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The console versions' multiplayer revolves around securing flags and bunkers. The flag is usually in the center of the map. Bunkers are positioned around the map, and spawn either Soviet soldiers or American freedom fighters. A game can host up to four players via split-screen who may choose between the Soviet and American sides. Each side has a different set of weapons which the players can switch during battle. The players' charisma meters are set to eight, so each player can have a maximum of eight soldiers under their command; however, if it is a four-player battle, each player can control a maximum of four soldiers. The PC version does not support multiplayer.[5]

Yet, while we condemn what has happened in Afghanistan, we are not without hope. To watch the courageous Afghan freedom fighters battle modern arsenals with simple hand-held weapons is an inspiration to those who love freedom. Their courage teaches us a great lesson -- that there are things in this world worth defending.

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The Soviet people have known great suffering -- more than other people. They should be able to sympathize with the terrible suffering of the Afghan people. To the Soviet leaders, I urge you in the name of humanity to end the bloodshed so that an independent Afghanistan can again take its place in the community of nations. The West has no designs upon Afghanistan. We do not threaten you there or anywhere on the globe. All we seek is the restoration of peace and freedom for a noble and brave people whom we remember today.

The Hungarian freedom fighters of 1956 perished or suffered exile, but their sacrifice lives on in the memory of the Hungarian people. Their example lives on as well, for we see brave people -- we call them freedom fighters too -- in genuine popular revolutions against communist oppression around the world. Let us honor the Hungarian freedom fighters of 1956 with renewed dedication to our own freedom and with continued assistance for those who follow in their footsteps today.

Ronald Reagan has expanded significantly this aid effort, makingAfghanistan a key component of the Reagan Doctrine's pledge to helpfreedom fighters. In boosting U..S. help to the Mujahideen, Reaganhas received enthusiastic bipartisan congressional backing By oneestimate, U.S. aid to the free Afghans has risen from $75 millionin 1983 to $1&2 million in 1984, $280 million in 1985, and 470million in 19

At the start of the Syrian conflict in 2011, thousands of pro-democracy rebel groups spontaneously formed to fight the Assad regime. Years later, the revolution was unrecognizable as rebel opposition forces had merged into three major groups: Jabhat al-Nusra, Ahrar al Sham, and the Islamic State in Iraq and Syria (ISIS). Why did these three groups rapidly increase in size and military strength while others simply disappeared? What is it about their organizational structure and their Islamist ideology that helped the group manage their fighters so successfully?

With these questions at the forefront, this book examines the internal organization of armed groups and, in particular, their human resources. Analyzing the growth of these groups through the prism of a labor market theory, this book shows that extreme Islamist groups were able to attract fighters away from more moderate groups because they had better internal organization, took better care of fighters both physically and monetarily, experienced less internal corruption, and effectively used their Islamist ideology to control recruits. With unparalleled access and extensive ethnographic research drawn from her interviews and her year embedded with Iraqi Special Operation forces, Mironova delves deep into the ideological and practical nexus of some of the most radical groups in the Middle East. This book brings together more than 600 survey-interviews with local civilians and fighters on the frontline in Syria and a dataset of human resource policies from 40 armed groups; it is an invaluable resource for anyone who wants insight into the on the ground functioning of rebel organizations.

The Kurdistan Freedom Party (PAK), a left-leaning nationalist Kurdish political faction with close ties to the KDPI and good relations with the KDP and PUK,11 followed suit, announcing that Iran was facing a widespread Kurdish uprising that would affect all Iranian cities. Iranian Kurd groups have engaged in hit-and-run tactics against Iranian forces, principally the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC), in the towns of Sardasht,12 Sanandaj,13 and Shno.14 Reports indicate Iranian Kurdish militant groups have only lost a few fighters during these operations.15 d

Most of these fighters are believed to be concentrated in the Zagros mountain range on the Iraqi side of the Iran-Iraq border in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq.20 This allows them the advantage of conducting cross-border raids into Iranian territory without suffering all-out retaliation from Iranian forces. In launching attacks, it can be presumed based on operations in past campaigns that they link up with local sympathizers acting as scouts and forward operators. This contrasts to the 1980s Kurdish Iranian insurgency, which was launched by militant forces present inside towns and villages in Kurdish majority parts of Iran.

The head of the Kurdish-Iranian group PAK, Hussein Yazdanpana, told the Associated Press last September that the group had received training from U.S. military instructors between March and September 2015, when PAK fighters were deployed to the Kirkuk front against the Islamic State.46 PAK may also have been present on the Mosul front.o If PAK fighters have indeed received training from the U.S. military, this would seriously concern Iran, where such training would bolster its capabilities against the government. The PAK has claimed good relations with the United States, but has denied being armed by the Americans.47 Fighters from other groups are likely to have fought in KRG Peshmerga units against the Islamic State. Of all the groups, the PJAK is probably the most capable and experienced, given its close links with the YPG and PKK and its significant battles earlier this decade with the IRGC. Unlike the YPG, however, the PJAK, because of its designation as a terrorist group, would not have likely received U.S. equipment directly or had access to the kinds of government war stocks that the YPG obtained in Syria. The KDPI is not involved in the fight against the Islamic State and has reportedly not received the U.S. training claimed by the PAK.48

After being punished for fighting for the basic human rights of liberty and freedom, Talakumeni and many other Black South Africans had their letters from family containing personal information preread by prison officials and redacted before receiving them.

More than 1,400 Israelis were killed by Hamas fighters in a surprise attack on October 7, and the Israeli armed forces say 203 hostages, including women and children, have been abducted and are now being held in Gaza. Four Israeli women have been released as part of a deal brokered by Qatar.

In today's fast-moving world and tough competitive day-to-day life, the youth hardly find time for remembrance of our rich heritage and past. This becomes most crucial whilst the nation celebrates Azadi ka Amrit Mahotsav (commemoration of 75 years of Indian Independence). The fight against colonial rule in India constitutes a unique narrative, one which is not marred by violence. Rather a narrative that is full of variegated stories of valor, bravery, Satyagraha, dedication, and sacrifice across the length and breadth of the subcontinent. These stories compose the rich Indian cultural heritage and traditions. Thus, the unsung heroes need not necessarily define the lesser-known freedom fighters. They may, at times, be the leaders whose ideals delineate the Indian value system.

This photograph is from 1983, when Reagan and the CIA were dancing around the idea of arming Mujahadin fighters in order to fight back against Soviet incursion in Afghanistan. The result was a well-armed, well-trained group of jihadis who resisted (some say defeated) the onslaught of superior Soviet weaponry.

Since then, the FReadom Fighters have created a Twitter account (twitter.com/FReadomFighters) with more than 6,000 global followers, a uniform hashtag used across the country (#FReadom), a website (www.freadom.us), and continue to create weekly actions to raise awareness of intellectual freedom and to defend the right to access to information for school library users.

On the other hand, it is worth noting right from the off that followers of Raven Shield and other similarly heavyweight tactical shooters will be disappointed by Io's arcade approach. Although it is a game about leading like-minded freedom fighters into the breach against an overwhelming Communist onslaught, you're limited to three commands - regroup, attack and defend - and, apart from pointing your rebel troop in a specific direction with the mouse, the focus is on action rather than planning. As such, weapons automatically reload during quiet moments, enemy troops are regularly shuttled in by APC to meet you and the body count is ludicrously high. Oh, and it has a storyline that even Hollywood would probably baulk it.

Enraged by the capture of his homeland and the incarceration of a fellow plumber, Chris lashes out at a Russian soldier frisking residents outside the Brooklyn apartment, and catches the attention of a moustachioed freedom fighter who leads him to the sewer system - which acts as a hub for the resistance movement to access various sections of the city. From this dingy location, Chris can tool up with weapons, chat to fellow rebels and move between levels. e24fc04721