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Currently in Imperator: Rome it takes several wars over many decades to conquer the larger nations due to the war score limitations when creating a peace treaty. This is not very representative of the most famous conquests of the classical era such as the Conquests of Alexander the Great who conquered all of Anatolia, Persia, Egypt and parts of India in just 10 years, and the previous Achaemenid Persian Empire (Cambyses II annexed the whole of Egypt in his 8 year reign). Instead of leaving the defeated state intact and just taking a small portion of their territories, the entire empires were annexed.

In order to replicate this sort of conquest in Imperator: Rome I think a new type of casus belli should be added, a 'total conquest' casus belli, similar to the 'Total Wars' in Stellaris where a nation can completely conquer the other, without war score limitations. In order to reduce the amount of times that this casus belli is used it should only be available to Major and Great Powers (where the war score limitations become more frustrating) and can only be used against other Major and Great Powers. Furthermore it should have a high Political Influence cost e.g. 250 Influence and high stability e.g. at least 50%, in order to make it more difficult to get this type of casus belli.

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I've been thinking a lot about Warhammer 2 lately, and the motivations of different factions. Some have big dreams, and some are pretty content with their little patches of not-dying. But it's kind of hard to figure why or how anyone plays a long/large campaign with some of the, for lack of a better word, lesser factions, and I struggle to understand what the endgame is. Aside from the fairly arbitrary and lore-based win conditions set by the game, it's always been my impression that the ultimate goal of a Total War game was comeplete conquest. But that doesn't feel like the case here, where survival seems to be just as big a motivator. I've read quite a bit of the lore on various wikis, but have no firsthand experience with gamebooks or novels, so it's hard for me to see how the lore for some races lines up with the 4X-ish gameplay of Total War.

Is there a way to play without having to bother with a time limit such as the vortex or the chaos? I'm really enjoying Warhammer 2 but the time limit that is present in the game kind of just puts me off since I like long games of pure conquest and diplomacy. Any way to go about doing that like a mod or something?

There are twenty units in total that can be crafted through Necromancy, from lowly Ghouls to mighty Vampires. The unit created is based on the Soul used and the combined Essence of all the ingredients.

Unlike Alchemy and Artificing, Necromancy has one additional rule to its crafting system; the final Essence total must not include any Life Essence. Life and Death Essences cancel each other out, so for most Souls you'll need to invest materials with plenty of Death Essence to negate those pesky green dots!

What you will see in critical scholarship is that they will put the conquest narrative given in Judges against the conquest narrative given in Joshua. Some scholars will say that the Judges narrative gives a slightly more accurate picture of what occurred because it depicts the Israelites having trouble conquering the land over a long period of time which then leads to them assimilating with the local Canaanite population. They would still say the Judges narrative is inaccurate. They will also say that Joshua depicts a quick and near total conquest of Canaan within 5 years. This is what archaeologists are primarily looking for and that is why they will say that there was no conquest by Joshua in the 13th century.

Girls were taught to embrace the role of mother and obedient wife in school and through compulsory membership in the Nazi League of German Girls (Bund Deutscher Mdel; BDM), which started at the age of ten years old. However, rearmament followed by total war obliged the Nazis to abandon the domestic ideal for women. The need for labor prompted the state to prod women into the workforce (for example, through the Duty Year, the compulsory-service plan for all women) and even into the military itself (the number of female auxiliaries in the German armed forces approached 500,000 by 1945).

Xue Cai, a retired scholar-official of the late Ming, kept a journal between the spring of 1642 and the third month of 1646, in which he reflected on his personal choice of seeking refuge in the mountains in the wake of the Manchu conquest of China. He also recorded a total of forty-four dreams that are focused on his own subjective experience, in which he cast his agitated mind and deteriorating consciousness as an integral part of local (and in his case personal) breakdown of order during and after the Manchu conquest. Recalled to memory and expressed through language of extreme evocative power, these dreams exhibit a far richer range of emotions than those expressed by the author during waking hours. Guilt, fear, anxiety, and embarrassment reveal an emotional negativity that is ill-defined and less object-or goal-directed than his daytime narratives. Recollection through dreams, while less fleshed out as narrative and seemingly confused and random in their procession through time and space, can illuminate in a different way how these negative emotions are structured by oneiric experience. By examining ways in which these subjective expressions are staged, we may come closer to understanding the range of pressures brought to bear on the literati experience of the Manchu conquest. Dreams bring the past unbidden and unformulated into present consciousness and, in the manner they relate the experiences of the body in that state, expose subjective layers that are laid down as important deposits in the deep sedimentation of conscious and unconscious recollection of the trauma of conquest.

N2 - Xue Cai, a retired scholar-official of the late Ming, kept a journal between the spring of 1642 and the third month of 1646, in which he reflected on his personal choice of seeking refuge in the mountains in the wake of the Manchu conquest of China. He also recorded a total of forty-four dreams that are focused on his own subjective experience, in which he cast his agitated mind and deteriorating consciousness as an integral part of local (and in his case personal) breakdown of order during and after the Manchu conquest. Recalled to memory and expressed through language of extreme evocative power, these dreams exhibit a far richer range of emotions than those expressed by the author during waking hours. Guilt, fear, anxiety, and embarrassment reveal an emotional negativity that is ill-defined and less object-or goal-directed than his daytime narratives. Recollection through dreams, while less fleshed out as narrative and seemingly confused and random in their procession through time and space, can illuminate in a different way how these negative emotions are structured by oneiric experience. By examining ways in which these subjective expressions are staged, we may come closer to understanding the range of pressures brought to bear on the literati experience of the Manchu conquest. Dreams bring the past unbidden and unformulated into present consciousness and, in the manner they relate the experiences of the body in that state, expose subjective layers that are laid down as important deposits in the deep sedimentation of conscious and unconscious recollection of the trauma of conquest.

AB - Xue Cai, a retired scholar-official of the late Ming, kept a journal between the spring of 1642 and the third month of 1646, in which he reflected on his personal choice of seeking refuge in the mountains in the wake of the Manchu conquest of China. He also recorded a total of forty-four dreams that are focused on his own subjective experience, in which he cast his agitated mind and deteriorating consciousness as an integral part of local (and in his case personal) breakdown of order during and after the Manchu conquest. Recalled to memory and expressed through language of extreme evocative power, these dreams exhibit a far richer range of emotions than those expressed by the author during waking hours. Guilt, fear, anxiety, and embarrassment reveal an emotional negativity that is ill-defined and less object-or goal-directed than his daytime narratives. Recollection through dreams, while less fleshed out as narrative and seemingly confused and random in their procession through time and space, can illuminate in a different way how these negative emotions are structured by oneiric experience. By examining ways in which these subjective expressions are staged, we may come closer to understanding the range of pressures brought to bear on the literati experience of the Manchu conquest. Dreams bring the past unbidden and unformulated into present consciousness and, in the manner they relate the experiences of the body in that state, expose subjective layers that are laid down as important deposits in the deep sedimentation of conscious and unconscious recollection of the trauma of conquest.

Meanwhile, Hong Taiji set up a rudimentary bureaucratic system based on the Ming model. He established six boards or executive level ministries in 1631 to oversee finance, personnel, rites, military, punishments, and public works. However, these administrative organs had very little role initially, and it was not until the eve of completing the conquest ten years later that they fulfilled their government roles.[34]

This multi-ethnic force conquered Ming China for the Qing.[43] The three Liaodong Han Bannermen officers who played key roles in the conquest of southern China were Shang Kexi, Geng Zhongming, and Kong Youde, who governed southern China autonomously as viceroys for the Qing after the conquest.[44] Han Chinese Bannermen made up the majority of governors in the early Qing, stabilizing Qing rule.[45] To promote ethnic harmony, a 1648 decree allowed Han Chinese civilian men to marry Manchu women from the Banners with the permission of the Board of Revenue if they were registered daughters of officials or commoners, or with the permission of their banner company captain if they were unregistered commoners. Later in the dynasty the policies allowing intermarriage were done away with.[46] e24fc04721