Embedded Files
The years 1955-1959 are characterized by inaction from the Fairfax County School Board, with increasing tension within the Fairfax County community at large over the issue of desegregation, with the voices of two white-supremacist groups (the Defenders of State Sovreignty and Individual Liberties and the Fairfax Citizens' Council) growing in volume, while a coalition of community associations, PTA groups, Fairfax NAACP, and other pro-integration groups also get louder and more effective. The decade ends with the collapse of the state's Massive Resistance program, but Fairfax students will still wait another half-decade before racial segregation in schools is officially ended.
Fairfax County schools still are seeing a massive explosion in student population, and the Board's focus remains primarily on public support for school bonds and school construction to keep pace with rapid growth.
In terms of elected officials in Fairfax County and their views on segregation, Donahue notes that two of Fairfax County's elected federal Representatives, Democratic Representative Howard W. Smith and Republican Representative Joel Broyhill, were both committed segregationists, Smith in particular. (Donohue, 2017).
In contrast, Fairfax County's state Delegate James C. Webb and state Senator John A.K. Donovan were both opponents of Massive Resistance. Donovan served for years on the interracial reform committee that worked with the Fairfax NAACP to get Luther Jackson High Shcool opened. (Donohue, 2017).
Openly racist literature began to be circulated in Northern Virginia. One example: an undated flyer circulated in Fairfax County in late 1954 and early 1955, urging 10th Congressional District residents to write to the Gray Commission to oppose a "local option", labeling supporters of the local option as "a tightly knit "liberal" group who have infiltrated many of the school, civic, and political organizations in the area", and warning that these same agitators may move on and infiltrate other parts of the state if they are successful in advocating for local control.
The flyer characterizes these integration supporters as "intersted in the mixing of the races, rather than the improvement of educational opportunities for our Negro residents." ("10th District Residents!", n.d.) The 10th Congressional District Representative at the time was Joel Broyhill, an ardent segregationist. (Donohue, 2017).
1955
1955
No discussion of segregation/integration or any related issue at January 4, January 11, January 20, February 1, February 9. February 12,
It's striking how many paragraphs of School Board minutes are taking up with discussion of the smoking offenses of specific students, admonishing said students and their parents, and discussing what should be done about them. Yet the issue of desegregation is basically ignored entirely.
March 3 - The "Defenders of State Sovereignty and Individual Liberties" make their first official presentation to the Board. Manning Gasch, the President, who previously appeared in Board minutes opposing school construction bonds, protested "the appearance of negro manager of an athletic team of the Western High School at a game at Fairfax High School, purportedly with full knowledge of the Fairfax High School coach." The "Defenders" as they were called in short, requested that the Board make sure no games with integrated schools were scheduled.
The Board assured the Defenders that "it was cognizant of the ramifications of integrated sprots, and under Virginia Law, could not permit that our schools participate in same." (Fairfax County School Board, 1955, March 1)
A rebutting group then spoke, presenting a petition signed by 46 members of the White Oaks Civic Association of Fairfax County, who "wish to make known to the Fairfax County School Board [...] that athletic events between our Virginia schools and integrated schools in no way violates the letter or the spirit of our Virginia State law. Wfeel that sports events are an ideal medium for the growth of understanding betwen people of different countries, people of different colors, people of different faiths, and people of different stations in life." (Fairfax County School Board, 1955, March 1)
May 1 - A front page Washington Post article covers the disruption of a panel on desegregation hosted by the Fairfax County Federation of Parent-Teacher Associations.
The article states that "about 100 persons who punctuated theri protests with loud booing and hissing" forced adjournment of the meeting. The protesters were "led by officials of the Fairfax chapter of the Defenders of State Sovereignty and Individual Liberties." At the same meeting, this group rebranded itself as the "Virginia Citizens' Association for Better Schools."
Panelists whose discussions were forced off the stage called the disruption "disgraceful and thoroughly un-American." ("Integration foes boo Fairfax PT-A", 1955).
The Washington Post the next day published a scathing article denouncing "this display of boorishness" ("Know-nothingism in Fairfax", 1955).
"Since it evidently is the plan of this dissident group to attempt to break up meetings in the county, it is important for other citizens not to be intimidated by them. Their activities merely betray how sadly unacquainted thery are with the libertarian tranditions of the state they profess to defend." - Washington Post editorial page, May 2, 1955
"Since it evidently is the plan of this dissident group to attempt to break up meetings in the county, it is important for other citizens not to be intimidated by them. Their activities merely betray how sadly unacquainted thery are with the libertarian tranditions of the state they profess to defend." - Washington Post editorial page, May 2, 1955
May 24 - Unfortunately, the Fairfax School Board seemed disinclined to heed these warnings, repeatedly letting the "Defenders" groups (and their other names) prompt the Board to denounce integration or make public statements in support of the status quo.
At the May 24 Board meeting, Superintendent Woodson read a letter from the "Defenders of State Sovereignty and Individual Liberties" complaining about an integrated meeting of the County Federation of Parent-Teacher Associations held at Annandale High School on April 30. The so-called "Defenders" requested that the Board "insure their will be no further use of school facilities in violation of laws prohibiting "mixing of the races in our public schools".
Superintendent Woodson in repsonse sought a letter of opinion from John Alexander, Board attorney, in response to the Defenders complaint, on the subject of integrated meetings.
Alexander wrote, "the ruling of the Supreme Court...has not been implemented as to render inapplicable any consittutional provision or code provision in regard to segregation of the races in the Commonwealth. [...] "any public meeting or any meeting in a public building which is attended by both white and colored persons wherein separate sections of seats are not designated for white and colored persons are in violation of laws of this Commonwealth.
The Board directed that the memo from Alexander be addressed to principals with guidelines that they "are to abide by the laws of the state of Virginia governing segregation." (Fairfax County School Board, 1955, May 24)
May 24, 1955 - In response to "Defenders" complains, the FCPS Board directs that principals be reminded that "they are to abide by the laws of the State of Virginia governing segregation"
May 24, 1955 - In response to "Defenders" complains, the FCPS Board directs that principals be reminded that "they are to abide by the laws of the State of Virginia governing segregation"
June 7 - FCPS finally makes a statement at a School Board meeting regarding desegregation and integration, over one year after Brown v. Board of Education. School Board attorney Alexander "said he could see no other course of action...but to continue to operate as presently until there is some direction from the State Board of Education"
School Board member Robinson commented that "perhaps it migth be well to have a meeting with representatives of the colored popularion in the County for their reaction to any integration proposal" (Fairfax County School Board, 1955, June 7)
At this same meeting, the Board acknowledged receipt of a memo from Dowell J. Howard, the state Superintendent of Education, and "directed that acknowledgement be made wtih the assurance that the Fairfax County School board shall take no official action in the matter of public school integration but shall await guidance from the State Board of Education. (Fairfax County School Board, 1955, June 7). Integration was not mentioned again on June 28.
FCPS "shall take no official action in the matter of public school integration..." (6/7/55)
FCPS "shall take no official action in the matter of public school integration..." (6/7/55)
July 5 - state Superintendent's new memo regarding Brown v. Board of Education was read to the Board. It read, in part:
"The state Board of Education and the local political sub-divisions cannot initiate a plan to accomplish an orderly and logical adjustment within the law until the General Assembly has enacted appropriate legislation. The State Board is of the opinion that hasty action could well result in serious damage to the public school system. [...]
"The Governor and the State Board of Education hereby declare and adopt as policy of this Commonwealth that the State Board of Education will continue to administer its functions [...] to the end that the public schools of Virginia open and operate through the coming school session as heretofore."
Board members made no comment on the record in response to this memo. (Fairfax County School Board, 1955, July 5) The issue was not discussed at the next meeting on July 21,
August 2 - a statement from Virginia Citizens for Better Schools read at the Board meeting makes "opposition to a referendum on the proposed school bond issue until the integration question is settled in Virginia."
"Arguments for and against early referendum and bond issue were presented, among them the thought that people will be voting with a full knowledge of the confusion on the race issue and tha tif the county waited for State policy to crystallize it might meana a delay of at least a year in holding a bond referendum." (Fairfax County School Board, 1955, August 2)
August 11 - The Board read a telegram from a woman opposing a school bond referendum before the November election. A motion from Robinson to set the November election date for a bond referendum failed for lack of a second. (Fairfax County School Board, 1955, August 11)
Board minutes indicate a substantial turnout from the public in response to the question of a bond referendum.
"The integration angle was injected also, this prompting the feeling that any program should be planned on a year-to-year basis."
Virginia Citizen's Committee on Better Schools testified in support of a "year-to-year" school building program "until such time as the official position of the State of Virginia can be fully appreciated' and spoke in support of the bond referendum be held the day of the General Election.
The Defenders of State Sovereignty and Individual Liberties, represented by Manning Gasch, questioned the legality of bonds, said a repeal of the compulsory attendance law would lower school enrollment, urged that any contruction should wait until after the 55-56 school year." (Fairfax County School Board, 1955, August 11)
In a follow-up meeting on August 13, the Board voted to set the amount of the bond to $22,000,000 over 5 years, with sales limited year-to-year to 20% of total bonds. (Fairfax County School Board, 1955, August 11)
September 6 - 13 committees were formed, one of which was termed "Desegregation". Board members Robinson and Walker were assigned to this committee. (Fairfax County School Boad, 1955, September 6)
September 20 - Speakers from the segregationist "Virginia Citizens' Committee for Better Schools" spoke at a Fairfax School Board meeting to object "most strenusously to the implication that the Board was working towards integarion in the Fairfax County Schools."
Robert Davis, the School Board chairman, assured the segregationists that the committee had "no intention of desegregating schools." (Fairfax County School Board, 1955, September 20)
Fairfax County School Board chairman: "[N]o intention of desegregating schools"
Fairfax County School Board chairman: "[N]o intention of desegregating schools"
In response to the complaints by the segregationist "Virginia Citizens' Committee for Better Schools", Chairman Davis caved to segregationist pressure and requested suggestions for renaming the committee and officially renamed it from the "Desegregation Committee" to the "Committee on Segregation". (Fairfax County School Board, 1955, September 20)
November 22 - Fairfax NAACP leaders write to the Fairfax County School Board "protesting Board action in compliance with Virginia Statutes on segregation policies for public meetings in school buildings." (Fairfax County School Board, 1955, November 22)
"No action was taken pending further study and discussion."
"No action was taken pending further study and discussion."
1956 - FCPS Inaction, State Pupil Placement Board Takes Charge
1956 - FCPS Inaction, State Pupil Placement Board Takes Charge
"Mr. Davis explained that the former Board had discussed but taken no action regarding the integration vs. segregation issue, and that he would understand that this Board would maintain the same policy unless it indicated otherwise."
"Mr. Davis explained that the former Board had discussed but taken no action regarding the integration vs. segregation issue, and that he would understand that this Board would maintain the same policy unless it indicated otherwise."
February 2 - a new Fairfax County School Board appointed by the Board of Supervisors is sworn in, retaining only one former member of the previous Board, Robert F. Davis.
The board affirmed its policy of inaction toward desegregation at this meeting. (Fairfax County School Board, 1956, February 2)
August 27, 1956 Special Session of the Virginia General Assembly begins. During this 27-day session, 23 bills were passed to prevent desegregation and restrict the growing influence of the NAACP, most notably the "blunt command" that any school that enrolls a child of another race shall be closed and removed from the public school system. (Muse, 1961).
Fairfax Delegate John Webb is one of only 3 of the 100 Delegates to oppose all seven anti-NAACP bills. (Muse, 1961, p. 33)
December 1956 Pupil Placement Board directives held that only student promoted to a higher-level school (elementary to junior high, etc.) or new incoming student could apply for placement.
1957 - DeFebio Refuses, Human Relations Council Forms
1957 - DeFebio Refuses, Human Relations Council Forms
April 1957 - Theo DeFebio, a white single mother who drove a taxi for a living, refused to sign the pupil placement forms for her 3 sons, objecting to them as racist, in opposition to Virginia's Massive Resistance to desegregation. FCPS, in response, expelled her 3 sons for over a year. (Donohue, 2017). Eighty five other parents from Alexandria also refused to sign the forms, as did hundreds of parents from Richmond (Donohue, 2017).
The Fairfax County NAACP noted, "Mrs. DeFebio's action [...] is a white person's simple refusal to be coerced by anti-NAACP laws, is another heartening sign that the NAACP is not alone in its fight for justice." (Fairfax County Branch NAACP, 1957)
Fairfax County Council on Human Relations, an interracial group of about 175 Fairfax residents, is formed to "study and report findings on segregation and integration, support civil and constructive dialogue, and recommend voluntary actions." (Donohue, 2017).
1958 - DeFebio Loses, Ministers Join the Fight, Pro-Integration Voices Rise
1958 - DeFebio Loses, Ministers Join the Fight, Pro-Integration Voices Rise
February 1958 - The Fairfax County branch of the NAACP noted in its monthly Bulletin that a decision regarding the Arlington lawsuit would be expected to go to the Surpreme Court again, and there was an iminent risk of the General Assembly closing schools. (Fairfax County Branch NAACP, 1958)
"Closing the schools [...] will really bring down the hornet's nest of white wrath. When this point is reached, the NAACP will not be standing alone."
"Closing the schools [...] will really bring down the hornet's nest of white wrath. When this point is reached, the NAACP will not be standing alone."
June 2, 1958 - Fairfax resident Joyce Walther pens a scathing letter to Governor Almond objecting to the idea of closing schools because of integration and not allowing districts to have their own "local option" of integration if they wish.
Walther writes, "I am not a Yankee trying to give you advice. I was brought up in Texas to believe in segregation, but believe in getting away from it as quicly as local conditions allow now! Virginia should look forward instead of backward. (Walther, 1958)
49 ministers from 43 churches of 8 different Christian denominations signed a joint letter publicly challenging the morality of Massive Resistance and confessing their guilt in perpetuating segregation. (Donohue, 2017).
October 11 - In executive session, the Fairfax County School Board discussed a letter from the Defenders of State Sovreignty and Individual Liberties "criticizing one of our [unnamed] high school principal's public statements on a controversial issue very much in the press lately." The Board declined to take action "other than whatever chastisement the Superintendent may wish to administer for the poor judgment used in making such public utterances." (Fairfax County School Board, 1958, October 11, p. 325)
1959 - State cannot close public schools to avoid integration, Almond urges token integration
1959 - State cannot close public schools to avoid integration, Almond urges token integration
February 2, 1959 - 4 Black students integrate Stratford Junior High School in Arlington
February 25, 1959 - Pimmit Hills neighborhood association, a solidly upper-middle class suburban subdivision in the northern part of Fairfax County, voted 137-8 (with 23 abstentions) in support of a grade-a-year integration plan.
June 1959 - DeFebio lost her case in June of 1959, saying that she failed to show that the equal protection law had been violated, since she was white. Before the 1958-1959 school year began, she wrote to school officials to request placement for her youngest child, asking only that his race be recorded as "human." (Donohue, 2017)
November 1959 - a Richmond Times-Dispatch investigation revealed that 263 private school pupils from Fairfax were receiving state-funded scholarships to avoid attending integrated schools even though no Fairfax schools were integrated. (Muse, 1961)
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