Download VERIFIED Spectrum Modern History Pdf In Hindi

Background: The clinical spectrum of constrictive pericarditis (CP) has been affected by a change in incidence of etiological factors. We sought to determine the impact of these changes on the outcome of pericardiectomy.

Methods and results: The contemporary spectrum of CP in 135 patients (76% male) evaluated at the Mayo Clinic from 1985 to 1995 was compared with that of a historic cohort. Notable trends were an increasing frequency of CP due to cardiac surgery and mediastinal radiation and presentation in older patients (median age, 61 versus 45 years). Perioperative mortality decreased (6% versus 14%, P = 0.011), but late survival was inferior to that of an age- and sex-matched US population (57+/-8% at 10 years). The long-term outcome was predicted independently by 3 variables in stepwise logistic regression analyses: (1) age, (2) NYHA class, and most powerfully, (3) a postradiation cause. Of 90 late survivors in whom functional class could be determined, functional status had improved markedly (2.6+/-0.7 at baseline versus 1.5+/-0.8 at latest follow-up [P

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Metastases remain the leading cause of cancer-related mortality. The oligometastasis hypothesis postulates that a spectrum of metastatic spread exists and that some patients with a limited burden of metastases can be cured with ablative therapy. Over the past decade, substantial advances in systemic therapies have resulted in considerable improvements in the outcomes of patients with metastatic cancers, warranting re-examination of the oligometastatic paradigm and the role of local ablative therapies within the context of the improved therapeutic responses, shifting patterns of disease recurrence and possible synergy with systemic treatments. Herein, we reframe the oligometastatic phenotype as a dynamic state for which locally ablative, metastasis-directed therapy improves clinical outcomes, including by prolonging survival and increasing cure rates. Important risk factors defining the metastatic spectrum are highlighted that inform both staging and therapy. Finally, we synthesize the literature on combining local therapies with modern systemic treatments, identifying general themes to optimally integrate ablative therapies in this context.

In 1895, George Hudson, an entomologist from New Zealand, came up with the modern concept of daylight saving time. He proposed a two-hour time shift so he could have more after-work hours of sunshine to go bug hunting in the summer.

Modern History is one of the most important subjects in your UPSC preparation. The reason is, every year a significant number of questions comes from this subject and many of them can be done correctly by putting little effort. It is comparatively easier than the ancient and medieval and the return of investment is also very high in modern history, so this should be prepared accordingly.

The site frequency spectrum characterizes the variation found within di\uFB00erent studied populations, providing insight on past demographic history. Here, I describe two methods of studying demographic history that condition or transform the site frequency spectrum to provide greater understanding of demographic history. The doubly conditioned site frequency spectrum helps to highlight di\uFB00erences between admixture and ancient structure models, helping to con\uFB01rm that Neanderthals did admix with the ancestors of non-African humans. Projection analysis compares a single test genome to a reference population and provides insight on the demographic relationship between the reference and test populations analyzed. This method has been applied in humans to better articulate human demographic history and demonstrate the utility of the method. It has also been applied to genomic data from ancient and modern horses, highlighting admixture between the Przewalski\u2019s horse and domestic horses, as well as the relationship of several ancient horse genomes to present day horse populations.

This chapter reflects on radio spectrum management in the United States, with the aim of identifying useful historical and comparative lessons for European Union policy makers as they contemplate the adoption of pan-European market mechanisms to allocate radio frequencies. It explores the history of American radio regulation and the impact of conflicting interpretations of that history on contemporary policy debates surrounding the liberalization of spectrum markets. The public interest theory of policy making has long been critiqued as inappropriate to spectrum management by economists following the lead of Ronald Coase. But the American experience with radio regulation suggests that economic efficiency, consumer welfare and the promotion of technical innovation are better understood as variants of the public interest, and ought to be weighed against other public interest dimensions of broadcast regulation, including the importance of preserving localism and diversity on the airwaves.

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In Against the Fascist Creep, Alexander Reid Ross writes regarding Griffin's view: "Following the Cold War and shifts in fascist organizing techniques, a number of scholars have moved toward the minimalist 'new consensus' refined by Roger Griffin: 'the mythic core' of fascism is 'a populist form of palingenetic ultranationalism.' That means that fascism is an ideology that draws on old, ancient, and even arcane myths of racial, cultural, ethnic, and national origins to develop a plan for the 'new man.'"[46] Griffin himself explored this 'mythic' or 'eliminable' core of fascism with his concept of post-fascism to explore the continuation of Nazism in the modern era.[47] Additionally, other historians have applied this minimalist core to explore proto-fascist movements.[48][49]

Historian Emilio Gentile has defined fascism as "a modern political phenomenon, revolutionary, anti-liberal and anti-Marxist, organized in a militia party with a totalitarian conception of politics and the State, an activist and anti-theoretical ideology, with a mythical, virilistic and anti-hedonistic foundation, sacralized as a secular religion, which affirms the absolute primacy of the nation, understood as an ethnically homogeneous organic community, hierarchically organized in a corporate state, with a bellicose vocation to the politics of greatness, power and conquest aimed at creating a new order and a new civilization".[54]

In the 1920s, Mussolini and Giovanni Gentile described their ideology as right-wing in the political essay The Doctrine of Fascism, stating: "We are free to believe that this is the century of authority, a century tending to the 'right,' a fascist century."[68] Mussolini stated that fascism's position on the political spectrum was not a serious issue for fascists: "fascism, sitting on the right, could also have sat on the mountain of the center. [...] These words in any case do not have a fixed and unchanged meaning: they do have a variable subject to location, time and spirit. We don't give a damn about these empty terminologies and we despise those who are terrorized by these words."[69]

Major Italian groups politically on the right, especially rich landowners and big business, feared an uprising by groups on the left, such as sharecroppers and labour unions.[70] They welcomed fascism and supported its violent suppression of opponents on the left.[71] The accommodation of the political right into the Italian Fascist movement in the early 1920s created internal factions within the movement. The "Fascist left" included Michele Bianchi, Giuseppe Bottai, Angelo Oliviero Olivetti, Sergio Panunzio, and Edmondo Rossoni, who were committed to advancing national syndicalism as a replacement for parliamentary liberalism in order to modernize the economy and advance the interests of workers and the common people.[72] The "fascist right" included members of the paramilitary Blackshirts and former members of the Italian Nationalist Association (ANI).[72] The Blackshirts wanted to establish fascism as a complete dictatorship, while the former ANI members, including Alfredo Rocco, sought to institute an authoritarian corporatist state to replace the liberal state in Italy while retaining the existing elites.[72] Upon accommodating the political right, there arose a group of monarchist fascists who sought to use fascism to create an absolute monarchy under King Victor Emmanuel III of Italy.[72]

A number of post-World War II fascist movements described themselves as a Third Position outside the traditional political spectrum. Falange Espaola de las JONS leader Jos Antonio Primo de Rivera said: "[B]asically the Right stands for the maintenance of an economic structure, albeit an unjust one, while the Left stands for the attempt to subvert that economic structure, even though the subversion thereof would entail the destruction of much that was worthwhile."[74]

The term fascist has been used as a pejorative,[75] regarding varying movements across the far right of the political spectrum. George Orwell noted in 1944 that the term had been used to denigrate diverse positions "in internal politics": while fascism is "a political and economic system" that was inconvenient to define, "as used, the word 'Fascism' is almost entirely meaningless. ... almost any English person would accept 'bully' as a synonym for 'Fascist,'"[76][emphasis added], and in 1946 wrote that "...'Fascism' has now no meaning except in so far as it signifies something not desirable."[77]

French nationalist and reactionary monarchist Charles Maurras influenced fascism.[105] Maurras promoted what he called integral nationalism, which called for the organic unity of a nation, and insisted that a powerful monarch was an ideal leader of a nation. Maurras distrusted what he considered the democratic mystification of the popular will that created an impersonal collective subject.[105] He claimed that a powerful monarch was a personified sovereign who could exercise authority to unite a nation's people.[105] Maurras' integral nationalism was idealized by fascists, but modified into a modernized revolutionary form that was devoid of Maurras' monarchism.[105] 2351a5e196