Download Paranormal Activity The Marked Ones Sub Indo

Hertz's view was that the secondary disposal activity was preceded by an intermediary period whenthe person who had died was neither alive nor finally dead (Hertz 1960b). The end of the period wasmarked by a 'great feast' during which the remains of the dead were recovered, ritually processed andmoved to a new location. The time may be protracted to collect surplus for the feast, but could bethe minimal time that was needed for the bones to become dry and free of decaying flesh. In hisview, the fate of the body was the model for the soul. The corpse was initially formless andrepulsive, just as the soul is homeless and the object of dread, living on the fringe of humanhabitation and needing observances to divert its hostility. The feast terminated this state, andmarked the arrival of the soul at the land of the ancestors. Normal relations were then establishedagain among the survivors.

For the Dayak (Hertz 1960b) the corpse is in grave peril until the secondary rite takes place, thesoul staying near the body until then before entering the land of the dead. The destruction of thebody (much as with the Merina and Berawan) enables reconstruction of the soul in the new world. Thesecondary rites may be held at regular intervals so that several Dayak families may share the expenseof a single funeral, or so that several deaths may be celebrated at one time. The important featureof the process is that it is collective. The bones (sometimes token) are brought back from temporarysepulture to the village, they are washed, laid out on a bier, and rich ornaments are displayed toensure an opulent life in the next world. The dead are welcomed in their transformed shape, beforetheir departure to the next world. There is dancing and sometimes a reliquary cult, especially forthe head. These rites remove any source of ill-will from the soul to the living, who also takevarious actions to release themselves from the soul of the dead: food offerings, ritual bathing, anddonning fresh clothes, arms and ornaments. Some of the rites directed at the soul can elevate thedead to the status of tutelary god. The general purpose is to separate the deceased finally from theliving, and to ensure their entry to the community of sacred ancestors. The society of the deadrecreates the society of the living, and reincarnation of the soul in a new body sometimes forms partof the belief. However, Hertz notes that the outward form of secondary burial practice can alsoregress markedly. The primary grave may just be opened, looked at, trampled over and then a moundbuilt on top. A constant feature, on the other hand, is the feast which releases the community fromthe obligation to mourn.

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The Lugbara's secondary disposal activity seemingly also does not touch the bones (Middleton1982). It too appears to focus on the soul. The world of their dead is underground, and theancestors of a particular lineage live beneath its compounds and come to the surface at shrines madefor them. The soul has no reincarnation, and as it grows more senior the ghost moves into thesurrounding fields and then into the bush. External shrines are built further away and are visitedby the more senior tribesman. Eventually the ghost merges with the divinity and has no particularlocation. This may be an example of what Bloch and Parry call 'systems in which the mortuary ritualsdissolve the fundamental units of society into an undifferentiated universe', as opposed to 'thosewhich shore up those units and give them a permanent and transcendental value' (which latter onevidence to date appears to be the case for the majority of societies)(Bloch and Parry 1982,Introduction). This means for the Lugbara a need to handle the dead carefully with appropriate ritesand sacrifice, since the dead are on the central reaches of a continuum between the living and thedivine. Behind the process is the same essential idea of transition of the soul, but a transitionmore protracted and indefinite in this case.

In other cultures the soul finds its destiny with fellow souls of the dead above ground, either inthe house, the tomb or in some usually distant place which is quite often across water. Souls fromdifferent deaths may journey through quite different terrains to reach their destinations. There isalso an interesting concept in some cultures of the souls of ancestors simultaneously being in thetombs and in their own land. Given that these beliefs concerning dimensions of time and space are bydefinition supernatural, then they are not subject to normal physical laws. Souls of those sufferingbad deaths may in some cultures never set out on the journey to the ancestor community, but inhabitplaces on earth as a threat to the living (the zones of risk in 8.4). On the other hand, funeralritual activity may sometimes be designed to assist these souls to find their way. Celebrating thearrival of the soul where it is due is one of the main purposes of the secondary rites.

As remarked above, the elements of separation and jeopardy do not appear to be in strong evidencein secondary disposal. This is because activity focuses on convergence, and states of the corpse andthe soul are non-threatening. Mourning rituals are replaced by celebrations of unification (of bonesand soul with those of their ancestors), and the risks of pollution of the living or their environshave retreated or been nullified. Generally conditions of jeopardy have been reduced by time and inspace. 2351a5e196