The social structures that sustain privilege reflect in school systems just as in society. As educators, it is necessary to develop awareness of privilege within ourselves, and within the institutions to which we belong. In order to dismantle privilege, the sources of power and oppression must be acknowledged and questioned. This article will relate how racism and ableism rely on social and group identity in order to absolve or justify power relations. Denying that belonging to a group, for example, based on race, disability, gender, or language can sustain privilege. This denial preserves privilege, and replicates exclusion and inequality. Specifically, in this article we will discuss how the Discourse of Individualism can be used as a framework for understanding hidden privilege as it relates to race and disability.
Racism is often understood as injustice and inequality that certain groups of people suffer because of “groundless misconceptions” based on physical attributes such as the colour of skin. Racism is often misconstrued as isolated acts of violence by vicious people. However, racism is grounded on the false concept of race which is not an accidental misconception, nor is it biological, but is instead socially and politically constructed (Kendi, 2017b). Racism is disguised as a biological division because it is more convenient for people to avoid confronting socio-political structures, thus camouflaging racist systems that privilege some (Kendi, 2017a). Racism is deliberately designed to leave people of colour out from opportunities by reserving benefits and comforts for “superior” people (Oluo, 2019). Given this, we can understand that racism is not just isolated acts of violence, but is structural, circulating and perpetuated within society to promote and maintain faulty ideology. Racism is replicated and reproduced to privilege the already privileged. Understanding racism as “individual acts of meanness” (McIntosh, 2020, p.34) upholds this replicated structure. It is important to remember that racism is not about separate incidents, but also includes the continuous pain from the past and the repercussions for the future (Oluo, 2019).
The social construction and societal reproduction of racism can be understood through the “Discourse of Individualism” (DiAngelo, 2012, p.1). Individualism is a phenomenon describing the misrepresentation of the self, as a separate and isolated entity from any group identity or other societal attachment. It crafts a narrative that humans are unique individuals and that “our group memberships, such as our race, class, or gender, are not important to our opportunities” (DiAngelo, 2012, p.5). This narrative creates an illusion that success or failure is resultative only of individual effort and merit, disregarding privilege and systematic advantages in society (DiAngelo, 2012). Thus, individualism ignores the privileges inherent in dominant group membership, explaining why individuals may not see themselves as participants or enablers of racist ideology.
In view of the above, Individualism acts as one of the barriers that hinder people from recognising racism (DiAngelo, 2010). However, race is one of the main indicators that determines life chances and success (DiAngelo, 2010; Oluo, 2019). Individualism fails to acknowledge this reality; it functions to exempt oneself from the social structures that contribute to racism. On this account, Individualism maintains racial inequality and is closely connected to the arguments of All Lives Matter and I don’t see colour. While perhaps meaning well, using the moral position that all violence is wrong, these arguments naively miss the critical understandings of racial discourse. Colour-blindness alludes to an idea that race and skin colour have no impact on social structure, thus detracting from the urgency of social justice for black people within the Black Lives Matter movement. In light of this, the Discourse of Individualism provides clarity for why the All-Lives Matter argument (colour-blindness) is harmful. For example, Individualism may function out of colour-blindness in that it denies that group identity exists. Not acknowledging racial inequality results in a sentiment of absolved responsibility. While we strive for a society that does not limit access based on skin colour, individualist ideology does not accept one's own responsibility within racist structures (DiAngelo, 2010). It is important to be aware that one can take part in and perpetuate the racist system without being a racist (Oluo, 2019).
In order to enact change, we must consider critically what protects and replicates racism. A starting point is becoming aware of our own privileges. Whether white people intend to be a part of the racist system or not, they still received benefits, therefore imparting them responsibility, intentionally or not, for the hardships and suffering of people of colour (Oluo, 2019). Instead of looking at racism from an outsider perspective, pretending that it is someone else’s problem, we must be aware of being part of the social structure in this world. Privileges based on race do exist and some take advantage of that structure. Accordingly, it is essential to constantly check one’s own position in this social structure and examine the privileges that one has. Ignoring one’s own privileges means continuing to participate in the injustice and hardships for other people (Oluo, 2019). Therefore, we need to ask ourselves: who does not have the opportunity that we have (Oluo, 2019)? By checking privileges, one becomes more aware of where they are in society and how they would like to participate in it. This is a conscious and active pathway toward antiracism.
Although recognising one’s own position and involvement is the first crucial step in antiracism, expressing regret does not help dismantle racism (Ahmed, 2006). Likewise, only agreeing that “black lives matter” does not fix racial inequality. Therefore, to surpass the frustration for injustice and to make a change towards a more just society, we need to consider what courses of action we can take. As educators, here are some ideas. First, one must consider one’s own privilege, by frequently checking in. Checking one’s own privileges is not necessarily a negative process. It is an exercise to give us perspective on our view of the world by asking ourselves, in which ways we are privileged or unprivileged based on our group memberships. It is also a way to recognise the systemic privileges within systems, organisations, or schools. This exercise also makes us more aware in our interpersonal relationships with others. Similarly, having dialogue with others about existing privilege in racial structures is crucial to make each other aware. The topic of racism and privilege is often avoided despite its importance and urgency, and that is exactly why it needs to be talked about. Just like Oluo (2019) encouraged, “it all starts with conversation” (p.5). Having dialogue about racism in schools makes a big difference in raising awareness, while encouraging the recognition of one’s own privilege. Otherwise, schools may end up inadvertently replicating racism. Similarly, making antiracist pedagogy a part of curriculum, as an interdisciplinary practice, can create opportunities to confront racist ideology. Education holds the potential to progress toward dismantling structures of inequality, through making antiracism a part of our daily consciousness.
As the Discourse of Individualism relates to the denial of racism, a corollary may be made to ableism and the hidden structures of privilege that benefit non-disabled people. Ableism is defined as prejudice against disabled people, claiming that able-bodied-ness is normative (Campbell, 2008). It is an ideology which either explicitly or implicitly devalues and disregards disabled people (Hehir, 2002), therefore neglecting, or discriminating against physical, mental, emotional, or behavioural differences. Ableist beliefs stem from popularized ideals about “health, productivity, beauty, and the value of human life,” especially as exemplified in media (Hehir, 2002, 3). It includes biases, assumptions and attitudes of prejudice and acts of discrimination directed toward those with disabilities (Dunn, 2019). From a societal point of view, ableism is “deeply and subliminally embedded within culture” (Campbell, 2008, 153). The term disablism then refers to a “social constructionist understanding of disability,” referring to the “differential or unequal treatment of people because of actual or presumed disabilities” (Campbell, 2008, 152). Therefore, just as race is a social construction, disability can also be classified as “culturally and economically constructed” (Campbell, 2008, 152). In this way, the preferential treatment of able-bodied-ness, through disablism, is a construction of privilege.
One of the challenges in identifying ableism is the outsider/insider dichotomy of group identity. Respectively, non-disabled people are referred to as outsiders, or those who observe disability from an outside perspective, whereas insiders are disabled people, or those who experience disability (Dunn, 2019). Ableism thus functions from a platform of the outsider perspective, meaning that outsider views are valued over insider knowledge. Similar to the Discourse of Individualism, outsiders may assume that group identity (as non-disabled) does not affect privilege, or ableist beliefs and actions. As a result, ableism is normalized and codified as natural or even noble behaviour[AP1] [LL2] [NK3] . This may be seen in situations where unsolicited or unneeded help is offered to a disabled person, as a “good deed” by outsiders (Dunn, 2019). Outsiders may also praise a disabled person for being a “hero” or a “role model” for “refusing to let their disability get in the way of living their lives” (Dunn, 2019, 672). This may be experienced as infantilizing, disregarding the individuality and personal autonomy of the disabled person. Further, ableism upholds paternalism, a concept that assumes that disabled people need “protectors, guides, leaders, role models, and intermediates” (Hahn as quoted in Campbell, 2008, 153). It assumes an identity for insiders as helpless and dependent, giving voice and precedence to the outsider perspective. Ableism then, is a “form of outsider privilege, one that allows nondisabled people to feel, think, and act in ways that promote their own interpersonal agendas over those of people with disabilities” (Dunn, 2019, 667). Outsider privilege denies that able-bodied identities benefit from unearned privilege, similar to how the Discourse of Individualism denies that white people benefit from racial identity.
Another way that group identity corresponds with ableism is through deindividuation. Deindividuation is when a person “loses both a sense of individuality and personal responsibility” by following group and social norms (Dunn, 2019, 673). In terms of disability, deindividuation happens when a disabled person’s “individuality is ignored and she is viewed as being indistinguishable from some larger group” (Dunn, 2019, 673). For example, a disability label can create deindividuation if the label evolves into an overarching and generalized characterization of a person, assigning identity based solely on the perceived meaning of that label. It assumes that all disability manifests in the same way for all disabled people, resulting in stereotyping (Dunn, 2019). Thus, deindividuation may be thought of as the opposite of individualism, in that group identity is perceived as a homogenous identity. While individualism attempts to retain individual identity as a convenient way to absolve responsibility for racism, deindividuation creates “ableist objectification” (Dunn, 2019, 673) of disabled people, leading to stigma and group stereotypes. Both individualism and deindividuation unfairly use group membership to perpetuate prejudice, albeit in different ways. It reveals how social constructions perpetually create and maintain privilege for some, while oppressing the other. Privilege relies on “psychological distance” (Dunn, 2019, 673) between us and the other, either by classifying people as distinct autonomous individuals unaffected by racial privilege or as members of ingroups (us) or outgroups (them). The hidden origins of privilege often rely on the justification of constructed social identity. It is interesting to see how privilege is replicated using two sides of the same coin.
What are the implications of the insider/outsider dichotomy in terms of ableism in educational settings? What are the hidden group identities of ability/disability that create power and oppression within both macro and micro levels of schooling? Does ableism affect inclusive mainstream classrooms? What are the preconceived assumptions about special education needs, held by other students, teachers, and administration? Whose voices are heard in curriculum and policy? For whom do educational processes benefit, and for what reason? These questions relate to the marginalization of students who are under or misrepresented in terms of services and accommodations. Certainly, these questions are not simply answered, but require critical examination of both individual and institutional practices. Evidence of ableism is seen when students are devalued by their disability (Hehir, 2002). Ableist attitudes convey that it is better to “speak than sign, read print than read Braille, spell independently than use a spell-check, and hang out with nondisabled kids as opposed to other disabled kids” (Hehir, 2002, 1). It is clear, educational effort is necessary to foster awareness of ableism in schools, by developing “cultural competence to know how, when, and whether to appropriately engage insiders” (Dunn, 2019, 676). While anti-ableist or anti-discriminatory policy may attempt to alleviate ableism, it is commonplace, complex and difficult to deconstruct. Further, these issues are constantly evolving as processes within institutions, whereas regular checks and re-evaluations are imperative.
Privilege is about unearned advantages that are inherent in our systems and institutions. As educators, it is critical to notice, confront and dismantle these “relations of power” and “taken-for granted assumptions” within society (DiAngelo, 2012, 4). A framework of Individualism can help orient educators in how group identity affects privilege, for example in racial and disability prejudice. What are the assumed social relations and categorical groups that are hidden and considered normative? What is the perception of belonging/not belonging to a racial group, or insider/outsider identity within a disability group? How do assumptions of group identity affect education? While privilege is a social construction, based on power and unearned advantage, it is necessary to evaluate how teacher training and curricula incorporate studies pertaining to antiracism, disability studies, gender studies, and intercultural competencies. In this way, educators will have the opportunity to change the reproduction of faulty knowledge in favour of reconstructing new knowledge based on critical thinking and social justice.
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by, Leah Luedtke & Natsuha Kajita