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<i>T moko</i> is the permanent marking or "tattoo" as traditionally practised by Mori, the indigenous people of New Zealand. It is one of the five main Polynesian tattoo styles (the other four are Marquesan, Samoan, Tahitian and Hawaiian).[1]

Tattoo arts are common in the Eastern Polynesian homeland of the Mori people, and the traditional implements and methods employed were similar to those used in other parts of Polynesia.[3] In pre-European Mori culture, many if not most high-ranking persons received moko. Moko were associated with mana and high social status; however, some very high-status individuals were considered too tapu to acquire moko, and it was also not considered suitable for some tohunga to do so.[4]

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Receiving moko constituted an important milestone between childhood and adulthood, and was accompanied by many rites and rituals. Apart from signalling status and rank, another reason for the practice in traditional times was to make a person more attractive to the opposite sex. Men generally received moko on their faces, buttocks (raperape) and thighs (puhoro). Women usually wore moko on their lips (kauwae) and chins. Other parts of the body known to have moko include women's foreheads, buttocks, thighs, necks and backs and men's backs, stomachs, and calves.[5]

Originally tohunga-t-moko (moko specialists) used a range of uhi (chisels) made from albatross bone which were hafted onto a handle, and struck with a mallet.[8] The pigments were made from the awheto for the body colour, and ngarehu (burnt timbers) for the blacker face colour. The soot from burnt kauri gum was also mixed with fat to make pigment.[9] The pigment was stored in ornate vessels named oko, which were often buried when not in use. The oko were handed on to successive generations. A krere (feeding funnel) is believed to have been used to feed men whose mouths had become swollen from receiving t moko.[10]

The pkeh practice of collecting and trading mokomokai (tattooed heads) changed the dynamic of t moko in the early colonial period. King (see below) talks about changes which evolved in the late 19th century when needles came to replace the uhi as the main tools. The needle method was quicker and presented fewer possible health risks, but the texture of the t moko became smooth. T moko on men stopped around the 1860s in line with changing fashion and acceptance by pkeh.[citation needed]

Women continued receiving moko through the early 20th century,[12] and the historian Michael King in the early 1970s interviewed over 70 elderly women who would have been given the moko before the 1907 Tohunga Suppression Act.[13][14] Women's tattoos on lips and chin are commonly called pkauae or moko kauae.[15][16]

Since 1990 there has been a resurgence in the practice of t moko for both men and women, as a sign of cultural identity and a reflection of the general revival of the language and culture. Most t moko applied today is done using a tattoo machine, but there has also been a revival of the use of uhi (chisels).[7] Women too have become more involved as practitioners, such as Christine Harvey in Christchurch, Henriata Nicholas in Rotorua and Julie Kipa in Whakatne. It is not the first time the contact with settlers has interfered with the tools of the trade: the earliest moko were engraved with bone and were replaced by metal supplied by the first visitors.[17]

In 2016 New Zealand politician Nanaia Mahuta received a moko kauae. When she became foreign minister in 2020, a writer said that her facial tattoo was inappropriate for a diplomat. There was much support for Mahuta, who said "there is an emerging awareness about the revitalisation of Mori culture and that facial moko is a positive aspect of that. We need to move away from moko being linked to gangs, because that is not what moko represent at all."[21]

On 25 December 2021, Mori journalist Oriini Kaipara, who has a moko kauae, became the first person with traditional facial markings to host a prime-time news programme on national television in New Zealand.[22]

Europeans were aware of t moko from the time of the first voyage of James Cook. Early Mori visitors to Europe, such as Moehanga in 1805,[25] Hongi Hika in 1820 and Te Phi Kupe in 1826,[26] all had full-face moko, as did several "Pkeh Mori," such as Barnet Burns. However, until relatively recently the art had little global impact.[citation needed]

Common tattoo designs can include the koru, which represents an unfurling silver fern, and symbolically represents a new life or the unfolding of someone's life path. When used in t moko, the koru normally represents a loved one or family member.

Before the arrival of European settlers, the complex designs of t moko were carved into the skin. This method of tattooing is based on the use of broad toothed combs of varying widths called uhi (chisel blades), dipped in dark pigment, and struck into the skin with small mallets known as t. The pigment used was soot obtained from burning kahikatea, or white pine, sometimes mixed with kauri gum or soot from the oily koromiko (hebe) shrub.

The modern tool of t moko is now done with a needle, although some t moko artists alternate between traditional and modern methods. While the needle is faster and more precise, hand tools bring the ritual more in line with how it was done traditionally.

Pkeh life coach Sally Anderson has come under fire this week for receiving moko kauae, as has the t moko artist that gave it to her. Leonie Pihama looks at the difference between rights and privilege when it come to whine Mori and moko kauae.

Mahinekura was clear that to carry moko kauae is the right of all whine Mori. It is our whakapapa krero that we carry visually within the world. It is our affirmation of our whnau, hap and iwi. It is our right as whine Mori to wear moko kauae and it is our decision to make. For many this decision is made in the context of whnau, hap or iwi, for others it is a decision made in line with our fundamental right to wear the symbols of our ancestors.

In whatever process Mori women are engaged in, it is our right to wear moko kauae and it always has been. Far too many mythologies created through colonial belief systems have worked against the interests of Mori women to revitalise this taonga. Mythologies that say we have to be fluent in te reo, or old, or that we have to earn moko kauae, or that we have to have permission have all be constructed to deny our women our right to wear our own ancestral symbols.

There are statements that infer, or outright declare, that Whine Mori should be examining their own behaviour or pathways before they take on moko kauwae.

Statements that outline what is acceptable for a Whine mau moko to do, or what she MUST do now that she has taken up this birthright.

Moko kauae is a part of a wider political and cultural resurgence that is an assertion of tino rangatiratanga and mana motuhake. It is an assertion of our political, cultural, social and spiritual aspirations as whnau, as hap, as iwi, as Mori. Within such a context moko kauae is embedded within a critical cultural regeneration that is deeply influenced by the political context of our time.

To speak about moko kauae in 2018 as if it is separate from our political context is nave. In our bid to reclaim our taonga, all taonga, and in our bid to be self-determining in our representation of ourselves, we can not remove ourselves from a context of colonial oppression within which we struggle every day. The reclaiming and the carrying of moko kauae is an outward expression of our whakapapa and of our honour to walk this earth carrying the images of our people that speak to our cultural, political and spiritual aspirations. I am not saying that this is necessarily the conscious or articulated intention of every wahine that carries moko kauae, it is however the context within which we are currently located.

What is clear in the current debate is that there are some people who assume that Pkeh women are deserving of such a privilege. Yet there is little discussion of the role of Pkeh women in the attempted erasure of moko kauae. There is little to no discussion by those that advocate for such a privilege about the colonial injustices that continue to be perpetuated upon our people which many Pkeh women are complicit in.

To locate the discussion related specifically to Sally Anderson wearing moko kauae the following is an extract from a request sent to a t moko artist that outlines her reasoning for wanting to carry moko kauae. Anderson writes:

Love the opportunity to talk with you about whether you would partner me on this journey. I appreciate it is controversial for a Pkeh to wear a moko on the chin but this calling is bigger than who I am in my human form.

To say no to placing moko kauae on a Pkeh woman is not racism, as it is not Pkeh women who are oppressed and subjugated in this country on the basis of race, it is Mori women. Where there is a focus on this case at the moment we also need to remember that this issue is not merely about Sally Anderson. Recently we have seen images of a white couple in Germany wearing both moko kauae and mataora. White privilege and entitlement is a global issue that requires critical discussion.

A range of comments on social media have also made reference to Pkeh receiving mataora and moko kauae during the 19th century. While that did happen, we have to consider the context of that period. It was a time when our tikanga was in place. It was a time where we held and maintained many of the fundamental elements of tino rangatiratanga. It was a time when our taonga were not threatened in the same manner and where our tpuna maintained significant control over what happened for our whnau, hap and iwi. It was not a time, as we have now, where we have had to struggle to retain and revitalise the very fundamental ways of being Mori. It was not a time where our reo and tikanga have been denied for generations and where we have to struggle daily for te reo Mori. The impact of these conditions today means it is not the same context. As ta moko artist Mark Kopua has said: 17dc91bb1f