On March 14th, 1969, the Black Student Council (B.S.C.) and the Mexican American Youth Association (M.A.Y.A.) at UCSD issued their coalition-written demands to create an autonomous Third College.
It was to be named Lumumba-Zapata college, named after the 8 years prior assassinated Congolese leader Patrice Lumumba and assassinated Mexican revolutionary and guerrilla leader Emiliano Zapata. Like their namesake, the coalition wished for the college to be dedicated towards the theory and practice of revolution, communities of resistance, and socialist education in areas such as economic systems, technology (specifically excluding the military search of Scripps), cultural heritage, and urban development. This would later form the basis of Thurgood Marshall College's Dimensions of Culture (DOC) program. When the Third College Academic Plan was developed, noticeably missing were "Marxist critique on schooling in a capitalist society, the proposed Lumumba-Zapata title for the college, the Board of Directors, and an experimental admissions variance separate from the University of California's admissions standards and 4% exception rule" (Marisol, 2009). The struggle for radical curriculum would continue: in 2007, controversy and protests arose after two DOC teaching assistants contracts were not renewed, and the resurfaced Lumumba-Zapata Coalition claimed DOC had lost its original messages. They argued it now had a "new and diluted" core writing requirement with a smaller focus on racial significance within society (Wikipedia Contributors, 2026).
Student leaders like then graduate student and now Distinguished Professor Emerita at the University of California, Santa Cruz, Angela Davis, helped to unite, lead, and write for the B.S.C.-M.A.Y.A. student coalition. They wished for the new college to stray from what they saw as a white-centered, military-supporting, and oppressive university administration, curriculum, and admission criteria. With support from faculty such as critical scholar Herbert Mercuse and distinguished literary critic Carlos Blanco, they sought a "Third World college" dedicated to the needs and class interests of students from oppressed social groups, which they identified as working-class Black, Latine, and white students.
This student advocacy, manifesting in intersectional alliances across racialized, gendered, and social lines, brought campus-wide rallies, teach-ins, sit-ins, and marches against the UC Regents and the UCSD administration. Although not all demands were met, this did create enough disruption and public pressure that the UCSD administration was forced to make structural concessions, establishing Third College the following year. While the educational and writing program of DOC is not exactly as envisioned by the original student protestors, the focus remains on racial and gendered social history and issues alongside organized action.
The college was later named Thurgood Marshall College after the first African-American U.S. Supreme Court justice, Thurgood Marshall, who's well known for his work in civil rights litigation during the Civil Rights movements, especially Brown v. Board.
The original demands for Third College drafted by the Lumumba-Zapata Coalition may be found here.
A history of Thurgood Marshall College may also be found here.
From the original Third College demands, UCSD administration initially allowed direct student democracy and oversight, in line with the focus on self-determination.
The original 1969 demands explicitly outlined that Third College be governed by a student-faculty board, specifically that the "Board of Directors" consist of "two students, one faculty members, and the provost." Further, students who served were to serve for a twelve month term, be recalled by majority vote of the college, compensated at a rate of 125% of the average yearly income requirement of a college student at UCSD, and given credit for one normal course per quarter applied towards graduation.
In 1970, when Third College was established under inaugural Provost Joseph Watson, the demands for the college to be governed by significant student input appeared in the Third College Academic Plan only briefly. The proposal did not explicitly mention the Board of Directors, and thus the Senate did not formally authorize a student-led Board of Directors. This decision was strategic, made in order to increase the chances of the Academic Plan gaining the UC Regents' approval of the many then-radical ideas surrounding the establishment of Third College.
In the first two years of its establishment, Third College was as the demands of self-determination intended: "...with exception of faculty recruitment and program development, students had a voice and vote on every level of the College's governance, beginning with the General Assembly, Committees of Admissions, Curriculum, Community Relations, Construction and Design, and the Board of Directors" (Moreno, 2009, p.306). Although most students did sit directly on a committee or leadership role, many participated in the General Assembly, made up of undergraduates, graduate students/teaching assistants, staff, and faculty meeting monthly in an open forum.
Unofficially, the Board of Directors existed as the "unofficial executive body" governing Third College through the Third College Academic Plan's approval and the adoption of College By-Laws in Spring of 1971 (Moreno, 2009, p. 308). The UCSD Chancellors, UC Regents, and Governor Ronald Reagan were disapproving of the Board of Directors and warned Provost Watson that he would be responsible for the College.
In practice, the Board of Directors were the main governing body, and the student slots were reserved for one African American, one Chicano, and one "other", which meant white, Asian American, and Native American students lacked a definitive representative. Thus, during the drafting, many of the three groups fought for expanded Board membership, while many African American students present opposed the proposed measure since Black and Latine students had founded the College's student body. Watson also opposed expansion, wanting a smaller group for easier discussion and negotiation.
Tensions later rose throughout 1971 and 1972, with Watson asserting his power over the Board of Directors and General Assembly. He fired a popular Chicano Admissions Officer against the Board of Directors' wishes, and on other occasions, Watson was the lone no-vote on prospective faculty selection. Since the Board was ruled on unanimous decision, this effectively rendered them unable to recruit desired faculty.
Eventually, Watson told the Board that if they disagreed with him, they should take it up with the General Assembly; a majority Assembly ruling proposed amending the Board from unanimous to majority vote, which Watson opposed. In Spring 1972, a coalition of student leftists across races voted for his resignation as Provost of Third College, citing his opposition to the demands for self-determination and equal representation. Notably, the Black Student Union (previously the B.S.C.) pledged loyalty and support for Watson.
Soonafter, a Lumumba-Zapata Steering Committee was formed out of Movimiento Estudiantil Chicanx por Activismo (MEChA), Asian American Student Alliance (ASSA), United Native Americans (UA), and the Third College White Caucus. The formation led to hunger strikes, rallies, community meetings, and pickets, and eventually Watson resigned before withdrawing his resignation and continuing on as Provost at the urging of Chancellor McElroy. Tensions heightened as student leftists, the organizers of the original protestors, were more united than the cultural nationalists; racial frictions as well as competitions for government resources worsened.
Strained relations and close calls with racial violence followed. Students believed that law enforcement took advantage of that division by placing agent provocateurs to heighten racial tensions and an illegal break-in to the University Contracts Office by a white radical student group revealed an agreement by the UCSD Administration and the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) to allow fifty undercover agents on campus (Moreno, 2009, p. 317). Paranoia of bugging and informants among their ranks rose among the leadership of the organizations, although the majority of Third College students still developed interracial camaraderie.
On May 18, 1972, the UC Regents responded to the calls for Watson's resignation by passing a resolution declaring all student government bodies across all UC campuses were official units of the university and operated solely under administration authority. Student activity fees and assets belong to the university, and university administrators retained ultimate veto authority.
When Dr. Watson withdrew his resignation in June of 1972, he did so under the condition that he would retain full authority over the college. Thus, with the Board of Directors never being formally recognized, it was dismantled and replaced by an advisory committee, which eventually evolved into Thurgood Marshall College Student Council. This was met with faculty and student withdrawals and protest, especially among Chicano faculty and MEChA. By the late 1970's, Third College was no longer minority oriented, unable to sustain a one-third Black, one-third Chicano, and one-third other balance.
Thurgood Marshall College Student Council (TMCSC) helps to carry on the original vision and will of the student protestors of the Lumumba-Zapata Coalition.
In 1993, Third College was officially named after the first African-American U.S. Supreme Court justice, Thhurgood Marshall. Thus, the advisory committee formed after the dismantling of the Board of Directors and General Assembly became Thurgood Marshall College Student Council.
In modernity, TMCSC is made up of a cabinet of Thurgood Marshall College student-elects alongside appointed members selected by a committee made up of select cabinet members. While they do not receive credit or income, they do serve yearly terms and are held accountable by the student population. Each member, both elected (cabinet) and appointed (general) vote in issues, requiring majority and somtimes 2/3 votes. They are also advised by Marshall Administration professional staff, such as the Provost, Dean of Academic Advising, Operations and Programs Analyst, the Dean and Associate Deans of Student Affairs, Student Care and Accountability Specialist, and Coordinator of Student Activities.
We hold no specific requirements for race on our student spots as the original Board of Directors did, and we now work with a much more expansive team and a governance structure very much similar to the other seven college councils.
TMCSC stands out among the eight student councils on campus, being specifically dedicated towards public service, diversity initiatives, and student equity. Our history is honored and at the forefront of our future, and thus informs each of our decisions.
TMCSC Testimony
Bibliography
B.S.C.-M.A.Y.A. (2024). Lumumba-Zapata College : B.S.C.-M.A.Y.A. deman... In UC San Diego Library | Digital Collections. https://library.ucsd.edu/dc/object/bb2392060k
Marisol, M. (2025). “Of the community, for the community”: The Chicana/O Student Movement in California’s Public Higher Education, 1967-1973 - ProQuest. In Proquest.com. https://www.proquest.com/openview/8200f66e2f85f0fe693147a4b4a378f3/1?pq-origsite=gscholar&cbl=18750
The TMC history project the thought of a “college III.” (n.d.). Retrieved August 19, 2026, from https://marshall.ucsd.edu/_files/about-us/edited-history-of-thurgood-marshall-college.pdf
Wikipedia Contributors. (2026, August 7). Thurgood Marshall College. Wikimedia Foundation. Wikipedia. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Thurgood_Marshall_College#DOC_controversy