ, 26 and QDQB, 1855.
[12] JXLNP, 3, 9-10; Yang 1993, 9, 66, 68, 76, 94. Ji Yun noted in the YWCT, that as an adult, Ji Ruchuan was distressed about the untimely death of his first wife. To his relief, he found a concubine, who amazingly resembled his first wife, but unfortunately she also died prematurely (HX: 214).
[13] Ropp 1981, 21.
[14] For a selection of 33 well-known persons of the 18th century, who figure in the YWCT, see Chan 1998, 58-59.
[15] JXLNP, 12–13; Yang 1993, 41 and MQJS, p. 2725; see also Elman 2000, 322–324; Qingshi liezhuan 1963 (1, 28), 11; Maeno 1975, 306.
[16] JXLNP, 19; EECP, 122-123, 695; Yang 1993; Luo 1996, 73; YWCT, preface to GW, and also JXLNP, 15; Winter 2001, 1077−1089 and Elman 1990, 1–36, 53, 168. The neo-Confucians refer to the commentaries of the classical texts from the time of the Song dynasty (960–1279), and put emphasis on the ideal of individual cultivation of moral perfection. The interpretations of the Confucian classics as the dominating ideology had been adopted by the Qing emperors as the moral and theoretical norm in imperial examinations. See also Chan 1998, 115; Zhao 1977, 10770 and Guy 1987, 144–145.
[17] YWCT, 1100–1101; see also Chan 1998, 114, 147.
[18] See Qingshi liezhuan 1963, 11; Lu 1974, 10 and Hucker 1985, #4869. One of Ji Yun's honourable titles was a membership of the Southern Study (nan shufang). Luo 1996, 63. Most of the members of the nan shufang were Hanlin scholars with a great literary reputation. Here, the emperor could meet with these scholars on an informal basis, seek their advice, and keep up his classical knowledge. Guy 1987, 20, Lui 1981, 166. Additionally, in 1757, Ji Yun becomes mentor (shuzi) of the Supervisorate of the Household of the Heir Apparent (zhanshi fu), and an official in the Secretariat of the Heir Apparent (chunfang). Qingshi liezhuan 1962, 11. The Rehe zhi 熱河志, in 80 juan, was completed in 1781. Yang 1993, 117 and Zarrow 2004, 146. Rehe (called Jehol by the Jesuits), also named Luanyang, and better known under the name Chengde, is situated 150 miles northeast of Peking. From 1703 until 1820 it was the summer residence of the Qing emperors. JXLNP, 25.
[19] In 1759, Ji Yun was a main examiner for the provincial examinations in Shanxi, in 1762 an examiner in Shuntian, and in 1768 a main examiner in Jiangnan. YWCT, 79, Yang 1993, 128; JXLNP, 29, 35, 47. In 1780, 1784, 1787, 1789, 1793, 1795, 1796, 1799, and 1802, Ji Yun was an examiner for the metropolitan examinations, as well as the military examinations. QDZG, 2822–2833. Shidu xueshi are eminent regular members of the Academy. Qingshi liezhuan 1963, 11. Luo 1996, 76, JXLNP, 38 and Hucker 1985, #2690. The xuezheng [tidu xuesheng] was not only the highest examiner of all provincial examinations that took place during his term of office, but also chairman of all examinations that took place in his area of jurisdiction. Hence, he had considerable political and intellectual influence. Elman 1990, 105–106.
[20] LY VI.24. See also Jacques Dars, who translated this couplet more beautiful:
Vastes espaces, où rien n’arrête le regard,
Fenêtre vide, où mille pics se laissent voir.
Dars 1998, 509–510.
[21] Ji Ruji became a juren in 1765, JXLNP, 42. JXLNP, 44, 45, Lu 1974, 6 and Luo 1996, 132.
[22] JXLNP, 46 and ECCP, 120. The Shitong xuefan is a shorter version of Liu Zhiji's (661−721) Shitong (Comprehensive History). Nienhauser 1989, 249 and Schmidt-Glintzer 1990, 134, 209, 291. Zhao, 1977, 10770; Qingshi liezhuan 1963, 11; Lu 1974, 12.
[23] In 1763, Ji Yun's eldest daughter, Ji Yunhua, who was the only child with his concubine Guo Caifu, married Lu Yinwen. Luo 1996, 142. Lu Yinwen is the son of Lu Qian 盧謙 (1713–1785) from Dezhou 德州, in Shandong. Ji Yun’s friend and tongnian, Wang Chang, served as matchmaker. JXLNP, 41. The relevance of the post of chief salt commissioner of the Lianghuai region lies in the fact, that in the 18th century, the salt merchants of Yangzhou had the monopoly, which was granted to them by the government. They therefore had the largest aggregate capital possessed by any single commercial or industrial group in the empire. Ho 1954, 130, 153–154. In 1737, Lu Jianceng was yanyun shi in Lianghuai. From 1738 to 1744, he was accused and exiled for reasons unknown today, but from 1753 until his retirement in 1762, he was once again chief salt commissioner in Lianghuai. ECCP, 541–542. Two other officials who had been involved in this case were sentenced to death and beheaded. ECCP, 542, 560 and Keenan 1987, 6. Unlike ordinary convicts, officials were not tattooed, put in chains, or locked up at night. Waley-Cohen 1991, 7, 34, 53, 56, 111–117.
[24] JXLNP, 55, 214 and Ji 1936, 22-23. The earliest charity schools were founded in 1767 by governor Wenfu. Waley-Cohen 1991, 50, 141–144, 211-212, 150. See also LY IV.22 and HX II.7. QSLZ, 24. QDZG, 3132; Zhou 1994, 35. See also Dars 1998, 85–87. This story (LY I.41) differs somewhat from the same account in one of Ji Yun’s poems. See Ebner von Eschenbach, Freiin 1992, 364–436, p. 419.
[25] For example LY III.3, LY III.26, RS II.17a, RS II.54, HX II.37, HX III.68, and HX III.69.
[26] See Ebner von Eschenbach, Freiin, 1992, 416–418, LY V.40 and Waley-Cohen 1991, 152–153.
[27] JXLNP, 55–56, Waley-Cohen 1991, 206, see also LY: 287, which is an account by Ji Yun's servant, who had lost his way during the return journey to Peking. Luckily, the servant found the body of a dead exile, whose deep frozen food he could eat, to save him from starvation. As Ji Yun writes in the foreword of the collection, the snow was melting at the time of his return to Peking. Therefore, he and his attendants could only travel by night, when the earth was frozen. Ji Yun wrote the poems during daytime, when the journey had to be interrupted. Ebner von Eschenbach, Freiin 1992, 367, 365.
[28] The spread of accounts about Xinjiang by scholars were also in agreement with Emperor Qianlong, as an interest in this region made an important contribution to the process of colonization; as, naturally, did the banishment itself. See Waley-Cohen 1991, 32, 156, 214, Ebner von Eschenbach, Freiin 1992, 365.
[29] In 1616, the Torghuts had migrated to Russia, but due to hardship returned in a mass migration from the Volga region back to China in 1770. They submitted themselves to Emperor Qianlong, who allowed them to resettle in Xinjiang and subdivided them into banners. In October 1771, a merry Emperor Qianlong met with their chiefs in Chengde and afterwards wrote in prose and verse about the migration and surrender of the Torghuts. It therefore comes as no surprise that he had wished Ji Yun to write a poem about this topic. Later on, the return of the Torghuts was also mentioned in the Rehe zhi and other official documents. About 'the return of the Torghuts' and the political meaning for the Qing dynasty, see Peter C. Perdue, China Marches West, pp. 295-298. Also ECCP, 660, 785–786, Millward 2004, 91–103, Zarrow 2004, 158–160. Luo 1996, 57; ECCP, 120; Zhao 1977, 10770; JXLNP, 57, 63, 200.
[30] See also Keenan 1999, 15–16; Lu 1974, 5–6. Next to composing two poems in honour of Guo Caifu, Ji Yun also mentioned the death of his concubine Minggan 明旰 (c 1761–1791) and included three poems about her untimely death. See HX: 88 and LX: 28.
[31] During this undertaking, countless books and manuscripts of the imperial library, the Ming dynasty encyclopaedia Yongle dadian, as well as provincial official and private collections were gathered throughout China. These were then commented on and reviewed. From the beginning, Ji Yun was one of 13 bibliophiles who were rewarded by the loan of rare items and one out of nine persons to receive a copy of the phrase dictionary, Peiwen yunfu. JXLNP, 68. After the submission of subversive literature, 10.585 texts had to be evaluated, of which the texts of 3.461 were chosen to be included and copied into the imperial library. Due to the traditional classification of works into classics, histories, philosophers, and belles lettres, this largest collection ever compiled for an emperor, was called Siku quanshu (Complete Library of Four Treasuries). For the task of copying the 2.3 million pages, 3.800 copyists had to be employed. See also Hung 1939, 47−58. Zhao 1977, 10771. A third chief editor, Sun Shiyi 孫士毅 (1720–1796), served from 1780 to 1782. JXLNP, 209. Waley 1956, 107–108, JXLNP, 65–66. Zhu Yun was made compiler (zuanxiu guan) for the project. See JXLNP, 167.
[32] The official sources erroneously name Ji Yun's son Ji Ruchuan as the convict. See Keenan 1987, 7; Lu 1974, 16; LX: 143, JXLNP, 72.
[33] In 1779, e.g., Ji Yun received the honourable title of supervisor of the Household Administration of the Heir Apparent (zhanshifu zuanshi). Qingshi liezhuan 1963, 11. In 1787 he became a member of the Classics Colloquium (jingyan), which consisted of the emperor and eminent civil officials, who would gather to discuss classical and historical texts. Lu 1952, 224. JXLNP, 83; ECCP, 544. Qingshi liezhuan 1963, 11–12 and Guy 1987, 123. Actually, the final version of the Siku quanshu zongmu was not accomplished until 1798. JXLNP, 88, 92. After four collections of the Siku quanshu for imperial usage in north China were completed, three more collections for public usage in the south of China were ordered and completed in 1787. JXLNP, 102. In the YWCT, Ji Yun also wrote about the time he worked on the Siku quanshu. He told, for example, about the discovery of a poem from the Song dynasty (HX: 85), or of an ancient prescription. The latter, as Ji Yun noted, saved the life of the grandson of his examiner of the metropolitan examination, Cai Xin 蔡新 (1707−1799), who had swallowed an iron nail (HX: 106).
[34] JXLNP, 90, 98; Qingshi liezhuan 1963, 12. Late 1784, Ji Yun’s fourth son, Ji Ruyi 紀汝佶, was born, the second son of his concubine Qian Mei. Lu 1974, 6–7 and JXLNP, 198. In 1787, Ji Yun was appointed president of the Ministry of Rites (Qingshi liezhuan 1963, 12; JXLNP, 102), in 1791, president of the Censorate (JXLNP, 115), in 1794, he was again president of the Ministry of Rites, and one year later additionally president of the Censorate (JXLNP, 128, 137). In 1796, Ji Yun was president of the Ministry of War and in 1797, of the Ministry of Rites (Qingshi liezhuan 1963, 12–13; JXLNP, 150). See also Yang 1986, 156–157.
[35] When Emperor Qianlong found several mistakes in the Siku quanshu manuscripts submitted to him in 1773, Prince Yongrong argued in a memorial on behalf of the accused officials. The problem, he wrote, on the one hand, was that the work of copyists was not being read thoroughly enough, and on the other hand, that the 32 employed collators had to produce over 400.000 words per day. Guy 1987, 98. Emperor Qianlong was not quite convinced and the pressure, especially on senior officials, continued. Guy 1987, 99–100. In 1787, the emperor, while casually reading through his new library, found so many mistakes and omissions, that he appointed a Committee headed by his favourite Heshen 和珅 (1750−1799) to inspect and correct the volumes. Guy 1987, 102. The Ershiyi shi tongyi, also known under the title of Zhushi tongyi lu 諸史同異祿, the Ming loyalist Li Qing drew parallels between the last emperor of the Ming dynasty and the first emperor of the Qing dynasty. ECCP, 454; JXLNP, 104; Keenan 1987, 20–23. Guy 1987, 102-103. Due to the weather and living conditions, one of Ji Yun’s employees is said to have died of the cold; a fate similar to that of the second chief editor of the Siku quanshu, Lu Xixiong. JXLNP, 120. Lu Xixiong was ordered to first finish his term of office in Fujian before starting with the corrections. Until 1790, Ji Yun had already gone through the three collections in Peking and Luanyang. Therefore, Lu Xixiong was ordered to do the required changes in the Siku quanshu set at Mukden (Shenyang). He died in the winter of 1791, at the age of 58, when he had to travel to Mukden for the second time. ECCP, 544.
[36] Igor A. Alimov, personal Email from 29.11.1998. Prof. Alimov also mentions, that this definition of biji is not very popular.
[37] Chan 1998, 247, 4–5, 11, DeWoskin 1977, 21–52 and Kao 1985, 16, Huang 1990, 11. For a complete list of all the zhiguai collections of this time, see Naoaki 1975, 347.
[38] In the YWCT, it seems that Neo-Confucian scholars are mainly called daoxuejia 道學家 or songru 宋儒, and Neo-Confucianism lixue 理學 or daoxue 道學.
[39] Huang 1994, 54, 61–64.
[40] JXLNP, 153–154. For a complete translation of all prefaces, see Herrmann 1983, Keenan 1987, Keenan 1999, Mair 1994, Chan 1991 and Chan 1998. The remark, that the notes are collected 'at random' and for 'whiling away the time', is indicated in four of the five prefaces (LY, HX, GW, and LX).
[41] Chan 1998, 19, 29–30, 35, Zeitlin 1993, 44, 46–47.
[42] "歐陽公曰物嘗聚于所好". YWCT, 293. (See Ouyang Wenzhong quanji 歐陽文忠公全集, first sentence of the foreword to the chapter 'Jigu lu mu xu', vol. 1). See also Zeitlin 1993, 47, 61, 69–74.
[43] "Wenn man mit dreißig noch unbeweibt ist, dann sollte man es auch weiter bleiben lassen. Wenn man es mit vierzig noch zu keinem Amt gebracht hat, dann soll man es überhaupt aufgeben. Mit fünfzig wechselt man nicht mehr Scholle und Beruf, mit sechzig greift man nicht mehr zum Wanderstab. Warum? Man hat die Zeit verpasst!" Shi Nai’an 施耐庵, 1980, 5.
[44] This was his 80th birthday by the Chinese counting of years. JXLNP, 174; Qingshi liezhuan 1963, 13; ECCP, 288. For more information about the privilege for officials to ride on horseback through the Forbidden City, see also Deiwiks 1999, 335. The official biography of Ji Yun additionally mentions, that during the famine of 1802, he was ordered by Emperor Jiaqing to inspect the officials who were selling and giving grain to the starving people. Zhao 1977, 10771. Ji Yun receives a honourable title for the Directorate of Education, guozi jian 國子監, and as a junior guardian of the Heir Apparent, taizi shaobao 太子少保. Zhao 1977, 10771; Qingshi liezhuan 1963, 13. JXLNP, 184; Maeno 1975, 306. Literal: Even though Ji Yun has read many books, the principles are not really clear to him. JXLNP, 146. See also Guy 1987, 72. The Emperor's comment might also be in reference to Ji Yun's banishment and missing remorse; as well as in reference to the YWCT, since it was not usual for a high official to publicly compile stories about the supernatural. Here, I think Ji Yun can best be compared to Hong Mai 洪邁 (1123−1202), whose collection, Yijian zhi 夷堅志, he actually mentioned in his preface to the HX. According to Li Ha, Ji Yun was promoted slowly as an official, because, although he was a man of great learning, he was not liked by Emperor Qianlong. Ji Yun was ugly, nearsighted, [had a stutter] and his ancestors were not members of the Manchu nobility. Li Ha points out that the emperor favoured officials who were not only educated, but also handsome. He preferred Manchu nobles, whose families had been loyal to the Qing dynasty for generations, over Han nationalities. Ji Yun only met Qianlong's preferences in terms of talent and learning, but was inferior in appearance and family background. Additionally, Ji Yun's remarkable personality [including his humour, jokes, and witticisms] was disliked by Qianlong, who, as an emperor of great talent and strategy, had a high opinion of himself. [Li 2011, p. 28, esp. fn. 77]
[45] The Ping Wenxin Diaolong is a discussion of the Wenxin Diaolong 文心雕龍 by Liu Xie 劉勰 (b c 462−522), whereas the Jingyan tang shizhong is a collection of ten works about phonology, which Ji Yun edited during his time as Education Commissioner in Fujian (1762–1764). Next to these, he also edited the Kangzheng ji 庚辰集, an anthology of court poems by members of the Hanlin Academy and himself, and wrote an incomplete clan history, the Jingcheng Ji shi jiapu 景城紀氏家譜. See also Herrmann 1983, 447, ECCP, 123, Nienhauser 1989, 249, JXLNP, 3 and Lu 1974, 59–60.