Primary Sources (10 documents)
American Friends Service Committee (pamphlet), “Join the national resistance to stop the escalation of the U.S. war against Central America,” box 154, folder 154 in box Pledge of Resistance, folder 154/165, “Pledge of Resistance,” Special Collections and University Archives (SCUA), University of Massachusetts Amherst.
This informational pamphlet was distributed by the American Friends Service Committee to call on the U.S. public to pay attention to Central America and the Caribbean. At the time the United States was violently attacking the revolutionaries of El Salvador and mining the harbors of Nicaragua. The pamphlet invited readers to join local organizing groups that expressed and acted on their solidarity with people in Central America. It called on readers to sign the “Pledge of Resistance,” a pledge that promised that “If the United States invades, bombs, sends troops, or otherwise significantly escalated its intervention in Nicaragua, El Salvador, Cuba or the Caribbean, [the reader will] pledge to join others in protesting that military action by nonviolently vigiling at U.S. Federal facilities and other appropriate places.”
Todd Goldberg, “CASA Brings El Salvador to UMass” (newspaper article), The Daily Collegian, November 19, 1987, Group 45 Series 80, Folder C5 in “Student Body Social Action Groups (Except ALANA/RSU),” Folder C5, “Central America Solidarity Association (CASA),” SCUA, University of Massachusetts Amherst.
This article chronicles a visit made by two faculty members from the University of El Salvador to UMass, organized by the Central American Solidarity Association (CASA) on campus. UMass was just one stop on a wider tour of Massachusetts colleges and universities, explained Goldberg. This event was a useful reminder that solidarity actions did not only involve going to the site of the conflict directly, acting as Witnesses and expatriates. Bringing Salvadorans to the United States, even temporarily, was also key, and made potential opportunities for Salvadorans to self-advocate in seeking money and support, not just for higher education but for basic survival.
CIA on Trial Project, “Contra attack leaves 8 dead in Springfield” (flier), c. 1986-1987, box 2, folder 6 in MS 508, CIA on Trial Project Records, folder 6/9, “Protestors’ Demands and Press Releases,” SCUA, University of Massachusetts Amherst.
This stirring flier calls for support of the CIA on Trial Project by highlighting their recent “die-in” action. The heading, “If we lived in Nicaragua, our news would look like this,” challenges American viewers to confront the reality of state-led violence that Nicaraguans were experiencing. It urged us to consider how U.S. media failed to reflect the brutal experiences of those living in conflict zones. This flier serves as an effective example of visual culture within the student movement, using strong imagery and a direct message to prompt reflection on U.S. foreign policy.
“Flying Death Squads: The Escalating Air War in El Salvador,” Publication, Box 7, Folder 85 - Central America, PeaceMakers Records 1963-90, SCUA, University of Massachusetts Amherst.
This is a publication from the Committee in Solidarity with the People of El Salvador, CISPES. It includes information, infographics, and articles, regarding what is occurring in El Salvador. The issue also features information regarding solitary actions taking place in the U.S. like protests against refugee deportation, information against the FBI, and information on other solidarity networks. Another aspect of the issue centers on what the FMLN is doing in El Salvador, like providing children with education. This source is useful for activists and researchers interested in learning how the larger public participated in standing in solidarity.
UMass Career Center, “Information Center,” (original document), UMass Career News, March 2, 1984, box 11, folder 17 in box RSU Series 2: Subject Files, Mental Health-Peace, folder 17 of 17, “Peace: ROTC / Military Recruiting 1,” SCUA, University of Massachusetts Amherst.
This information pamphlet printed and distributed by the UMass Career Center contains a list of all the organizations recruiting on campus. Next to the following organizations is an arrow penciled in to denote military or weapons-manufacturing companies: Electronic Systems Division, Litton-Electron Tube Division, GTE Strategic Systems Division, Norfolk Naval Shipyard, United States Marine Corps, United States Navy Officer Programs, Haseltine Corporation, ATT/Bell Labs, Litton Microwave, United States Air Force, Kollmorgen Corporation, Tracor Inc., Defense Mapping Agency. Also, on the back of this stapled pamphlet is an agenda for the PSN, the Progressive Student Network.
Kim McDonald, "Pentagon Boosts Financial Support for ROTC" (newspaper article), Chronicle of Higher Education, September 1981, box 11, folder 17 in box RSU Series 2: Subject Files, Mental Health-Peace, folder 17 of 17, “Peace: ROTC / Military Recruiting 1,” SCUA, University of Massachusetts Amherst.
This article provides a fascinating statistic: 80% of the military’s new active-duty officers come directly from ROTC programs at universities across the nation. Furthermore, the article highlights that criticism of ROTC programs was not just a local issue but part of a national conversation. It shows that the debate extended far beyond the UMass campus, reflecting widespread discussions about the presence and influence of these programs in higher education institutions across the country.
William Fosher & Elizabeth Frey, “Pledge Follows Protest,” Newspaper Clipping, Massachusetts Daily Collegian, (Date not indicated), Box 1, Folder 1: Students for a Socially Responsible University, SCUA, University of Massachusetts Amherst.
Forty-one protesters were arrested by State Police after they barricaded themselves around Memorial Hall for 10 hours to protest faculty research grants funded by the Department of Defense. Shortly after, Chancellor Joseph Duffey announced he would appoint a commission, including student representatives, to study ways to divert research funding away from the military and toward “Socially Productive Efforts.” After calling for the violent arrests of students, community members, and professors, the chancellor is quoted stating “[protesters] made a point, but perhaps missed one as well.” The Faculty Senate later voted to support the University’s current policy about conducting classified research for the state. At the date of publication, UMass annually received 11.6 million dollars for defense research grants. This article clipping includes state police’s violent arrest of 2 university students.
University of Massachusetts Amherst Administration, “Pondering the CIA Trial” (meeting notes), Box 1, MS 508 CIA on Trial Project Records, folder 1/10, “Miscellaneous Related to Trial, 1987,” SCUA, University of Massachusetts Amherst.
These 1987 meeting notes outline how the UMass administration planned to publicly respond once the jury reached a verdict on the CIA trial. The document reveals that the administration planned to respond with the same message no matter the verdict. Further, it exposes the strategy of administrators to defend itself against accusations of complicity in warmongering by attempting to remove itself from the trial outcome. In a rough draft of its public response, they wrote, “As soon as the buses left campus, the matter was effectively in the hands of the police and District Attorney…the University did not win the case or lose the case.” This document provides a glimpse into how the university developed its defense and attempted to maintain innocence. Such insight can serve student organizers as they work to hold their universities accountable and anticipate their university’s response to their demands.
CCCO, the Central Committee of Conscientious Objectors, “Portrait of a Non-Registrant” (article), 1982, box 511, folder 1 in box RSU Draft, “Draft 1979-1985,” SCUA, University of Massachusetts Amherst.
This 1982 document from the Central Committee of Conscientious Objectors (CCCO) highlights five young men from various U.S. states who refused to register for the draft, protesting U.S. actions in Central America. It profiles their age, education, and motivations, rooted in peace and nonviolence. The article challenges the Selective Service’s negative portrayal of non-registrants, aiming to inform students and counter stereotypes. It also argues against mandatory registration by amplifying the voices of those most affected. The CCCO emphasizes the government’s deep involvement in young men’s lives, enforcing draft registration through legal threats. By naming and picturing these individuals, it underscores their bravery and determination to stand by their principles despite pressure. This document illustrates the political engagement of student organizations in resisting government policies threatening their rights. It highlights how associations spread critical information on campuses, emphasizing the importance of collective action to protect freedoms.
“Ronnie Reagan’s Hot Wars to Go,” flyer, March 31, late 1980s, Box 10, Folder 12, “Iraq Media,” SCUA, University of Massachusetts Amherst.
A Radical Student Union flyer in protest of Ronald Reagan’s intervention in Central America. Designed to appear like a classic American Diner menu, the flyer features dishes like “Crushed Grenada” and “Steamed Nicaragua” alongside a price, which listed the amount of known aid the U.S. had sent to each country to suppress revolutionary movements. Other sardonic dishes such as the free “media Mind Mixers” and “Half-Baked Opposition” poked fun at the US corporate media which justifies such invasion and the milquetoast inaction of the Democratic Party. This scathing and witty poster invited the UMass community to attend a far more solemn event: a vigil to mourn the deaths of Contras victims that would take place around the Campus Center pond.
Secondary Sources (15 texts)
Chomsky, Aviva. Central America’s Forgotten History: Revolution, Violence, and the Roots of Migration. Boston: Beacon Press, 2021.
This book draws the connection between the history of colonialism and U.S. intervention in Central American nations and the surge in migration out of the region in recent decades. The book presents a counter-history to anti-communist Cold War rhetoric; a history that takes responsibility for the United States' violent and reprehensible tactics of suppression in the region. The book covers different forms of suppression used: exploitative economic programs backed by U.S. elites, the use of millions of U.S. dollars to fight revolutionary uprisings, and the military occupation of Central American countries. It also covers the history of social movements in Guatemala, Honduras, Nicaragua, and El Salvador.
Surbrug, Robert. Beyond Vietnam: The Politics of Protest in Massachusetts, 1974-1990. Amherst: University of Massachusetts Press, 2009.
This chapter is an authoritative account of the Central American solidarity movement as it formed in Massachusetts specifically, (despite its origins on the West Coast). Surbrug weaves the movement's institutional efforts, such as courting Governor Dukakis’ support, the Melvin King campaign, while also chronicling other strategies and tactics by groups such as Witnesses for Peace, the Pledge of Resistance, the sanctuary movement, and of course the UMass CIA trial. Surbrug profiles various individual activists, showing the motivations leading ordinary Americans to this struggle. While factionalism and internal strife also impacted the movement, Surbrug centers FBI surveillance on the solidarity movement to close the chapter, reminding that it was deliberately undermined by the federal government.
Weld, Kristen. “Dignifying the Guerrillero, Not the Assassin: Rewriting a History of Criminal Supervision in Postwar Guatemala.” Radical History Review 113 (Spring 2012): 35-49.
Kristen Weld examines the politics of memory in Guatemala after thirty-three years of military rule concluded in 1996. Weld discusses how the state-run National Police recorded their violent campaign against “the Left,” leaving a vast archive of documented human rights violations that remained concealed until 2005. The discovery of these 80 million pages catalyzed a restorative justice project, the Project for the Recovery of the National Police Historical Archives, that sought to organize and catalog the papers in order to use them to convict war criminals on national and international levels. Weld argues that this process “retrospectively legitimiz[ed] popular resistance” and transformed the official narrative of this era into one of repression and reaction, rather than one of illegality (47).
Sierra Becerra, Diana. “Historical Memory at El Salvador’s Museo de la Palabra y la Imagen.” Latin American Perspectives 43, no.6 (2016): 8-26.
Diana Sierra Becerra articulates how the Museo de la Palabra y la Imagen (Museum of the Word and Image—MUPI) communicates memories of the civil war in El Salvador in order to denounce state violence and further social justice among affected communities. Sierra Becerra distinguishes the model of the MUPI from the historic role of hegemonic museums. By building their museum around collective memories and oral history, critical historical analysis, and popular and participatory education, the museum provides a “progressive” museum model that empowers survivors, visitors, and educators alike.
Young, Kevin. “Introduction: Revolutionary Actors, Encounters, and Transformations.” In Making the Revolution: Histories of the Latin American Left, ed. Kevin A. Young, 1-20. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2019.
Kevin A. Young’s introductory chapter outlines the diverse histories and actors of Latin America’s twentieth-century left. While critics of the left have long contended that Latin American leftist groups were “elitist,” “class reductionist,” and typically male-dominated, Young argues that “leftists struggled against class exploitation and imperialism while also confronting racism, patriarchy, and other oppressions, and while seeking to build more democratic organizations and societies” (2). Young calls for a broader definition of the left that explores this history from the perspectives of rank-and-file members, leftist women, and Indigenous people. Such a definition also embraces those who did not define themselves as leftists but who fought for similar values. Widening the parameters of “the left” unearths hidden and previously neglected histories that greatly shaped “the process of revolutionary history” unfolding in Latin America (8). This book’s contributors center these very stories. Each chapter focuses on a case study that “reflect[s] the diversity of the left itself,” ranging from the years following the 1917 Russian Revolution through the Central American revolutions in the 1980s. However, a common thread appears to connect many of these histories. Alliances formed across ethnicity, class, race, borders, religion, and political ideology to create a vibrant network of people collectively fighting for liberation in Latin America. Young’s introduction disrupts long-held beliefs about the left and sheds light on how Latin Americans themselves defined and fought for revolution.
Hobson, Emily. Lavender and Red: Liberation and Solidarity in the Gay and Lesbian Left. Berkeley: University of California Press, 2016.
Hobson challenges the dominant narrative that LGBT organizing was limited to queer issues. In the 1960s, Queer activists in urban US centers like San Francisco and NYC were inspired by the militant struggles of Global South revolutionaries in Vietnam. They linked their homegrown struggles against heteropatriarchy to global struggles against capitalism and imperialism. During Reagan’s presidency in particular, amidst the AIDS crisis, queer activists not only worked to support the cause of Gay Liberation but sought to aid Central Americans in their fight against US imperialism. The same Washington Warhawks who armed the Contras and sent billions in aid to exacerbate the Salvadoran Civil War were similarly depriving AIDS victims of medical aid and waging an Evangelical crusade to save the nuclear family at home. Queer activists were crucial in developing the Central American solidarity movement and were at the front lines of confronting US empire.
Murray, Jenny. “Las Sandinistas.” MCRM Productions, 2018.
This film weaves archival footage, event reenactments, and first-hand testimonies to document the Sandinista revolutionary movement in Nicaragua in the 1980s and its fight against Somoza’s dictatorship. Women revolutionaries are the main focus. The film follows their memories, aspirations, and actions, and the obstacles they faced not only as revolutionaries but as women. Even though they played a crucial role in the revolution they were still treated as inferior to men and were also the victims of violence. Their testimony also talks about their life post-revolution. This movie is essential to understand Nicaragua’s history and US intervention in the country.
Sierra Becerra, Diana. The Making of Revolutionary Feminism in El Salvador. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, forthcoming.
This forthcoming book attends to the complications and beauty within the stories of women revolutionaries in El Salvador during the late twentieth century. Sierra Becerra asserts that Salvadoran revolutionary women rejected American empire and capitalist exploitation, and bridged socialism and women’s liberation. Throughout the book, Sierra Becerra returns to a metaphor of revolutionary women as flowers and butterflies, arguing that revolutionary women in El Salvador sustained life and spread ideas like pollen, and most importantly were powerful in large numbers. Using archival documents and her own memory projects, Sierra Becerra attends to national context, organizational histories, and individual perspectives to craft a cohesive and detailed account of women’s many roles in the Salvadoran Revolution. The book demonstrates the practice and value of prioritizing rural working-class Salvadoran women as historical actors. Their stories offer an entry point to this history that de-centers urban, academic, capitalist, imperialist, and neoliberal narratives.
Cohen, Pamela and Monona Wali, directors. “Maria’s Story: A Documentary Portrait of Love and Survival.” PBS Documentary, 60 minutes, 1991.
In this documentary, filmmakers traveled to guerrilla camps to interview Maria Serrano, an FMLN leader and peasant organizer. This human portrait of the revolution details Maria’s relationship to her husband and children, a family who lives in the guerrilla territory. Maria describes how her childhood experiences of poverty and government repression inspired her to take up arms in defense of her people. By focusing on the experiences of a single revolutionary figure, this documentary explores how the larger conflict of the Salvadoran Civil War impacted a woman’s political consciousness as well as her relationship to her family and community.
Gosse, Van. “‘The North American Front’: Central American Solidarity in the Reagan Era.” In The Year Left, Vol. 3: Reshaping the US Left: Popular Struggles in the 1980s, edited by Mike Davis and Michael Sprinker, 11–50. New York: Verso, 1988.
Taking an overtly left and arguably Leninist perspective, this essay from Gosse summarizes the evolution and demise of the Central American solidarity movement in the United States as a whole. Gosse uses forceful and effective prose to summarize the movement from the perspective of organizational politics: which organizations led the struggle? Where did they come from and how did they splinter? Naturally, CISPES and its collaborators are his main focus. One of the best points about this excellent chapter is Gosse’s conclusion, where he highlights the overarching weaknesses of the Central American solidarity movement–” tactical dogmatism” and localism–so future activists can learn from them.
Young, Kevin A. “‘“The Oligarchy Went Mad’: The Boycott of Salvadoran Coffee, 1989–1992.” Academic Essay, University of Massachusetts Amherst, January, 2024.
In this essay, Kevin Young looks at the Salvadoran Coffee Boycott as an example of how boycotts can coerce exploitative institutions to make concessions. Young details the efforts from Neighbor to Neighbor (N2N) in the United States and the Sindicato de la Industria del Café in El Salvador (SICAFE). Salvadoran oligarchs heavily relied on business with U.S. coffee companies, and so N2N boycotted coffee companies to push them to demand that the Salvadoran government negotiate peace with guerrilla forces. The article describes the steps taken by N2N to organize the boycott. Young states that N2N was able to precisely identify their targets through active communication with SICAFE. The centering of SICAFE reminds activist readers to reflect on why they fight: for solidarity and not self-congratulatory achievements. Young also emphasizes the effectiveness of N2N’s efforts: the group got US coffee sellers to halt business to avoid bad press. This pushed Salvadoran oligarchs to ask their leaders for peace negotiations, giving leverage to the union efforts of SICAFE. Young’s essay is a helpful tool for activists to reflect on why boycotts today are not as widespread and effective, and to use the Salvadoran Coffee Boycott as a reminder that boycotting is an effective form of organized, disruptive protest.
Goldwater, Mike and Richard Duffy. “The Past is Not History.” 2015; Arcatao: Museum of Historical Memory. https://vimeo.com/133053653
“Please don’t let us be killed because we have to tell our story.” - Nicholas Rivera Rivera
This 2015 documentary sits at the intersection of memory, history, and legacy. Fluctuating between national contexts and individual oral histories, this 27-minute film tells the story of the Salvadoran Civil War from the perspective of those who lived it and those who have inherited its legacy. In the third act, the documentary introduces memory projects begun by the Survivor’s Committee of Historical Memory with the express purpose of collecting, preserving, and making memory accessible to future generations. Their trauma-informed practice goes beyond what Americans likely think of as ‘public history’; the inspiring work of former revolutionaries in El Salvador encourages the American viewer to think about the possibilities for power and resistance within the field of public history.
Dan McGlynn, “Putting Raytheon on Trial: Arrested UMass Students Channel University’s Radical History.” The Shoe String, February 20, 2024.
This article highlights the rich history of anti-war organizing at UMass Amherst, pointing out how this history inspired pro-Palestine organizing tactics used on campus during 2023 and 2024. The actions of student groups like Students for Justice in Palestine and anti-militarism group UMass Dissenters drew inspiration from the Central American solidarity movement and the anti-apartheid in South Africa movements of the 1980s. When reading about the tactics and experiences of student activists in the 80s, the similarities to today are clear.
Kersher, Seth. “Putting the CIA on Trial: The Rise and Fall of Anti-Recruiting Protests in the 1980s.” Master’s thesis, University of Massachusetts Amherst, 2021.
In his master's thesis, Seth Kersher uses the UMass anti-CIA movement to demonstrate how student activism in the 1980s had progressed since the 1960s. Additionally, his case study of the fight to end campus complicity in state-inflicted violence in Central America demonstrates how disruptive civil disobedience can influence policy change. Kersher notes that, unlike the 1960s, student organizers in the 1980s had more faith in the government and believed change could be accomplished from within. Student groups believed they could use international law, ruled by the World Court, to end CIA recruitment on campus. Kersher’s thesis also highlights the importance of maintaining communication between generations of activists. UMass students learned a lot from older activists like Abbie Hoffman, and benefited greatly from the support of others, as seen through Daniel Ellsberg‘s testimony during the trial. Kersher highlights the importance of the trial ruling in favor of the students arrested. The student's disruptive civil disobedience forced the public to pay them attention. Kersher ends his thesis by implying that, unless disruptive disobedience is used by student activists today, universities will continue to become more corporate-oriented. Therefore, Kersher’s thesis is a useful source for young activists seeking ways to maintain momentum in their movements.
Lancaster, Roger N. Thanks to God and the Revolution Popular Religion and Class Consciousness in the New Nicaragua. New York: Columbia University Press, 1988.
Roger N. Lancaster, a professor of anthropology and cultural studies, explores topics such as religion, sociology, and history within the context of 1980s Nicaragua and its revolutionary movement. Lancaster offers an in-depth analysis of the role religion played during this period, making it a valuable resource for those studying theology, history, and sociology. Lancaster examines the cultural aspects of religion, shedding light on various practices, including Catholicism and Indigenous religions, which varied across different social classes. The central theme of the book is the influence of religion on the revolutionary movement, particularly how Catholic principles were reinterpreted to support the revolution, such as portraying Christ as a revolutionary figure. Lancaster also highlights the importance of religion in understanding class struggle, showing how it united people around shared ideals. This book has been an invaluable source for our exhibit, demonstrating how common beliefs and their interpretations helped strengthen the revolutionary movement and foster unity. It provides essential insight into the cultural and social dynamics that shaped Nicaragua’s revolutionary era.