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The U.S. Africa Command has a long history of advancing WPS through its peacekeeping capacity building support to African troop contributing countries, Sonkiss said. "In recent years, the command has expanded its approach into countering violent extremist organizations."

47. We reaffirm our shared belief that democracy is the most enduring means to advance peace, prosperity, equality and sustainable development. We reaffirm our commitment to protecting the information environment by supporting media freedom and online freedom, including protection from online harassment and abuse, internet shutdowns and disruptions, as well as addressing foreign information manipulation and interference, including disinformation, which is designed to undermine trust in democratic institutions, and sow discord in the international community. We strongly condemn the widespread use of information manipulation and interference by Russia in order to gain support for its war of aggression against Ukraine and to obscure the facts of its aggression. Through the G7 Rapid Response Mechanism (RRM), we will work to strengthen our collective efforts to counter threats to democracy, including such manipulation, with full respect for international human rights law, in particular freedom of expression. We will work towards ensuring that fact-based, quality and trustworthy information is promoted, and call on digital platforms to support this approach. We will increase cooperation on these issues with government and non-governmental partners from all regions who share the determination to promote access to such information, including through supporting relevant international initiatives, such as the Partnership for Information and Democracy, and efforts by the UN and OECD.

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Jessica L. P. Weeks explains why certain kinds of regimes are less likely to resort to war than others, why some are more likely to win the wars they start, and why some authoritarian leaders face domestic punishment for foreign policy failures whereas others can weather all but the most serious military defeat. Using novel cross-national data, Weeks looks at various nondemocratic regimes, including those of Saddam Hussein and Joseph Stalin; the Argentine junta at the time of the Falklands War, the military government in Japan before and during World War II, and the North Vietnamese communist regime. She finds that the differences in the conflict behavior of distinct kinds of autocracies are as great as those between democracies and dictatorships. Indeed, some types of autocracies are no more belligerent or reckless than democracies, casting doubt on the common view that democracies are more selective about war than autocracies.

Why do some autocratic leaders pursue aggressive or expansionist foreign policies, while others are much more cautious in their use of military force? The first book to focus systematically on the foreign policy of different types of authoritarian regimes, Dictators at War and Peace breaks new ground in our understanding of the international behavior of dictators. Jessica L. P. Weeks explains why certain kinds of regimes are less likely to resort to war than others, why some are more likely to win the wars they start, and why some authoritarian leaders face domestic punishment for foreign policy failures whereas others can weather all but the most serious military defeat. Using novel cross-national data, Weeks looks at various nondemocratic regimes, including those of Saddam Hussein and Joseph Stalin; the Argentine junta at the time of the Falklands War, the military government in Japan before and during World War II, and the North Vietnamese communist regime. She finds that the differences in the conflict behavior of distinct kinds of autocracies are as great as those between democracies and dictatorships. Indeed, some types of autocracies are no more belligerent or reckless than democracies, casting doubt on the common view that democracies are more selective about war than autocracies.

"We're united in the vision of a free and open Indo-Pacific region where countries follow the rules, cooperate whenever they can, and resolve their differences peacefully," Blinken said. "We will push back, if necessary, when China uses coercion and aggressions, to get its way."

Chances for peace talks look dim as Ukraine and Russia take sharply different stands. Ukraine demands that Russia withdraws its troops from all its occupied territories as a condition for peace talks. The Kremlin, in turn, wants Ukraine to recognize the Crimean Peninsula, which Moscow illegally annexed from Ukraine in 2014, as part of Russia and acknowledge other land gains it has made.

Ramaphosa did not give a time frame or outline any parameters for the possible peace talks. Zelenskyy has said he would not consider a peace deal to end the 15-month war until Russian forces withdraw completely from Ukrainian territory.

At the conference, a High-level Joint Statement underlining the need for accelerated implementation of the Youth, Peace and Security agenda around the world was launched by Government representatives of Colombia, Finland and Qatar. The event also featured the launch of A Guide for Public Officials in support of country-level operationalization of the Youth, Peace and Security agenda, as well as a first-of-its-kind Five-year Strategic Action Plan for Youth-Inclusive Peace Processes on strengthening youth-inclusive peace processes building on recommendations put forth by key stakeholders working in the space.

With a view towards ensuring that young voices can shape ongoing as well as future peace processes, the conference built on the global policy paper WE ARE HERE: An Integrated Approach to Youth-Inclusive Peace Processes, and served as an official follow-up to the International Symposium on Youth Participation in Peace Processes in Helsinki which took place in 2019.

The first day kicked off with a focus on the vital role of civil society and the strength of our African diaspora communities in the United States. It featured sessions on topics ranging from trade and investment; to health and climate change; to peace, security, and governance; to space cooperation.

Youth participants in the program, between the ages of 18 and 29, are peacebuilders who have formed their own peacebuilding organizations or are in a leadership role in a youth-led organization. Many have faced war or have been uprooted by it. Some have lost friends or family to bloodshed, while others have lived in exile as refugees. Out of a commitment to end or avert violence in their countries, these leaders have developed or guided projects to build bridges across social divides that keep youth on the periphery. They engage local, national, and international leaders to end the isolation and marginalization felt by youth in their communities, which is known to drive extremism.

The youth exchange in Dharamsala includes discussions on ways to advance their peacebuilding work. Participants go on to become USIP Generation Change Fellows, a program which partners with young leaders across the globe to foster collaboration, build resilience, and strengthen capacity as they work to build peace in their communities.

Putin also said Russia would analyze African leaders' peace proposal for Ukraine, whose details have not been publicly shared. But the Russian leader asked: "Why do you ask us to pause fire? We can't pause fire while we're being attacked."

Steven Gruzd, an analyst at the South African Institute for International Affairs, says it is hard to predict whether the six-leader mission will make a difference. With heavy fighting going on, he says the time is not ripe for negotiations but adds that any attempt at peace making should be welcomed.

"Don't worry, the plan is to bring the peace mobile to neighborhoods throughout Baltimore," assured Scott.

The Peace Mobile is designed to offer solace, peace, and a space for healing and reconciliation. MONSE Executive Director, Shantay Jackson, expressed gratitude for the grant that made the project possible.

2011 Nobel Peace Laureate, Madam Gbowee is best known for leading a nonviolent movement that brought together Christian and Muslim women to play a pivotal role in ending Liberia's devastating, fourteen-year civil war in 2003. This historic achievement paved the way for the election of Africa's first female head of state, Liberian President Ellen Johnson Sirleaf. It also marked the vanguard of a new wave of women emerging worldwide as essential and uniquely effective participants in brokering lasting peace and security.

"We are honored to be able to engage as a University community so personally with Madam Gbowee. Her messages of peace and grassroots empowerment and her own life experience have positively impacted so many around the world as we face such critical issues and challenges," said Courtney Smith, Dean of the School of Diplomacy and Vice Dean of the School of Law.

A founding member and Liberia Coordinator of the Women in Peacebuilding Network of the West Africa Network for Peacebuilding, she organized her fellow Christian women to mobilize for peace and collaborate with a Muslim partner to build an unprecedented coalition with Muslim women, giving rise to the interfaith movement known as the Women of Liberia Mass Action for Peace. As its spokesperson, she led thousands of women in weeks-long public protests that forced Liberia's President Charles Taylor to meet with them and agree to formal peace talks in Accra, Ghana. She led a delegation of women to Accra, where they applied strategic pressure to ensure progress, including forming a human barricade to prevent Taylor's representatives and the rebel warlords from leaving the meeting until they reached a peace agreement. Within weeks, Taylor resigned the presidency and went into exile, and a peace treaty mandating a transitional government was signed. 2351a5e196