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To explore the bilingual and communicative contexts in bilingual news media production, this project reviews studies, academic publications, internet articles, videos, and any other pertinent source or data that may contribute to my investigation of Hispanic journalists in the U.S. and their connection to the Spanish language and accent reduction. Therefore, this section offers a summary of relevant literary and non-literary texts that help explain the key themes of this project so that the reader can see the linkage and reasoning behind my interviews. In other words, by providing a literature review, I am further able to showcase my methodological and theoretical approach when creating a bilingual multimedia project. In addition, by doing this project, I reviewed secondary sources that analyze the struggles that Hispanic journalists face in the U.S. (as well as the public’s perception of them) in order to further enhance society’s knowledge of the matter. By doing this project as an aspiring Latina journalist, I seek to contribute to the Hispanic community by sharing their stories and providing the public with newfound knowledge.
The State of Bilingual Communicative Spaces in the US
Research has documented how two languages dominate the linguistic landscape in the United States: English and Spanish. These two colonial languages have been in the country for centuries, with Spanish 100 ahead (1500s) of the arrival of English (1600s) on the continental U.S. Although English gradually replaced Spanish as the main language of communication, Spanish continued to be spoken and used in many diverse communities in the Southwest and other states in the U.S. (Sánchez & Retis, 2022).
Currently, Spanish is the second most spoken language in the country. According to the US Census data (various years), it is estimated that around 42 million people aged five or older speak Spanish at home. Estimates from Instituto Cervantes (2022) indicate that Spanish is also the most learned language other than English in academic environments, with around 8 million students. Thus, in total it is calculated around 57 million native speakers, heritage language speakers and second language speakers. Furthermore, Hispanics are the largest minority in the United States. The Pew Research Center reported that the U.S. Hispanic population reached 63.6 million in 2022, up from 50.5 million in 2010. In 2022, Hispanics made up nearly one-in-five people in the U.S. (19%), up from 16% in 2010 and just 5% in 1970. The roughly 37.4 million people of Mexican origin represented nearly 60% of the nation’s Hispanic population in 2022 (Krostag, et.al. 2023).
In this context, newborns, not immigrants, have driven the recent population growth among the U.S. Hispanics. During the 2010s, an average of 1 million Hispanic babies were born each year, slightly more than during the 2000s. At the same time, about 350,000 Hispanic immigrants arrived annually, down substantially from the previous two decades. In 2022, 72% of Latinos spoke English proficiently, up from 59% in 2000. U.S.-born Latinos are driving this growth: The share of U.S.-born Latinos who speak English proficiently increased by 9 percentage points in that span, compared with a 5-point increase among Latino immigrants. All told, 42.3 million Latinos in the U.S. spoke English proficiently in 2022. Furthermore, the share of the U.S. Hispanics with college experience has increased since 2010. About 45% of U.S. Hispanic adults ages 25 and older had at least some college experience in 2022, up from 36% in 2010. (Krostag, et.al. 2023).
As Sánchez and Retis argue, today, whether through past or present migration, Spanish is spoken all over the U.S. But Spanish does not merely exist in the U.S. in the same form as it came from Spain and eventually from the various Latin American countries; but rather, the language thrives in communities as new, vibrant U.S-born and bred varieties of Spanish. The situation of contact between Spanish and English has led to several linguistic consequences on both languages in the U.S. (Sánchez & Retis, p. 2).
Hispanics and Bilingualism in the U.S.
Bilingualism, the ability to speak two languages fluently, has become increasingly prevalent in the United States, particularly among the Hispanic population. According to the Pew Research Center (2020), Hispanics are the fastest growing minority group in the U.S. Due to this, the U.S. is the second largest Spanish-speaking country in the world. A 2015 article states the following:
If the growth projections for the Latino population stay as they are, the US will be the largest Spanish-speaking country in the world by 2050, the study predicts. Hispanics will reach 132.8 million—and 30% will use Spanish as their mother tongue (Sanchez Diez, 2015)
As the Hispanic demographic continues to grow, understanding the dynamics and implications of bilingualism within this community becomes crucial. This literature review aims to explore the trends, factors, and impacts associated with the growth of bilingualism among Hispanics in the U.S.
The growth of bilingualism in the U.S. has been notable in recent decades, with Hispanics playing a significant role in this trend. According to Pew Research Center (2019), the share of Hispanics who are bilingual has been steadily increasing, reflecting both linguistic retention from heritage languages and acquisition of English proficiency. Data from the U.S. Census Bureau (2020) further illustrates this trend, indicating a rise in the number of Spanish speakers in the U.S., particularly among younger generations. These trends highlight the dynamic nature of bilingualism within the Hispanic community, shaped by factors such as immigration, acculturation, and education.
Several factors contribute to the growth of bilingualism among Hispanics in the U.S. Immigration plays a central role, as many Hispanics migrate to the U.S. from Spanish-speaking countries, bringing their language and cultural heritage with them (Portes & Rumbaut, 2014). Additionally, the prevalence of Spanish in daily life, media, and social networks within Hispanic communities fosters linguistic transmission and maintenance across generations (López, 2019). Educational policies, such as bilingual education programs, also influence bilingualism by providing opportunities for language development in both Spanish and English (García & Kleifgen, 2019). Furthermore, individual motivations, family dynamics, and socio-economic factors contribute to the variation in bilingual proficiency levels among Hispanics (Flores & Schissel, 2019).
However, I must point out that ironically, Arizona (where I am currently located) still has a law that restricts/prevents the implementation of bilingual programs in their schools. “Arizona voters passed Proposition 203 in 2000. The ballot initiative requires that English learners — students not proficient in English — be taught only in structured English immersion classes. It effectively bars English learners from participating in bilingual education programs” (Gonzales, 2023). Okay, moving on.
Bilingualism among Hispanics has tremendous and beneficial impacts on individuals, families, and society as a whole. From a cognitive perspective, research suggests that bilingual individuals exhibit enhanced executive functions, such as problem-solving and multitasking, compared to monolinguals (Bialystok, 2017). Moreover, bilingualism can serve as a resource for social cohesion and cultural identity within Hispanic communities, fostering a sense of belonging and pride in heritage languages (Piller, 2016). Sadly, challenges related to language proficiency and discrimination may also arise, particularly in educational and employment settings, highlighting the need for policies that support linguistic diversity and inclusion (Rumbaut, 2006).
The rise in bilingualism among Hispanics in the United States is a result of a complex interaction between socioeconomic, cultural, and demographic variables. Addressing the various needs and experiences of multilingual people and communities requires an understanding of these interactions. The advancement of linguistic justice, the encouragement of bilingual education, and the celebration of the linguistic diversity of the Hispanic community should be the main objectives of future research and policy initiatives.
Due to the increasing population of Hispanics in the U.S. and the growth of bilingualism, it is only natural for them to have accents. In fact, everyone has accents and dialects. Accents and dialects can symbolize a variety of characteristics, including your age, religion, ethnicity, and geographic origin. While accents refer to the way you pronounce things, “dialects refer to a whole group of language features, including pronunciation, but also differences in vocabulary, grammar, and how the language gets used” (Blanco, 2022). However, when one decides to step into a role that heavily utilizes your voice to relay a message, such as a journalist, you are susceptible to feedback on the manner in which you speak. This leads to many Hispanics journalists in the U.S. being recommended for lessons to change their accents in order to accommodate the approval of their newscast station and/or public.
Hispanic Journalists and Accent Reduction
Accent reduction training, also known as accent neutralization or accent modification, refers to a systematic process aimed at helping individuals modify or minimize their non-native accents when speaking a target language. If you type on the Internet “Accent reduction training near me”, a few on-site locations might pop up, while a majority of the search results might consist of online courses. The costs of the lessons may vary depending on the facility and level/experience of the coach, and from what I saw, the average price range could be anywhere between $20-200.
Accent reduction training has gained prominence in the journalism field due to the increasing globalization of media platforms and the need for effective communication across diverse audiences. The diversity of voices in journalism is crucial for the representation and accuracy of news reporting, especially in a multicultural society like the United States. However, for non-native English speakers, such as Hispanic journalists, accents can sometimes be perceived as a barrier to effective communication (by the audience and the journalist’s workplace). While native-English speaking journalists from the U.S. may also go through public speaking and accent modification training, Hispanic journalists in the U.S. (many of them having English as a second language) see the need to go through it more.
In a 2022 study titled “Is Your Accent Right for the Job? A Meta-Analysis on Accent Bias in Hiring Decisions”, found that “job candidates who speak with ‘standard accents’ - that is, the accent generally accepted in a given region — are more likely to be hired” (Chiew Tong & Pitrelli, 2023). People may justify avoiding hiring someone with an accent by having worries about their communication skills, but even unintentional bias/prejudices may be at play.
What was related to hiring decisions, however, was judgments of the candidates' perceived social status: We found that candidates who spoke with non-standard accents were rated as less competent and less intelligent than candidates who spoke with standard accents. The bigger the perceived difference between candidates on perceptions of social status, the more prejudice we found in hiring decisions (Spence, 2023)
The study also found that accent and hiring biases affect women more than men. “Women with standard accents were favored as job candidates over women with non-standard accents, but male candidates were judged equally regardless of their accent” (Spence, 2023). Statements like this will be mentioned in the recordings of my interviews, where the male interviewees recognize that their female colleagues received more criticism for their accents and journalistic work than they did.
Clear and comprehensible communication is important in journalism as journalists serve as mediators between information sources and audiences. Research indicates that accents can influence perceptions of professionalism, credibility, and even intelligence in communication contexts (Munro & Derwing, 1995). Clear communication is needed from journalists because they need to announce information accurately and effectively. An accent that is difficult for the audience to understand may hinder effective communication and compromise the credibility of journalists (Galtung, 2019). In multicultural societies, journalists often encounter audiences with diverse linguistic backgrounds, necessitating the need for accent reduction training to enhance communication effectiveness (Coupland, 2010).
Hispanic journalists in the U.S. encounter unique challenges related to language and cultural integration. While bilingualism can be an asset in reporting on Hispanic communities, linguistic differences may still pose obstacles, particularly in broadcast journalism where spoken language is central. Accents, regardless of their origin, may lead to misunderstandings or hinder effective communication, underscoring the need for targeted accent reduction interventions.
Accent reduction training for journalists encompasses various methods aimed at modifying pronunciation, intonation, rhythm, and speech patterns. These methods may include one-on-one coaching sessions, group workshops, computer-based programs, and self-directed learning modules (Derwing & Munro, 2015). Incorporating audiovisual feedback, imitation exercises, and phonetic drills are common strategies employed to target specific speech sounds and prosodic features (Munro & Derwing, 2011). Several accent reduction programs cater specifically to non-native English speakers, usually offering a curriculum designed to improve intonation, pronunciation, and overall speech clarity. However, few programs are tailored specifically to the needs of Hispanic journalists.
Research on the efficacy of accent reduction training in journalists indicates mixed results. While some studies demonstrate significant improvements in pronunciation and communicative clarity following training interventions (Major, Fitzmaurice, & Bunta, 2002), others suggest limited transferability of trained speech features to real-world communicative contexts (Baker & Trofimovich, 2005). Factors such as the duration and intensity of training, individual learner characteristics, and the complexity of the target accent may influence training outcomes (Munro & Derwing, 2006).
Despite the challenges associated with accent reduction training, some still say that its integration into journalism education programs and professional development initiatives holds promise for enhancing the communicative competence of journalists (Coupland & Bishop, 2007). By equipping journalists with the skills to modify their accents without compromising their authenticity, accent reduction training contributes to fostering inclusive and accessible journalism practices (Holliday, 2005).
For the most part, the belief still remains that accent reduction training plays an important role in facilitating effective communication for journalists in multilingual and multicultural contexts. While research on its efficacy remains inconclusive, ongoing advancements in pedagogical approaches and technology-assisted learning hold potential for optimizing training outcomes. As the media landscape continues to evolve, accent reduction training is likely to remain a pertinent aspect of journalism education and professional development.
However, in order to fully appreciate the complex interactions that exist between language, culture, and communication, accent reduction initiatives should be balanced with an awareness for cultural identity and linguistic diversity. As the media landscape continues to evolve, accent reduction training for Hispanic journalists must adapt to meet changing needs. In the future, further studies are required to investigate novel methods of accent reduction training and to discuss the wider socio-cultural ramifications of accent change in various linguistic contexts. I believe cultural competency is needed from both the public and newscasts, so journalists are met with less prejudice and hate due to their manner of speaking.
Language Preferences in News Consumption Among Hispanics in the United States
Since there are many Hispanics in the U.S., in diverse contexts and diverse levels of proficiency in the language, it is not surprising that there are different language preferences in news consumption. Because Hispanics make up such a significant population in the U.S., it is imperative for marketers, media outlets, and policymakers to have good engagement with them.
According to research, the language preference that Hispanics in the United States choose differs based on a number of factors, including media accessibility, generational status, acculturation, and English and Spanish language proficiency. Early research states that first-generation immigrants preferred Spanish-language media because they felt more at ease and comfortable speaking their home tongue (Mastro & Greenberg, 2000). Nonetheless, there is a gradual shift towards English-language media consumption due to the subsequent generations of Hispanics in the U.S. being more accustomed to American culture (Suro & Singer, 2002). In an article titled “How Hispanic Americans Get Their News”, published by the Pew Research Center in March 2024, it states that “51% say they prefer to get news in English, while 24% prefer Spanish and 23% say they don’t have a preference between the two” (Naseer and Lipka, 2024). The majority of Latino immigrants claim they mostly consume news in Spanish, compared to Latinos who were born in the United States. Conversely, Hispanics born in the U.S. tend to rely more heavily on English-language news sources.
This is not to say that Hispanics in the U.S. don’t seek out news about Hispanic issues - just that they’re more likely to do it in English. This isn’t necessarily surprising since English is the dominant language in the U.S. and therefore, it’s the one they are more exposed to. The primary cause of this is acculturation and language shifts among generations of Hispanics.
Language choices among Hispanics in the United States are significantly shaped by acculturation, which is the process of assimilating into the cultural norms and practices of the dominant community (Pew Research Center, 2020). This in turn may lead to language shifts. According to Portes and Rumbaut (2014), second and third generation Hispanics frequently have higher levels of English ability and a greater preference for English-language media. Studies showing that Hispanics who were born in the United States are watching fewer Spanish-language television networks are indicative of this trend (Krogstad & Lopez, 2014). However, the Hispanic community's preservation of identity and cultural maintenance depends on the continuation of Spanish-language media consumption (Voices for Racial Justice, 2018).
Other factors that influence the language preferences in media consumption among Hispanics in the U.S. are (Lopez & Gonzalez-Barrera, 2013) the amount of accessibility and availability in the English and Spanish-language media (Lopez & Gonzalez-Barrera, 2013). While Spanish-language television and radio stations have historically served as primary sources of information for Spanish-speaking Hispanics, the rise of digital media platforms has diversified their media consumption habits (Molla, 2021). One could be able to acquire news at the “palm of your hand” due to cell phones and tablets. Online news outlets, streaming services, and social media offer a wide range of content in both Spanish and English, catering to the preferences of bilingual and bicultural audiences (Lopez, 2019).
I believe that an increased representation of Hispanics in the media is needed to potentially alter the growth of bilingualism as well as the need to acquire their media in both English and Spanish. A way to do this would be to hire more Hispanics on the news, including Spanish as a heritage language speakers and native Spanish speakers. This also serves as a good strategy to attract a more diverse audience.
Spanish as a Heritage Language
When it comes to heritage languages (specifically Spanish) in the U.S., Dr. Guadalupe Valdes is the most prominent researcher. Therefore, she has been quoted or used for inspiration in many of the texts I will utilize. Valdés described heritage language learners as an individual “who is raised in a home where a non-English language is spoken. The student may speak or merely understand the heritage language and be, to some degree, bilingual in English and the heritage language” (Valdés, 2001, p. 1). When it comes to who is a heritage language learner or speaker, it varies since “many HLLs who do not necessarily have a level of linguistic proficiency but possess knowledge of cultural aspects of the heritage language or those who may self-identify as an HLL” (Avellaneda Duarte, 2014, p. 37).
Spanish heritage language classes in the United States have a rich and multifaceted history shaped by various socio-political, cultural, and educational factors. Spanish heritage language education in the U.S. can be traced back to the early 20th century when waves of Spanish-speaking immigrants began to settle in various regions, particularly in the Southwest. However, formalized efforts to address the linguistic needs of Spanish heritage speakers within the educational system emerged much later.
The Bilingual Education Act of 1968 marked a significant turning point by providing federal support for bilingual programs, including Spanish heritage language instruction. This legislation recognized the importance of preserving and fostering linguistic diversity among immigrant communities. Though, as mentioned previously, it can also vary by state (ex. Arizona).
Throughout the 1970s and 1980s, the establishment of heritage language programs gained momentum, particularly in states with large Hispanic populations such as California, Texas, and New York. These programs aimed to provide culturally and linguistically relevant education to Spanish heritage speakers, emphasizing bilingualism and biliteracy. The 1990s witnessed further expansion and diversification of Spanish heritage language classes, with the implementation of dual language immersion programs and the incorporation of heritage language components into mainstream curricula. Additionally, community-based organizations played a vital role in supplementing formal education.
Despite the growth of Spanish heritage language education, several challenges persist. Limited funding and resources often constrain program development and sustainability, particularly in low-income communities. Furthermore, varying linguistic proficiency levels among students pose instructional challenges, necessitating differentiated approaches to meet diverse learning needs.
Another factor is the dominance of English in mainstream society and the stigma associated with bilingualism can contribute to language shift and attrition among Spanish heritage speakers. Addressing these socio-cultural barriers requires efforts to promote language pride and positive attitudes towards multilingualism, which will come in handy sooner rather than later given the estimated increase of the Spanish speaking population in the U.S.
Spanish as Heritage Language in Hispanic Journalists
In an increasingly diverse media landscape, understanding the role and implications of heritage languages, particularly Spanish, in journalism is very important. Scholars such as Valdés (2001) have extensively studied heritage language acquisition, emphasizing the unique linguistic and sociocultural contexts that shape language development among heritage speakers. For many journalists of Hispanic heritage, Spanish is acquired in familial and community settings, influencing their linguistic competence and identity (Peña, 2000).
Bilingualism among journalists has garnered attention for its potential to enhance media representation and storytelling (Blommaert & Backus, 2013). Research by García & Wei (2014) highlights the cognitive advantages of bilingualism, including heightened linguistic awareness and flexibility, which can benefit journalistic practice.
However, despite the benefits, heritage language journalists often face linguistic challenges, including code-switching and navigating the nuances of both languages (Flores & Rosa, 2015). Studies by Hernández (2018) and Pérez-Leroux & Glass (2017) dive into the complexities of heritage language proficiency among journalists and its impact on professional communication.
The use of Spanish in journalism plays a pivotal role in representing diverse voices and experiences within media narratives (Hernández, 2019). García & Flores (2012) argue that journalists who embrace their heritage language contribute to more inclusive and authentic storytelling, fostering greater cultural understanding.
Effective integration of heritage languages in journalism requires institutional support and tailored training programs (Ramirez & Alfaro, 2016). Research by Gutiérrez (2020) emphasizes the importance of inclusive newsroom practices and professional development initiatives to empower heritage language journalists. This further implies that efforts to shorten the Latino Media Gap must be taken.
Spanish as a heritage language significantly shapes journalistic practice, offering both challenges and opportunities. As media organizations strive for greater inclusivity and representation, understanding the dynamics of heritage language acquisition and usage among journalists is essential.
Standard Language Ideologies in the News and their Impact on Hispanic Journalists in the U.S.
Standard language ideologies prescribe norms of correctness and prestige, typically favoring dominant languages and dialects over marginalized ones (Blommaert, 1999). These ideologies follow us all around, whether in communicating with your family and peers as an SHL learner, or as a journalist being recommended to sound more “formal” or “regional”. Locations, professions, and relationships can influence how you talk. In the United States, English is considered the standard language for news, but Spanish can be considered a non-standard or inferior language, especially in professional contexts (Flores & Rosa, 2015). These language power hierarchy trends may affect the perception and evaluation of Hispanic journalists in the newsrooms. The assumptions of standard language embedded in media often affect the opinion on linguistic authenticity and authority. For Hispanic journalists in the United States, who may speak another language besides English, navigating these standards may present opportunities and challenges, such as trying to please superiors or the viewers of your workplace (broadcast or radio show).
Hispanic journalists often have to adapt to English culture in order to gain credibility and acceptance in English newsrooms (Rodríguez, 2017). This may result in linguistic integration and Spanish language suppression in professional areas. Standard language ideologies can influence the nature and diversity of the Hispanic community, as well as its representation in the media. Journalistic methods that focus on standard English can also limit Spanish-speaking sources (Valdés, 2010). Furthermore, the underrepresentation of Hispanic journalists in newsrooms can limit the diversity of voices and viewpoints in news coverage (Contreras, 2020).
Lastly, one must remember that these standard language ideologies manifest themselves in all languages, including Spanish and English. My interviewees stated that they received feedback regarding their accents, pronunciation, and/or dialects in both languages. What worked for one broadcast news or radio station in one region might work differently in another (for example, one commented on sounding “more like New Mexico” while another said they were told to sound “more Texan”, despite both of them being Mexican). These standard language ideologies, both in the newsroom and outside, can unknowingly contribute to the lack of representation of linguistic diversity in the Hispanic community all around the U.S. This can further impact the personal and professional identities of journalists.
However, some journalists use bilingualism and their non-standard communication styles strategically as a professional asset. Thanks to this, they can navigate between languages to report differently and reach diverse audiences (García, 2009). If Hispanic journalists continue to support the inclusion of bilingual content and fight against linguistic biases, they can further perpetuate the need for language advocacy.