Popular participation and social disorder in Ciceronian Philippics IV and VI

Gilson Charles dos Santos, University of Brasília

Popular participation in assemblies and elections in the Late Roman Republic has been a subject of special attention of historians and political scientists, such as Millar (2002), Morstein-Marx (2004), Hölkeskamp (2010; 2011), Araújo (2013), Mouritsen (2001; 2017) and Hodgson (2017). The basic conceptual framework is to identify the extension of popular power in Roman Politics, describe the importance of oratory as a mediation of potential divergences among civil and military leaders and reconstruct a "political culture" that would lead to a comprehension of that complex moment of Roman History. Popular participation constitutes a basic problem in the contextual analysis of their work due to three reasons:

1. political corruption (ambitus) is connected to the increase of Roman population;

2. the incorporation of different social strata in politics represents a major obstacle to the Roman form of res publica and

3. "ventriloquism" becomes a concept of the integration between politicians and people promoted by oratory.

This is the background of the discussion I would like to stimulate, based on Ciceronian Philippics IV and VI, addressed to the Roman people about the civil conflict between Roman senate and Mark Anthony. In doing so, my intention is to present an alternative of interpretation of these speeches drawn on the concepts of social disorder (Galtung, 1969) and political power endorsed by Gargola (2017) and Drogula (2017).

Dealing with contested narratives in Brazil through neo-Latin texts

Leni Ribeiro Leite, Universidade Federal do Espírito Santo

In the last 20 years, the profile of the university student in Brazil has undergone significant changes. While in 1997 only 4% of black people between the ages of 18 and 24 were part of the higher educational system, in 2017 47% of the students in Federal Universities declared themselves as black. Currently, two in every three students in those institutions come from classes D or E (ANDIFES, 2018). That means that professors in Brazil have been learning to deal with a public never before seen in their classrooms, a public that has been slowly but surely finding their voice and telling stories which contrast with official ones. The purpose of this talk is to present and discuss how we have been trying to use Latin narratives with groups of students at the Federal University of Espírito Santo to deal with the main issues which arise from retelling historical narratives about Brazil: the creation and negotiation of identity of social groups and the maintenance of memory. Focusing mainly on the use of neo-Latin texts produced in or about Brazil between the 16th and 18th centuries, but including ancient and medieval sources when called for, our students are invited to read and build upon what Bekerman and Zembylas (2012) term contested narrativesabout Brazil, Brazilians, the black population, the native tribes, and other identity- and memory-related issues which are very present on the lives of those who come, as they do for the most part, from underprivileged classes. Using texts that, according to Dinter and Khoo (2018) “transcend time by harnessing shared historical intertexts to express contemporary anxieties and identities”, we aim at offering, alongside knowledge about Latin language, literature and culture, the opportunity for these students to think about and realize, to use the phrasing of Dalvi (2013), the individual, social and historical dimensions of the experience of reading.

Prejudice and Pride: Resisting Fascism through Latin Classical Literature

Charlene Miotti, Universidade Federal de Juiz de Fora

This paper attempts to present the main findings from a pilot study conducted in 2019 with 30 students attending an evening literature course at Federal University of Juiz de Fora (Minas Gerais, Brazil), assessing self-declared affect and mood (Ekkekakis, 2013) after each tryout in a set of four ‘Team-Based Learning’ (TBL) activities about Cicero’s De Amicitia, Catullus’s Carmina, Vergil’s Aeneid and Horace’s Ars Poetica. Since Jair Bolsonaro’s campaign for President in 2018, numerous violent attacks have been reported against LGBT, indigenous and black communities, as well as immigrants, refugees, activists and political dissidents (even inside universities). In addition, as right-wing extremists grow in power and influence, their conservative agenda pushes to restrain academic freedom (most notably in the draft legislation on ‘unpolitical schools’, which proposes surveillance on teachers under the pretext of supposed indoctrination), despite attracting resistance from scientists, scholars and student body. These contemporary topics have been brought into class discussions through team-based case studies regarding the aforementioned classical works (e.g. Aeneas’ perception as a refugee hero or Catullus’s poetic identity as marginalized artist), thus allowing students to disclose their own concerns,particularly in view of socially vulnerable population. Most of the participating,students work during the day, have very limited time to study and come from peripheral neighborhoods where violence plays a significant role in daily life. Both qualitative data, gathered from student feedback, and quantitative data reveals that the TBL approach can contribute to building self-esteem and encouraging these conflict-affected students to voice their opinion while negotiating in pairs for compromise solutions. Ultimately, it is our belief that a positive classroom experience in the first term may decrease drop-out rates (which can be as high as 30%), and is therefore a key factor in the effective democratisation of higher education which began in 2012, when the racial and social quotas system for Brazilian public universities was sanctioned as part of a broader government policy to reduce social inequality.

Constructing Conflict in Senecan Tragedy

Jonathan E. Mannering, Loyola University Chicago

By applying tenets of constructivism to conflict in Senecan tragedy, a clear diagnosis can be made of how conflict agents, most typically tyrant figures, fashion and manipulate the identities of their opponents and also construct a conflict discourse, or a new regime of truth, in order to bring about causal effects on social action. As a social theory constructivism is not based on a priori assumptions or essentialisms, nor does it make predictions about social or political conflicts. It does, however, reveal how conflict is embedded in pre-existing normative structures which can be marshaled discursively by a purposeful agent for violent ends, and even how violence and conflict as such can function as a discursive structure.

A Plutarchean Narrative of Conflict Resolution: Structure and Examples in the 'Bravery of Women'

Ronald Forero Álvarez, Universidad de La Sabana

In this paper I intend to present the rhetorical features of seven stories related to conflict resolution through peaceful means found in Plutarch’s Bravery of Women (Mor. 242e-263a). These features allow Plutarch to both vividly narrate and highlight the role of women; both of these processes prove remarkably useful when applied to peace education for conflict-ridden countries in which women are highly discriminated, assaulted, and stigmatized, as several studies have revealed (cf. Rehn and Sirleaf, Women, War and Peace, New York, 2002). Plutarch’s narratological skill stems from his deployment of rhetorical precepts, which lend communicative and argumentative impact to his stories. These precepts – found in the progymnasmatic exercise of diegema or diegesis – suggest that storytellers should always incorporating six basic elements (person, action, place, time, manner, and cause) while maintaining the discursive properties of clarity, conciseness, and credibility (Theo. Prog. pp. 78-96 Spengel; cfr. Ps. Hermog. Prog. pp. 4-6 Rabe; Aphth. Prog. p. 22 Spengel, pp. 2-3 Rabe; Nicol. Prog. pp. 11-17 Felten). To extol the virtues of women, moreover, Plutarch uses the rhetorical device of epiphonema, which does not only add an epilogue to the narrative (Theo Prog. p. 91 Spengel; cfr. Ps.Hermog. Inv. 9 Rabe; Quint. Inst. 8.5.11) but also introduces embellishments into it ([Demetr.] Eloc. 106). Hence, identifying the structure and characteristics of Plutarchean narrative helps us understand why it might be suitable for narrating peaceful solutions to present-day conflicts.

‘Concord’ and the ‘Public Good’: Resolving Civic Strife in Classical Athens

Alexandra Eckert, University of Oldenburg

After suffering defeat in the Peloponnesian War (431–404 BC), democratic Athens experienced a violent oligarchic coup. The so-called Thirty Tyrants restricted access to the political life of the community; Athens saw numerous acts of arbitrary killings. About five percent of the Athenian population fell victim to the atrocities of 404/3 BC.^[1]Only after the conflict parties had ratified a reconciliation agreement, bloodshed ceased and democracy was restored. Cicero perceived the terms negotiated in 403/2 BC as a successful model for ending civic strife.^[2]The Athenian agreement continues to inspire current debates on conflict resolution.^[3]

This paper will assessAthenian responses to the oligarchic coup of 404/3 BC. It aims to demonstrate how the ideas of ‘concord’ (homónoia) and the ‘public good’ (to koinê symphéron) played a pivotal role in coping with the Thirty Tyrants. Remarkable testimonies in this respect are the reconciliation agreement of 403/2 BC and Lysias’ speeches. This paper argues that the lessons learned by the Athenians during the oligarchic episode of 404/3 BC and its aftermath had a significant influence on Aristotle’s philosophical works also. Aristotle (384–322 BC) famously stated that man as a ‘political animal’ (zôon politikón) has a natural tendency to form political communities (cf. Eudemian Ethics, Nicomachean Ethicsand Politics). It will be proposed that homónoia and to koinê symphéron are the key principles underlying the philosopher’s thoughts on conflict resolution: Members of a political community who aim at avoiding civic strife and seek to achieve justice have to foster concord and the public good. Without agreeing on these essential prerequisites, conflict resolution cannot be successful and the community will disintegrate.

^[1]For the death toll cf. Peter Krentz, The Thirty at Athens, Ithaca and London 1982, 130; Philipp Scheibelreiter, ‘Atheniensium vetus exemplum. Zum Paradigma einer antiken Amnestie’, in: Kaja Harter-Uibopuu und Fritz Mitthof, Vergeben und Vergessen. Amnestie in der Antike, Vienna 2013,95.

^[2]Cic. Phil. 1.1.

^[3]Lene Rubinstein, ‘The Athenian Amnesty of 403/2 and the “forgotten” amnesty of 405/4’, in: Werner Rieß (Hg.), Neuere Forschungen zur Archaik, zum athenischen Recht und zur Magie, Stuttgart 2018,123; William Zartman, Negotiation and Conflict Management. Essays on Theory and Practice, Milton and New York 2008, 259; Adriaan Lanni, ‘Transitional Justice in Ancient Athens: A Case Study’, University of Pennsylvania Journal of International Law32/2 (2010), 551–594.

Theories of Conflict Resolution

Marina Miron, University of New South Wales at the Australian Defence Force Academy

In classical writings on war, such as those of Machiavelli and Clausewitz, war was perceived as an instrument of politics/policy. The central theme of these writings lay around the interconnection between policy and war and how to win wars to achieve political objectives. Despite the fact that Machiavelli and Clausewitz were writing in different time periods—some two hundred years apart—their ideas displayed more continuity than change. In a contemporary setting, with the decreasing likelihood of state-on-state warfare and the increasing interconnection of states (through international institutions), the character of war has shifted and so has the idea of war itself. Interstate wars have largely been subsumed by intrastate wars. The preoccupation of Western states today has now become how to stop such intrastate wars through the enforcement of a ceasefire followed by some kind of negotiations and how to ensure a lasting peace. But why do Western states want to become involved to enforce peace? As ‘second-party’ actors their interventions are motivated, at least rhetorically, by a desire to create peace and stability in lands far away. But can this be true? What can we learn in this respect from the classic works on war? Can they offer us answers to perennial questions or do we have to look elsewhere? This paper discusses how much the idea of ‘conflict resolution’ has changed from the classical writings to contemporary times, exploring the meaning of war and the shifts in the tasks of contemporary military forces.

Tacitus, Gender Violence and Misogyny as Political Expressions in Brazil and Colombia

Sarah Azevedo and Ginneth Gómez, University of São Paulo

Political expression is the demonstration through acts and speeches of the way in which the state is conceived based on political ideologies of the social group that uses them. The objective of such expressions is to maintain or to modify the status quo. As Tacitus’ Annales are demonstrative of the treatment of women in politics in Rome, we will use it to discuss about how the narratives on women in politics are elaborated, regarding their position as myth within the history, and also regarding the fundaments of the concept of “political expression”. Portrayals of women, like Agrippina or Octavia, vicious or virtuous, are good examples to show the devaluation of women involved with politics. Tacitean portrayals give us elements to think on the semiology of the misogyny, with its archetypes and stereotypes. This approach will help us shed light on contemporary narratives around the recent events in Brazil and Colombia. These countries share historical particularities which should be understood in a more detailed context, taking account the current geopolitical issues. We will present some central episodes of the Brazilian and Colombian political context in order to explore questions on how gender violence, including misogyny, come to be part of the praxis of power.

The Vestal Virgins and Conflict Resolution Across Genres: Livy and Valerius Maximus

Morgan E. Palmer, Tulane University

This paper examines the works of Livy and Valerius Maximus as a case study for portrayal of the Vestal Virgins as both victims and active negotiators in conflict resolution narratives across genres. Livy’s repetitive references to the condemnation of the Vestals for incestum (unchastity, punishable by burial alive)highlight the recurring presence of conflict as the annalistic history progresses and women are victimized. He does not emphasize the roles of individual Vestals in resolving conflicts, even in the case of Postumia (4.44.11–12) who escapes punishment after being accused of incestum. Instead, he creates a dark thematic link between punishment of the Vestalsand the continuing impact of conflicts upon Rome as the narrative progresses. Although elsewhere Livy does highlight the important roles of individual women (such as Veturia, the mother of Coriolanus, 2.40) in conflict resolution as part of his thematic emphasis on exemplarity, his portrayal of the Vestals emphasizes collective victimization rather than individual agency in times of crisis. Conversely, Valerius Maximus, who presents short exemplary episodes linked by themes rather than a continuous annalistic exemplary history, portrays individual priestesses as clever and assertive negotiators of non-violent conflict resolution. The Vestal Claudia stops a violent encounter between her father and a tribune (5.4.6), and Tuccia (negotiating with Vesta) proves her chastity by carrying water in a sieve (8.1.abs.5). Livy and Valerius Maximus both describe how the pontifex maximus flogged a Vestal when the fire was extinguished (Livy 28.11.6; Val. Max. 1.1.6), but only Valerius Maximus immediately contrasts this with how the priestess Aemilia convinced Vesta to relight the flames (1.1.7). This comparative study of Livy and Valerius Maximus illustrates the extent to which authors writing in different genres may control how women are portrayed in conflict resolution narratives, highlighting individual agency and victimization to different degrees.

The Resolution Will Not Be Televised: Manufacturing Useful Enemies and Regime Crises from Parthia to Yemen

Nandini B. Pandey, University of Wisconsin-Madison, and André Heller Perache, Médecins Sans Frontières‎

Conflicts are difficult to resolve when they yield continuing benefits to parties other than the armed combatants. This paper will apply David Keen’s theory of Complex Emergencies (2008) to Augustan Rome’s invention of Parthian crises for bilateral dynastic ends in comparison with the United States’ self-serving prolongation of regime-related emergencies in Yemen and Venezuela.

Though Wikipedia posits “Roman-Parthian Wars” from 66 BC – 217 AD, open conflicts were rare. Literary and epigraphical evidence suggests that Parthia instead served Rome as a “useful enemy,” a discursive construct rendered effective by the thinness and centralization of information flow. Plutarch’s account of Crassus’ disastrous 53 BC invasion attests the survival of earlier accusations that Republican leaders were chasing lucre by meddling in Near Eastern geopolitics. Poets of the 20s BC helped manufacture a “Parthian scare” that justified Augustus’ expansion of powers and dignified the diplomatic negotiations that yielded him political capital without sharing military glory. Ovid’s Ars Amatoria1 mocks a sudden policy reversal as Augustus sent his grandson Gaius east, ostensibly to install Phraates’ legitimate heirs in place of a usurper, but in reality to shore up Julian dynastic succession while installing a Roman puppet on the throne of an enemy now recast as a friend.

Rome’s ultimate goal of stabilizing its own and Parthia’s regimes, notwithstanding rhetorical hostilities, stands in contrast to current US practice of citing democratic ideals while prolonging political and humanitarian crises in Yemen and Venezuela that benefit arms sales, oil prices, and American hegemony. Our primary hope for resolution rests in the openness of modern communication networks and technologies relative to antiquity. Now more than ever, those affected by conflict can critique imperialist powers’ ideological justifications and ulterior motives for intervening in local sovereignty before wider courts of law and opinion.

Rewriting the end of the Odyssey from a conflict resolution perspective

Rodrigo Verano, Universidad Autónoma de Madrid

The journey of Odysseus from Troy to Ithaca describes a learning process through which the former war hero redefines some aspects of his identity in order to recover a state of mind in keeping with the social duties of a man of peace. Traces of this process are noticeable alongside the poem, from the very first encounter of the Greek warriors with the Cycones (immediately after the sack of Troy), and especially during the stay of Odysseus among the Phaeacians.

The merciless slaughter of the suitors, however, stands at the end of the journey as an awkward finishing line for a hero who has supposedly abandoned the violence-based manners corresponding to the world of war. Provided that the return of the king must bring to an end the wickedness of the suitors and that he is expected to deliver justice among his people, the execution without trial of the suitors altogether diverges from the idea of a peace-making justice and instead reproduces the patterns of war behavior. It is remarkable how Homer cares enough to outline subtle differences among the suitors, some of which are portrayed as noble men (cf. the conversation and warning of Odysseus to Amphinomus “May some god lead you home, and may you not have to confront the man whenever he comes back to his own place” [18.146-148]).

This paper (a counterpart of the one presented at the first Conflict Resolution and Classical Literature Meeting in Bogota) approaches the Homeric poem as a case study of post-conflict justice, thus exploring the determining factors that led Odysseus to the slaughter and assessing his agency against other possibilities of conflict resolution that might have been available instead. As a result, some alternative endings for the Odyssey arise, most of which offer better examples for peace making than the total annihilation that poem ultimately shows.

Towards a Theory of Resilience in Plato’s Republic

S. Sara Monoson, Northwestern University

Cherry-picked pieces of the argument of the Republic have long captured focused scholarly attention as well as popular imaginations - for example, the three parts of the soul, myth of the metals, theory of forms, allegory of the cave, ship of state, the miserable tyrannical soul. But the text also urges readers to steel their nerves, harness their strengths and exhibit some stamina so as to persevere through the twists, turns, oddities, frights, heft and sheer length of the Republic and thus to engage the construction of the arc of the argument of the text as a whole.

In this paper, I illuminate a layer of meaning that stitches that arc together but has been lost to us for too long due to simple inattention—its sustained focus on the psychological challenges faced specifically by combat soldiers and a society poised to be at war. Consider that the guardians from whose rank philosophers arise in the ideal city are, by profession, combat soldiers. My previous work has examined extensive textual details of this sort in Plato.

In my view this dialogic text is deeply engaged with the way extreme conflict, especially war, can rip a polity or person apart—or not. How is it possible to be resilient in the face of events and stresses that, understandably, can make good men and women “come undone” (as Jonathan Shay puts it)? In this paper I argue that the Republic’s discussion of the “realizability” of the ideal city/soul addresses the human capacity for resilience and its political and philosophical significance. I aim to bring this genre of literature (Socratic dialogue) into the research on the interest of ancient Greek sources for modern conflict studies broadly conceived.