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過去に行われた会合の一覧です．

第60回

 2025年6月14日 (土) 13時30分 (13:30 ~ onwards, 14 June 2025)

神戸大学人文学研究科 B棟135小ホール (Kobe University, Graduate School of Humanities, Building B, 135 Small Hall)/Zoom

http://www.lit.kobe-u.ac.jp/information/access.html

https://www.kobe-u.ac.jp/guid/access/rokko/rokkodai-dai2.html (Building 98 on the map)

人文学研究科B棟135小ホールには、中庭にある小ホール専用の入り口（自動販売機近く）から直接入れます。The 135 Small Hall in Building B can be entered directly from the hall's own entrance in the courtyard (near the vending machine).

研究発表 (Lecture)：13:30~15:00

Osamu Sawada (Kobe University)

The Japanese scalar particle hitotsu ‘even’: Variations of EVEN items

The Japanese classifier tsu is used for counting separable inanimate entities, and when combined with the numeral hito ‘one’, as in hito-tsu, it indicates that the number of entities is one. However, hitotsu can also function as a scalar particle, where hitotsu itself is interpreted as ‘even’. In this paper, I will compare hitotsu as a scalar particle with ordinary scalar particles, such as sae ‘even’, and show that the scalar particle hitotsu has a semantic restriction that the noun it attaches to must be non-specific and interpreted as the theme of an event. I argue that the scalar particle hitotsu is sensitive to event kinds and creates contrasts among events typically denoted by a VP. It will be shown that the meaning and distribution pattern of the scalar particle hitosu can be explained based on the idea of pseudo-incorporation (e.g., Carlson 2003; Gehrke 2019).

In studies on the semantics of EVEN, various approaches have been proposed, such as scope theory (e.g., Karttunen & Peters 1979), lexical ambiguity theory (e.g., Rooth 1985), and degree-based theory (e.g., Greenberg 2018). These approaches generally assume that EVEN functions as a propositional operator. This paper demonstrates that the scalar particle hitotsu ‘even’ is not a propositional operator. Instead, it represents a new type of EVEN, which is sensitive to thematic roles and event kinds.

研究発表 (Lecture)：15:15~ onwards

David Yoshikazu Oshima (Nagoya University)

Analogical vs. cumulative EVEN: Insights from English and Japanese

Japanese has several particles that translate as even, including sae and made. It has traditionally been held that sae is a marker of “analogy” and conveys that alternatives of greater or lesser degrees should, by analogy, hold, and that made is a marker of “accumulation” and conveys that the described situation holds on top of some other, relevant situations.

    Sae and made differ in their scopal behavior, too; while sae invariably scopes over clause-mate negation, made tends to scope under clause-mate negation and may outscope it only under limited circumstances. Kay (1990) suggests that while English even typically indicates that the prejacent-proposition is more noteworthy (surprising, unlikely) than its alternatives, it may also receive a special interpretation that indicates the noteworthiness of the prejacent-proposition's holding in addition to its alternatives' (e.g. “Mary got a full fellowship from State University and they're even paying her way out to visit the Department”).

    Even (in declarative clauses), on either regular or special interpretation, invariably scopes over clause-mate negation. I develop semantic analyses of (i) made and (ii) even on its marked, “made-like” interpretation which account for their discourse-configurational distributions as well as their scopal behavior.

第59回

 2025年4月27日 (日) 13時30分 (13:30 ~ onwards, 27 April 2025)

名古屋学院大学白鳥学舎 曙館 607 (Nagoya Gakuin University, Shiratori Campas, Akebonokan room 607)/Zoom

https://www.ngu.jp/english/location-access/access/ (map) 地図

研究発表 (Lecture)：13:30~15:00

Zicheng Xu (Kobe University)

Simplification in dynamic strict conditionals

This study explores how evolving dynamic strict accounts of natural language conditionals (von Fintel 2001; Gillies 2004, 2007, 2009, 2010, among others) handle the Simplification of Disjunctive Antecedents (SDA) (e.g., Alonso-Ovalle 2009; Ciardelli et al. 2018; Fine 1975; Khoo 2021b; Nute 1975; Santorio 2018), where a conditional with a disjunctive antecedent is interpreted as a conjunction of two conditionals, each with one of the disjuncts as its antecedent. I begin by discussing two puzzles—the disjunction-to-conjunction problem and the eliminated antecedents problem—which present challenges for existing dynamic analyses of SDA (e.g., Starr 2014; Willer 2018). I then propose an Accessibility-Relation-Based Update Semantics. By integrating this semantics with the Stalnakerian division of conditionals (Stalnaker 1975; see also Starr 2014) and the assumption that disjunction updates a given state with both disjuncts simultaneously (Incurvati & Sbardolini 2023), this study offers a unified analysis of both indicative and counterfactual SDA within a dynamic strict framework. Under this approach, SDA follows directly via Strawson entailment when free choice inferences are derived at the presupposition level. In particular, this derivation holds regardless of the type of conditionals or the presence of a modal operator in the consequent. Furthermore, this theory explains how conditionals convey information and provides a more fine-grained understanding of test-function semantics. This study concludes that the derivation of SDA depends on presupposed free choice. However, this does not imply that SDA and free choice inferences belong to the same class of inferences or share the same computational process.

研究発表 (Lecture)：15:15~ onwards

Takanobu Nakamura (Leibniz-Zentrum Allgemeine Sprachwissenschaft (ZAS)) and Kenta Mizutani (Aichi Prefectural University)

Predicting the Scope of Focus Particles in Polar Questions

English polar questions with even may trigger an inference relative to the positive or negative answers. However, only may only trigger an inference relative to the positive answer: it may not scope over negation in the negative answer (Guerzoni 2003:94). Guerzoni (2003) argues that even but not other focus particles can move covertly across the question operator, building on the scope theory of even (e.g., Karttunen and Peters 1979). This analysis suffers from the predictability problem: which properties of even and only are responsible for their scope-taking remains unknown. We propose that (i) even does not resolve a Question under Discussion (QUD) (Roberts 1996 / 2012:a.o.) while only has to, and (ii) a focus particle may take an inquisitive prejacent (Ciardelli et al. 2018) only if it does not need to resolve the QUD.

 第58回

 2025年3月1日 (土) 14時00分 (14:00 ~ onwards, 16 November 2024)

名古屋外国語大学名駅キャンパス MW4 (MW04, Meieki Campus, Nagoya University of Foreign Studies) / Zoom

https://www.nufs.ac.jp/outline/access/maccess/ 

研究発表 (Lecture)：14:00~15:30

Takeo Kurafuji (Ritsumeikan University)

Mo with plural predicates

As is argued by Champollion (2017) and Kuhn (2020) among others, plural predicates can be classified into gather-type and numerous-type. In this talk it will be shown that new data from Japanese support this dichotomy, as follows. 

(1) Gather-type

      (B, C and D gathered.)

      A-mo atumatta.

      ‘A also gathered.’

(2) Numerous-type:

      (B, C and D are a good team.)

      *A-mo ii tiimu-da.

      ‘A is also a good team.’

The questions to be addressed are (i) why the singular noun with the additive marker -mo can serve as an argument of gather-type predicates, (ii) how the truth conditions of (1) are made without referring to its prejacent, which is ungrammatical, and (iii) where the difference between (1) and (2) comes from. To answer these questions, I will propose a new semantics of -mo, according to which (1) is interpreted based on a presupposition, which is a member of the alternative set generated by the additive marker; more specifically the event and the argument of the presupposition are expanded to include the subject A in (1). It will be argued that this type of expansion is impossible with numerous-type predicates due to their semantic properties.

研究発表 (Lecture)：15:40~ 17:10

Yuto Hirayama（Kansai Gaidai University）

Indirect evidentiality induced by an expression of temporal approximation: the case of Japanese goro

本発表は日本語の時間的近似表現「ごろ」を扱う。この表現が補部に「今」を取り「今ごろ」という形式になった際、話者が同文内で描写されているイベントを直接は観察していないことを示す（いわゆる間接証拠性/indirect evidentialityを示す）。例えば、「ジョンはどこにいるのか」と電話で訊かれた際に、ジョンがリビングにいるのを目で見ながら「#ジョンは今ごろリビングにいる」と言うことはできない（「ジョンは今リビングにいる」は適切である）。しかし、「ごろ」が「今」以外の時間表現を補部に取ると、この間接証拠性は消える。例えば、話者が昨日の6時ごろにジョンがリビングにいるのを目で見ており、次の日に「ジョンは昨日どこにいたのか」と訊かれた際に「ジョンは6時ごろリビングにいた」と言える。本発表はこの現象を構成的に導くことができる「ごろ」の意味を提案する。

第57回

 2024年11月16日 (土) 14時00分 (14:00 ~ onwards, 16 November 2024)

名古屋学院大学白鳥学舎 希館 511会議室  (Nagoya Gakuin University, Shiratori Campas, Nozomikan room 511) / Zoom

https://www.ngu.jp/english/location-access/access/ (map) 地図

  https://www.ngu.jp/english/ijs/campus-life/facilities/nagoya/  (campus) キャンパス

研究発表 (Lecture)：14:00~15:00

Ikumi Imani (Nagoya Gakuin University)

「「ひょっとしたら雨が降るかもしれない」ー 確率と様相」("There is a slight possibility that it will rain" - probability and modals)

   Kratzer’s modal theory (Kratzer 1981, 1991) has been a great success in semantics and related areas because of its elegance and its wide range of applicability to various modal expressions. Her theory has become standard especially in the fields of epistemic and deontic modalities, and has stimulated enormous amounts of research on those modalities. However, when it comes to doxastic modals, her theory has some difficulty dealing with them. 

   Consider a doxastic sentence “Ame-wa hura-nai-to omou-kedo, hyottositara huru kamosirenai ((I suppose) it will not rain, but there is a slight possibility that it will rain).” The problem that it causes in Kratzer’s theory can be stated as follows.* The first sentence “ame-wa huranai (it does not rain)” becomes input for the following sentence “hyottositara huru kamosirenai (there is a slight possibility that it will rain (≒it might rain)),” and is added to the set of the propositions picked up by a modal base f. If we accept the limit assumption, modal sentences are evaluated in what is called “the best worlds” (i. e., the intersection of the propositions picked up by a modal base f and ordering source g). This procedure is, however, a problem, since “huru kamosirenai (it might rain)” is false in this case, which is against our intuition. The reason it is false is that “ame-wa hura-nai (it does not rain) is true in any world in the best worlds.** We will propose that if we incorporate probability into her theory, we can resolve this kind of problems that some doxastic sentences cause. 

* This sentence is doxastic, not epistemic, since it describes the speaker’s thought.

** Note that epistemic sentences such as “Ame-wa huttei-nai. Demo, ame-wa hutteiru kamosirenai (It is not raining, but it might be raining)” is infelicitous if it is uttered by the speaker who is, for example, looking up at the sunny sky. Kratzer’s theory correctly predicts that this sentence is infelicitous. Note also that [￢P & ◇P] is inconsistent in dynamic logic.

研究発表 (Lecture)：15:15~ 16:45

簗 有紀子（お茶の水女子大学）

束縛問題に対する証明論的意味論におけるアプローチ

   自然言語の意味論において、文を分析する際に「主張」と「前提」を区別して扱うことは一般的な手法であり、このように分析を行う理論を「二次元理論（Two-dimentional theory）」と呼ぶ。二次元理論においては、「束縛問題」と呼ばれる問題が広く知られている。これは、経験的な読みに従えば同一であるはずの、前提の意味表示に出現する個体と主張の意味表示に出現する個体に対して、同一の個体であることを理論上保証できないという問題である。

　この解決策として、Sudo(2012,2014) は、二次元理論と動的述語論理（Dynamic Predicate Logic）、複数述語論理（Plural Predicate Logic）を組み合わせ、主張と前提を動的述語論理および複数述語論理における照応解決として分析することを提案した。

　本論文では、Sudoの提案では分析が難しい例があることを示し、主張と前提を同次元で扱う証明論的意味論に基づく依存型意味論（Dependent

Type Semantics）を用いて分析する手法を提案する。

第56回

 2024年7月14日 (日) 13時30分 (13:30 ~ onwards, 14 July 2024)

名古屋学院大学白鳥学舎 曙館 607 (Nagoya Gakuin University, Shiratori Campas, Akebonokan room 607)/Zoom

https://www.ngu.jp/english/location-access/access/ (map) 地図

研究発表 (Lecture)：13:30~15:10

Takanobu Nakamura (University of Amsterdam)

Resolving Polar Questions in Contexts

This talk submits two claims: (i) the so-called evidential bias of Japanese polar questions with the particle no (Sudo 2013, Rieser 2017) is not hard-wired to the lexical semantics of no, and (ii) one may reconcile the classical bipolar view and the recent monopolar view (Roberts 2012, Biezma and Rawlins 2012, Krifka 2021, a.o.) to polar questions by considering the context-dependency of polar questions. Starting with the first point, I show that the evidential bias is not observed in (a) disjunctive questions of the form p-no or q-no? and p-no? or not p-no?, (b) content questions, and (c) simplex polar questions of the form p-no? that are uttered when p or not p remains as an unresolved issue (Kamali and Nakamura 2024). I claim that these are puzzling if the evidential bias is directly written in the semantics of no. One way to derive this distribution is to say that no-questions are sometimes bipolar and sometimes monopolar, and inferences of evidence are triggered by virgue of monopolarity (Kamali to appear, and cf. Goodhue 2022, Rudin 2022). Then, the question is how one may predict when it is monopolar and when it is not. I suggest that p? has a bipolar denotation as default (possibly across languages, but see Matthewson 2024), and its interaction with Question under Discussion (QUD) sometimes make not p non-congruent: given a QUD={p, q, r, ...} and p? = {p, not p}, p may resolve both questions but not p leaves the QUD unresolved. This aproach takes a polar question to be bipolar on its own, but monopolar when related with a (non-bipolar) QUD by taking the question meaning as resolution conditions (Ciardelli, Groenedijk and Roelofsen 2017, a.o.). Then, I argue that p-no presupposes an issue Q such that p is a subset of Q (sub-questionhood), instead of raising a new issue. This makes QUD-anchoring obligatory for no-p, deriving its monopolar status relative to context. I briefly compare this approach with a commitment-based approach, e.g., Farkas and Bruce 2011, Krifka 2015, Rudin 2022, a.o. I discuss embedded questions with no and argue that addition of no to embedded questions still subtly changes their resultant interpretations in a similar way in which no affects the interpretations of root questions. If this is on the right track, it is hard to deal with the contribution of no at the level of speech act or (global) discourse update unless one stipulates that contributions at these levels are also expected to embedded clauses, spoiling explanations for the root phennomena.

研究発表 (Lecture)：15:20~onwards

Toshiyuki Ogihara (University of Washington)

Before and pragmatic presuppositions

In this presentation, I shall argue for the view that Anscombe’s (1964) extensional account of A before B (where A and B are tensed clauses) is sufficient if it is supplemented by a pragmatic presupposition that involves a modal thought. As a preliminary step, I shall show briefly why Beaver and Condoravdi’s (2003) modal account is untenable by presenting examples involving time-sensitive expressions that refer to a time before the matrix predication time (Ogihara and Steinert-Threlkeld 2024). An extensional alternative to B&C’s account based on Anscombe (1964) and Landman (1990) will be discussed and defended. I shall show that the common ground must be such that either A or B could occur (or could have occurred) first and that the actual outcome of this question is of interest to the participants of the conversation.

第55回

 2024年5月12日 (日) 15時 (15:00 ~ onwards, 12 May 2024)

名古屋学院大学白鳥学舎 曙館 607 (Nagoya Gakuin University, Shiratori Campas, Akebonokan room 607)/Zoom

https://www.ngu.jp/english/location-access/access/ (map) 地図

研究発表 (Lecture)：15:00~16:30

Yasutada Sudo (University College London), Muyi Yang (Osaka University)

Modal cumulativity  

Sentences containing two or more plural expressions are known to allow cumulative readings (Kroch 1974, Scha 1981 a.o.). For instance, "the boys fed the dogs" has a reading that says that each boy fed at least one dog, and each dog was fed by at least one boy. We observe instances of cumulativity involving expressions that create intensional environments, such as conditionals and modals. For instance, "If these three professors come to my talk, I’ll be very nervous" has a weak reading that says that I'll be nervous in case one of these three professors comes. We take this to indicate that the conditional expression "if" can participate in cumulation, specifically, with the plural subject "these three professors" in the antecedent proposition in this example. To account for this observation, we mainly explore two theoretical options: the operator approach (Beck and Sauerland 2002) and the plural projection approach (Schmitt 2019) to cumulativity. We conclude that both approaches can capture modal cumulativity with the assumption of plural possible worlds (contra Schmitt 2023, who argues that plural worlds do not exist). 

第54回

Kaken Semantics Workshop

(jointly held with Semantics Workshop in Tokai and Kansai)

 2023年12月17日 (日) 13時 (13:00 ~ onwards, 17 December 2023)

名古屋学院大学白鳥学舎 曙館 607 (Nagoya Gakuin University, Shiratori Campas, Akebonokan room 607)

https://www.ngu.jp/english/location-access/access/ (map) 地図

 Program (Abstracts)

 13:00-13:05 (opening)

 13:05-14:05: Ikumi Imani (Nagoya Gakuin University)

"A dimensions-based approach to negative sentences with numerals"

 14:10-15:10: Koji Kawahara (Nagoya University of Foreign Studies)

"The origin of scale and the semantics of derived gradable adjectives"

 15:15-16:15: Setsuko Arita (Ritsumeikan University)

"The expression of logical relationships in Japanese through the use of tense and modality in complex sentences"

 16:30-18:00: Christopher Kennedy (University of Chicago)

"Gradable predicates and Bayesian inference:  A case study in semantic adaptation" 

 第53回

Kobe Linguistics Symposium

(jointly held with Semantics Workshop in Tokai and Kansai)

2023年12月15日 (金) 9時45分 (9:45 ~ onwards, 15th December 2023)
神戸大学人文学研究科 B棟332 (Kobe University, Graduate School of Humanities, Building B, Room 332)/Zoom

http://www.lit.kobe-u.ac.jp/english/access.html

https://www.kobe-u.ac.jp/en/campuslife/campus_guide/campus/rokkodai2.html (Building 98 on the map)

Program (Abstracts)

9:45-9:50: opening

         9:50-10:50: Osamu Sawada (Kobe University)

"On the meaning and use of the Japanese negative comparative expression kurabe mono-ni nara-nai ‘cannot be compared’"

10:55-11:55: Eri Tanaka (Osaka University)

"Collective predications and exclusive particle dake ‘only/just’ in Japanese"

(Lunch break)

13:20-14:20: Hideki Kishimoto (Kobe University)

"On some peculiar properties of psychological modifiers in Japanese"

14:25-15:35: Yukinori Takubo (NINJAL and Kyoto University)

"Sentence final particles in Japanese and theory of mind"

15:50-17:20: Christopher Kennedy (University of Chicago)

　　　　　"Pragmatic Indeterminacy" 

第52回

2023年9月30日 (土) 13時30分 (13:30 ~ onwards, 30th September 2023)

神戸大学人文学研究科 B棟135小ホール (Kobe University, Graduate School of Humanities, Building B, 135 Small Hall)/Zoom

http://www.lit.kobe-u.ac.jp/information/access.html

https://www.kobe-u.ac.jp/guid/access/rokko/rokkodai-dai2.html (Building 98 on the map)

人文学研究科B棟135小ホールには、中庭にある小ホール専用の入り口（自動販売機近く）から直接入れます。The 135 Small Hall in Building B can be entered directly from the hall's own entrance in the courtyard (near the vending machine).

研究発表 (Lecture)：13:30~15:00

Kenta Mizutani (Aichi Prefectural University)

On the Semantics of the Japanese Comparison Class Marker -ni -shite-wa

This talk focuses on the Japanese comparison class (CC) marker -ni -shite-wa. Bylinina (2014) claims that the English CC for-phrase has a covert clausal structure and denotes a set of individuals relativized to a possible world. As the indirect evidence for this claim, she uses the Japanese CC marker, which includes the gerund of a semantically bleached verb shite ‘do’ and has an overt clausal structure. In addition, she points out that the Japanese CC marker has the same characteristics as the English CC for-phrase: they introduce the presupposition that a subject is a member of a comparison class denoted by them, and a standard for a gradable adjective is calculated based on this comparison class. However, on closer inspection, it turns out that the Japanese CC marker behaves differently from the English CC for-phrase in that only the former can take a proper noun as its argument and its interpretation changes depending on types of predicates (i.e. stage-level and individual-level predicates). The purpose of this talk is to propose a new analysis of the Japanese CC marker that can capture these differences. 

研究発表 (Lecture)：15:15~onwards

David Y. Oshima (Nagoya University)

On the Semantics of the Response Item That’s Right

Many languages have a class of expressions (particles, set phrases, etc.) used to react positively or negatively to polar questions, assertions, and other speech acts such as requests (Dixon 2010). In English, yes and no are typical instances of this class (Roelofsen and Farkas 2015), which I refer to as “response items”. This talk discusses the semantic features of the English positive response item that’s right and its counterparts in some other languages, in particular Japanese soo da. It will be argued that, unlike yes, that’s right can be used only in response to a polar question where a focus is placed on a component other than the polarity—a “nuclear” (as opposed to “total”) polar question in Bianchi and Cruschina’s (2016) sense. In terms of the question-based approach to focus (Roberts 1996, Büring 2003, Velleman and Beaver 2015), this roughly amounts to saying that that’s right addresses a subquestion of a contextually prominent content question.

• 参加申し込み

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• 懇親会

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第51回

2023年7月8日 (土) 14時00分 (14:00 ~ onwards, 24th June 2023)

名古屋外国語大学名駅キャンパス MW5 (MW05, Meieki Campus, Nagoya University of Foreign Studies) / Zoom

https://www.nufs.ac.jp/outline/access/maccess/ 

ノリタケの森のメインゲートから入り，そのまま小さなロータリーを通過して50mほど直進すればBIZrium入り口がすぐに見えますので，エレベーターかエスカレーターで6階に上がってください。入り口の右手にスターバックス，左手はイオンモール入り口です。

研究発表 (Lecture)：

Toshiyuki Ogihara (The University of Washington)

Indirect Reciprocity in Japanese — a comparison with the indirect passive construction 

In this talk, I shall discuss a usage of the Japanese “reciprocal” expression otagai which involves a non-relational predicate such as ganbaru ‘work hard’ and ki-o tukeru ‘be careful’ rather than a relational predicate (e.g., kizutukeru ‘hurt’). In this usage, otagai expresses reciprocity only indirectly in that the relation is not expressed in the actual sentence in which it is used. This type otagai is mentioned by some researchers (Imani and Peters 1996), but no formal semantic analysis has been proposed in the literature. The covert relation is necessarily a “personal” one such as congratulate, cheer for, encourage, etc. Since the relation is required to be personal and bidirectional, the group of people in question must have some close personal ties (e.g., being friends, being family members, etc.) as a prerequisite. I conclude that otagai is a distributive (and universal) quantifier that also induces a reciprocal relation. This is like the English reciprocal expression each other except that otagai could introduce a covert relation to satisfy the reciprocity requirement.

I shall then turn to the so-called indirect passive construction in Japanese. In this construction, the passive morpheme -(r)are can apply to an intranstive verb like sinu ‘die’ and the “new subject” of the resulting passive sentence is a sufferer. I shall show that the indirect (“adversative”) passive is similar to the aforementioned usage of otagai in that the role of the new subject is not explicitly mentioned in the sentence. Technically, the two constructions are similar in that the overt predicate is an <e,t>-type (property-denoting) expression, and the morpheme in question (otagai or -(r)are) creates a covert relation (of type <e,et>) when it is included in a sentence. Based on this observation, I shall refer to the special usage of otagai discussed here as indirect reciprocity. The data discussed in this talk might suggest that syntactic and semantic rules in Japanese are intrinsically intertwined with some pragmatic factors such as empathy (Kuno and Kaburaki 1977).

第50回

2023年6月24日 (土) 14時00分 (14:00 ~ onwards, 24th June 2023)

名古屋外国語大学名駅キャンパス MW07 (MW07, Meieki Campus, Nagoya University of Foreign Studies) / Zoom

https://www.nufs.ac.jp/outline/access/maccess/ 

ノリタケの森のメインゲートから入り，そのまま小さなロータリーを通過して50mほど直進すればBIZrium入り口がすぐに見えますので，エレベーターかエスカレーターで6階に上がってください。入り口の右手にスターバックス，左手はイオンモール入り口です。

研究発表 (Lecture)：

Takanobu Nakamura (University of Amsterdam)

Intra- and inter-sentential dynamics and evaluation of dependencies 

Various languages possess dependent indefinites, which is a class of expressions that triggers an obligatory distributive reading possibly with a co-variation requirement. One of the issues for semantic theories of dependent indefinite is how to account for their dual status under non-quantificational contexts and quantificational contexts. On one hand, they induce an obligatory distributive reading with non-quantificational plural arguments, which suggest that they contribute to distributivity. On the other hand, they can felicitously occur under the scope of a distributive quantifier although the independent contribution of dependent indefinites becomes invisible in such environments. Henderson (2014) and Kuhn (2017) solve this with a split-scope mechanism. Their analyses are couched under Dynamic Plural Logic (van den Berg 1996), in which a context is modelled as a set of variable assignments. They propose a dynamic plurality condition and propose that it is evaluated `globally’: Henderson (2014) defines it as a post-supposition, i.e. a not-at-issue content that is evaluated against the output context, and Kuhn (2017) covertly raise a dependent indefinite via QR. As a result, non-quantificational arguments induce a distributive reading to satisfy this global condition, but quantificational arguments trivially satisfy this condition. Thus,  the dual status follows. In this talk, I reconsider this mechanism in light of the cases in which the contribution of dependent indefinites can still be observed independently. I show that “zutsu” in Japanese under the scope of a distributive quantifier is ambiguous between a canonical distributive reading and a doubly distributive reading, i.e. distribution over occasions evaluated under distribution over individuals. I discuss the prospect of the post-supposition analysis and the QR analysis with this observation and propose a possible alternative. In the end, I examine its implication for cross-linguistic universal/variation of dependent indefinites and discuss a few more related issues with other languages to see a possible direction of future investigation on the typology of dependent indefinites.

第49回

2022年8月27日 (土) 10時00分 〜12時00分　

10:00~12:00 27th August 2022

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研究発表 (Lecture)：10:00~12:00

Stellan Petersson 

Modulation and presupposition in present perfect sentences 

This talk discusses the roles of pragmatic modulation and presupposition in the semantics of present perfect sentences in English. The talk begins with an overview of model-theoretic event semantics (Petersson, 2019), the notion of modulation (Recanati, 2004, 2010; Pagin, 2013), and the presuppositional approach to tense of Sauerland (2002), which constitute points of departure. The formal semantic account, which integrates the pragmatic concepts of modulation and presupposition in a semantic analysis, is then presented and applied to cases of complex interactions between tense, the auxiliary ‘HAVE’, presupposition and modulation, e.g. (1): 

    (1) Every time Kim calls, Mats has left. 

Examples where there are clear result state intuitions are discussed (e.g. 2), as well as sentences where existential readings are more salient (3). 

    (2) Mats has run a marathon. 

    (3) Leicester has won Premier League. 

It is shown how contextual domain restriction influences the interpretation of result state inferences and temporal distance. Puzzles associated with the perfect are addressed too: it is discussed how so-called ‘life-time effects’ are accounted for (4), and why certain temporal adverbials are unacceptable, when combined with the present perfect (5). 

    (4) # Einstein has visited Princeton. 

    (5) # Mats has left yesterday/tomorrow. 

Finally, the analysis is compared to the pragmatic account of Mittwoch (2008), where result state intuitions are assumed to be conventional implicatures, and Portner (2003), who suggests that they are implicit answers to contextually salient questions. I discuss these approaches and point out some problems. 

References 

Mittwoch, Anita. 2008. The English Resultative perfect and its relationship to the Experiential perfect and the simple past tense. Linguistics and Philosophy 31(3). 323–351. 

Pagin, Peter. 2013. Pragmatic enrichment as coherence raising. Philosophical Studies 168(1). 59–100. Petersson,

Stellan. 2019. Disarming context dependence. A formal inquiry into indexicalism and truth-conditional pragmatics. (Acta Philosophica Gothoburgensia 36). University of Gothenburg. 

Portner, Paul. 2003. The (temporal) semantics and (modal) pragmatics of the perfect. Linguistics and Philosophy 26(4). 459–510. 

Recanati, François. 2004. Literal Meaning. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 

Recanati, François. 2010. Truth-Conditional Pragmatics. Oxford: Clarendon press. 

Sauerland, Uli. 2002. The present tense is vacuous. Snippets 6. 

第48回

2022年7月17日 (日) 10時00分 〜12時00分　

10:00~12:00 17th July 2022

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研究発表 (Lecture)：10:00~12:00

Toshiyuki Ogihara (University of Washington)

Toward a unified semantic analysis of adnominal modifiers 

Adnominal modifiers might be analyzed at least in two different ways as shown in Heim and Kratzer (1998). One possibility is to assume that adjectives (and other adnominal modifiers) denote properties on a par with nouns, and a special semantic operation (Predicate Modification) yields the “intersection” of the two predicate meanings. Another possibility (Parsons 1968, Montague 1970) is to assign more complex meanings of adjectives: they are functions from predicate meanings to predicate meanings. This view is referred to as the “predicate modifier” view by Morzycki (2016) and can deal adequately with intensional adjectives like fake, alleged, and prospective. They both suffer from empirical and conceptual issues, however. The intersective analysis of adjectives must rely heavily on contextual information since adjectives like big and small are known to yield different interpretations depending upon the nouns they modify. In addition, the intersective account clearly faces difficulty with intensional adjectives. The predicate modifier analysis of adjectives is forced to treat their predicative uses as elliptical attributive uses. There are many additional issues such as the treatment of comparatives and superlatives (Kamp 1975, Kennedy 1997).

At the end of a book-length study of modifiers, Morzicki (2016) speculates that only intersective modifiers may be “true modifiers.” My intuition about modifiers is just the opposite, however. I believe that modifiers are basically subsective and are used to restrict the meaning of the modifiee (i.e., the noun).

In this presentation, I shall pursue the idea that adnominal modifiers are all restrictive modifiers. Needless to say, this idea cannot be implemented straightforwardly in terms of a set-subset relation in a formal theory. For example, {<w,t,x> | x is an alleged criminal at t in w} is clearly not a subset of {<w,t,x> | x is a criminal at t in w}. However, it is arguable that alleged restricts the meaning of criminal in some intuitive sense. I shall present an analysis of adnominal modifiers (including adjectives, relative clauses, and nouns that behave like noun modifiers) according to which a modifier denotes a property — type: <s,<e,t>> (or possibly a relation between individuals and degrees for some adjectives —  type: <s,<d,<e,t>>>). I then posit a function that applies to two properties (the modifier meaning and the modifiee meaning) in turn and returns as its value another property based upon a counterfactual reasoning — type: <property, <property, property>>. This is comparable to Predicate Modification in an intersective analysis but yields a very different semantic result. My proposal successfully deals with the known examples of non-intersective or  intensional adjectives as well as examples like stone lion.

第47回

2021年9月18日 (土) 10時00分 〜12時00分　

10:00~12:00 18th September 2021

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研究発表 (Lecture)：10:00~12:00

Muyi Yang (University of Connecticut)

Sensitive to future: the discourse dynamics of Japanese nara-conditionals

This study investigates the felicity condition of Japanese nara-conditionals. It has been observed that such conditionals require discourse-saliency in the sense that the antecedent ‘always expresses new information that has just entered the consciousness of the speaker at the discourse site’ (Akatsuka 1985: 628). Based on novel observations about the sensitivity of nara to different types of preceding discourse moves (e.g., assertions, questions), I show that Akatsuka's view is not fine-grained enough. I argue nara-conditionals require that the antecedent be in some possible future context set provided by the actual context, and implement the idea in Farkas & Bruce’s (2010) Table model. The proposed account makes correct predictions for the interaction between nara-conditionals and (i) directive speech acts, (ii) contrastive strategy of question-answering, and (iii) evidentiality. 

第46回

2021年9月4日 (土) 10時00分 〜12時00分　

10:00~12:00 4th September 2021

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研究発表 (Lecture)：10:00~12:00

水野輝之 (Teruyuki Mizuno) コネティカット大学 (University of Connecticut)

反事実条件文における「反事実性」はどこから生まれるのか

反事実条件文 (counterfactual conditionals) は哲学・言語学両分野において長年議論の多いトピックであり、その形態的特徴や意味解釈に関して現在まで多くの問題が提示されてきた。それらのうちの一つに、 前件の反事実性、すなわち前件が現実世界において偽であるという推論をいかにして導出するかという問題がある。本発表では特に反事実性を語用論的な含意 (implicature) として導く分析に焦点を当て、先行研究の問題点を指摘する。さらに、英語と日本語の比較を通して、反事実条件文の形成における言語間の差異が反事実性の導出に関してどのように異なる予測を生み出すか、また、両言語間にどのような共通原理が存在するかを考察する。

第45回

2021年9月18日 (土) 10時00分 〜12時00分　

10:00~12:00 18th September 2021

Zoom

研究発表 (Lecture)：10:00~12:00

Muyi Yang University of Connecticut

Sensitive to future: the discourse dynamics of Japanese nara-conditionals

This study investigates the felicity condition of Japanese nara-conditionals. It has been observed that such conditionals require discourse-saliency in the sense that the antecedent ‘always expresses new information that has just entered the consciousness of the speaker at the discourse site’ (Akatsuka 1985: 628). Based on novel observations about the sensitivity of nara to different types of preceding discourse moves (e.g., assertions, questions), I show that Akatsuka's view is not fine-grained enough. I argue nara-conditionals require that the antecedent be in some possible future context set provided by the actual context, and implement the idea in Farkas & Bruce’s (2010) Table model. The proposed account makes correct predictions for the interaction between nara-conditionals and (i) directive speech acts, (ii) contrastive strategy of question-answering, and (iii) evidentiality. 

第44回

2021年7月17日 (土) 10時00分 〜12時00分　

10:00~12:00 17th July 2021

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研究発表 (Lecture)：10:00~12:00

原由理枝 (Yurie Hara) 北海道大学 (Hokkaido University)

Questions are Independent Issues 

An unconditional statement like (1) has been analyzed as a conjunction of two condtional statements as in (2) (Rawlins, 2008, 2013). 

(1) Whether or not the party is at Emma’s place, it will be fun. 

(2) If the party is at Emma’s place, it will be fun and if it is not at her place, it will be fun. 

Now, when a consequent is a question, the construction is judged unacceptable: 

(3) *Whether or not the party is at Emma’s place, will it be fun? 

This is puzzling as a paraphrase parallel to (2) as a conjunction of two conditional questions is not inconceivable: 

(4) If the party is at Emma’s place, will it be fun, and if it is not at her place, will it be fun?

Another complication is that the judgment can be improved if the context is such that the speaker explicates the independence between the two issues, whether or not the party is at Emma’s place and whether or not it will be fun:

(5) I don’t think whether the party will be fun or not depends on whether it is at Emma’s place or not. 

　?Now, whether or not the party is at Emma’s house, will it be fun? 

In this talk, I offer an analysis of conditional and unconditional questions using inquisitive semantics (Ciardelli et al., 2015) and Kaufmann’s (2000) stack-based semantics of conditionals (see also Isaacs & Rawlins, 2008) and explain how the notion of contextual independence affects the acceptability of an unconditional question ‘whether or not p, ?q’. In a nutshell, when p and q are not contextually independent, the answer is already given, hence not informative. Thus, the unconditional question would be a superfluous question. In contrast, when p and q are independent, ‘whether or not p, ?q’ entails ‘?q’, thus it remains a legitimate question. 

References

Ciardelli, Ivano, Jeroen Groenendijk & Floris Roelofsen. 2015. On the semantics and logic of declaratives and interrogatives. Synthese 192. 1689-1728. 

Isaacs, James & Kyle Rawlins. 2008. Conditional questions. Journal of Semantics 25. 269-319. 

Kaufmann, Stefan. 2000. Dynamic context management. In S. Kaufmann M. Faller & M. Pauly (eds.), Formalizing the Dynamics of Information, Stanford, CA: CSLI. 

Rawlins, Kyle. 2008. (Un)conditionals: an investigation in the syntax and semantics of conditional structures: University of California, Santa Cruz dissertation. 

Rawlins, Kyle. 2013. (Un)conditionals. Natural Language Semantics 40. 111-178. 

第43回

2021年6月19日 (土) 10時00分 〜12時00分　

10:00~12:00 19th June 2021

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研究発表 (Lecture)：10:00~12:00

小田博宗 (Hiromune Oda) コネティカット大学 (University of Connecticut)

Japanese free choice items as unconditionals

This article examines syntactic and semantic properties of free choice items (FCIs) in Japanese. It is argued that Japanese FCIs, which have been considered to have a wh-item and a scalar focus particle demo, actually involve a clausal structure, which contains a null subject, a copula, and a subjunctive modal/mood. This proposal explains a number of puzzling issues regarding their distribution as FCIs compared with those in other languages. A compositional semantic analysis of Japanese FCIs is then proposed based on this morpho-syntactic decomposition; the Japanese free choice items are essentially analyzed as unconditionals, and it is shown that the subjunctive mood plays a crucial role in deriving relevant interpretations (in particular, counterfactuality, an ignorance inference, and an indifference inference) in the spirit of Izvorski (2000). This article also discusses a number of extensions and implications of the proposal: correspondence of different wh-items to different atomic levels in Condoravdi’s (2015) individuation scheme, scalarity of Japanese FCIs, the typology of FC expressions, and connection to correlative constructions. In addition, this article addresses some issues regarding licensing contexts of Japanese FCIs, an existential-like interpretation obtained in the presence of the phrase ii-kara ‘good-because’ in imperatives, anti-episodicity, subtrigging, the so-called Canasta scenario, and partitives.

(A full version of this paper can be downloaded here.)

第42回

2021年2月19日 (金) 13時00分 〜15時00分　

13:00~15:00 19th February 2021

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研究発表 (Lecture)：13:00~15:00

辰己雄太（Yuta Tatsumi) コネチカット大学（University of Connecticut）

Number Concepts Expressed by the Faculty of Language

In this talk, I give an answer to the question how the knowledge of number is linguistically implemented on the basis of a wide range of cross-linguistic data. I argue that bare numerals are born as numerical phrases of type n and obtain different functions such as cardinals, ordinals and fractions with the help of other elements. In particular, I propose that numeral classifiers, multiplicands (e.g. "hundred" in "three hundred") and ordinal markers (e.g. "-th" in "seventh" in English) are the same kind of syntactic heads and have some properties in common.

第41回

2021年2月18日 (木) 13時00分 〜15時00分　

13:00~15:00 18th February 2021

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研究発表 (Lecture)：13:00~15:00

井原駿 (Shun Ihara) 神戸大学 (Kobe University)

Obligatory Implicatures in Discourse Particles: A Case of yo

It has been controversial what discourse particles are inserted into utterances based on what pragmatic principles (e.g. Krifka 1999, Sæbø 2004, Bade 2016, Athluya and Hackl 2017, Renans et al. 2017). This study investigates the strategy behind the (non-)obligatory occurrence of the Japanese DP yo, which has attracted a great deal of attention in the literature (e.g. Takubo and Kinsui 1997, McCready 2009, Davis 2009, 2011, Northrup 2014, Oshima 2014, McCready and Davis 2020). I present linguistic evidence against treating the mandatory insertion of yo as following from Maximize Presupposition! (Heim 1991), and argue that the insertion of certain types of DPs including yo should follow from the independently needed mechanism of exhaustification and QUD (Roberts 1996). The finding contributes to the segregation of the empirical scope of the mechanisms that work for DPs in natural language discourse.

第40回

2020年2月22日 (土) 13時00分 (13:00 ~ onwards, 22 February 2020)

名古屋学院大学白鳥学舎 曙館 607 (607 Akebonokan, Shiratori Campas, Nagoya Gakuin University)

http://www.ngu.jp/outline/access.html (map) 地図

研究発表 (Lecture)：13:00~14:50

平山仁美 (Hitomi Hirayama) 九州工業大学 (Kyushu Institute of Technology)

A QuD-based analysis of discourse effects of contrastive wa in Japanese

Contrastive wa has attracted much attention in the literature (Hara 2006, Kuroda 2005, Tomioka 2009). It can sometimes trigger ignorance inferences in declarative sentences and work similarly to sukunakutomo `at least.' On the other hand, in interrogative sentences, Schwarz and Shimoyama (2010) report that wa can obviate the negative island effect in a degree question. Giving the semantics of at least to wa can explain the obviation effect, but it poses several puzzles.

In this paper, I propose that ignorance inferences and negative island obviation are results of special discourse effects associated with sentences with this particular lexical item. Specifically, I argue that as its discourse effect, contrastive wa projects a special discourse structure built upon a Question under Discussion (QuD).

研究発表 (Lecture)：15:00 ~ onward

中西公子 (Kimiko Nakanishi) お茶の水女子大学 (Ochanomizu University)

A Semantic Analysis of Demo with Indeterminates

There seems to be a general agreement that an indeterminate in Japanese followed by demo (indet-demo) corresponds to free choice any in English (FC any) (e.g. Alan can eat anything ~ Alan-wa nan-demo tabe-rareru ‘Alan-Top indet-DEMO eat-can). In this presentation, I first show that there are a number of semantic differences between the two. For instance, while FC any requires an appropriate phrasal modifier in episodic contexts, as in (1a) (so-called subtrigging effect), indet-demo is fine without any modifier. Moreover, FC any permits a non-iterative interpretation, as in (1b), but indet-demo must be interpreted iteratively (the Japanese correspondence to (1b) is infelicitous).

(1) a. John talked to anybody *(who came up to him).

b. Anybody who was there at that time died in the blast. (Dayal 2004: 16)

I argue that semantic differences between FC any and indet-demo (including the ones shown above) can be explained Hiraiwa and Nakanishi’s (2020) claim that indet-demo is syntactically clausal. More specifically, indet-demo is an unconditional clause that consists of a copula verb de, an existential verb ar, and the particle mo (where ar undergoes ellipsis). 

第39回

2019年10月5日 (土) 13時00分 (13:00 ~ onwards, 5 October 2019) 

名古屋学院大学丸の内サテライト キリックス丸の内ビル7階 

(7th Floor, 1chome 17-19, Marunouchi, Nakaku, Nagoyashi 460-0002)

https://www.ngu.jp/outline/campus/ (map) 地図

研究発表 (Lecture)：13:00~14:30

福島一彦 (Kazuhiko Fukushima), 関西外国語大学 (Kansai Gaidai University)

East Asian Relatives Revisited Yet Again: New Syntactic and Semantic Perspectives Based on Japanese

Abstract:

Relative clauses in East Asian languages (Japanese, Korean, and Chinese) have been controversial since a mixture of ‘gapped’ and ‘gapless’ relatives is found. In gapped (i) a semantically obligatorygap in a relative is construed with the head noun, while in gapless (ii) is a complete proposition (i.e. with no obligatory gap) that is pragmatically understood (due to the so called ‘aboutness’) asa modifier for the head noun.

1. (i)  [NP [S sakka-ga gapi kai-ta] honi] ‘the booki [the novelist wrote ___i]’

2. (ii)  [NP [S atama-ga yokunar-u] hon] ‘(Lit.) the book [a head becomes good]’ →

3. a pragmatic inference → ‘the book [the reader of which becomes smart]’

This talk sheds light on the two main issues regarding relatives based on Japanese data: (a) the syntactic (non)uniformity among relatives or, more generally, noun modifying clauses (NMCs) and (b) a proper characterization of the semantic relationship between an NMC and its modified head noun.

First, the division between true relatives and other NMCs is upheld. The crucial evidence is the (im)possibility of coordination between different types of head nouns – the aspect hitherto unexplored. The former is a regular filler-gap structure but the latter is an appositive construction. Second, true relatives are given a simple intersective semantics, while appositives are interpreted with a formally defined function elucidating the concept of ‘aboutness’ – a key concept that is frequently and informally appealed to but so far has evaded an explicit formal definition.

研究発表 (Lecture)：14:40~onwards (around 17:00)

Koyo Akuzawa (Seigakuin University), Yusuke Kubota (NINJAL)

The modal and temporal semantics of finite control in Japanese

Abstract:

In this talk, we argue for a semantic analysis of finite control in Japanese. In the first part of the talk, we identify empirical problems for previous syntactic accounts and propose a descriptive classification of control verbs that take *koto*-marked complement clauses. This descriptive classification clarifies a key property common to an apparently heterogeneous class of *koto*-taking control-inducing verbs: a modalized causal relation between the event denoted by the embedded clause and an implicit event inherent to the meaning of the control verb. The second part of the talk analyzes the lexical meanings of *koto*-taking control verbs more closely, addressing two issues pertaining to the distributions of tense forms and temporal adverbials that have been taken in the literature to provide evidence for the 'defective tense' analysis of finite control. We argue that both of these properties naturally fall out from the lexical semantics of the control verbs in our analysis, providing further support for the semantics analysis of finite control in Japanese.

第38回

2019年7月27日 (土) 13時00分 (13:00 ~ onwards, 27 July 2019) 

名古屋学院大学白鳥学舎 曙館 607 (607 Akebonokan, Shiratori Campas, Nagoya Gakuin University)

http://www.ngu.jp/outline/access.html (map) 地図

研究発表 (Lecture)：13:00~14:30

Kenta Mizutani (Osaka University)

How to Count Eventualities

Abstract:

In the literature, various constraints on adverbial quantifiers have been proposed: Kratzer (1995), de Swart (1993, 1996) and Percus (2007). In this talk, I will compare these constraints in the light of three phenomena concerning individual-level predicates: 

(1) a. When a dessert is a fruit, it always tastes good.     b. *When an apple is a fruit, it always tastes good. 

(2) a. Taro is always the only Japanese person.     b. *Taro is always a Japanese person. 

(3) a. John is always taller than every basketball player.     b. *John is always tall / taller than Taro. 

In the first part of this talk, I will point out that the existing constraints cannot deal with all these phenomena adequately, and propose a new constraint. In the second part of this talk, I will discuss the conceptual motivation of the new constraint and try to answer the big question: How do we count eventualities? 

研究発表 (Lecture)：14:35~16:05

Yuto Hirayama (Osaka University/JSPS), 

joint work with Lisa Matthewson (University of British Columbia)

Temporal Evidentials without Tense

Abstract:

Evidential constructions in several languages encode - in addition to the evidence-type specification - a temporal relation between the prejacent proposition and the Evidence Acquisition Time (EAT) (e.g., Chung 2007, Fleck 2007, Koev 2011, 2017, Lee 2013, Smirnova 2013, among others). Evidentials of this type discussed so far seem to all be involved in tense- or verbal- inflection. In Bulgarian, for example, the relation between the EAT and the prejacent’s reference time is specified by and varies according to tense inflection (Smirnova 2013, Koev 2017).

In this talk we investigate a range of different evidentials and their temporal properties: inferential and reportative evidentials in Japanese, English, St’át’imcets (Lilooet Salish), Gitksan (Tsimshianic) and German. We show that there are evidentials which encode a temporal relation but are not involved in tense- or verbal inflection. These evidentials lexically specify a certain fixed relation between RT and EAT, independent of temporal properties of the prejacent. Based on our cross-linguistic study, we propose a typology and micro-parameter of variation. We also relate our findings to the hypothesis that languages combine universal semantic ‘building blocks’ of meaning in language-specific ways (von Fintel and Matthewson 2008).

研究発表 (Lecture)：16:10~onwards

Junko Shimoyama (McGill University) and Daniel Goodhue (University of Maryland)

Two types of non-canonical negation in Japanese and reducing one to the other

Abstract:

We will look at two environments where non-canonical negation is found in Japanese, and present puzzles about their distribution. We will show that a reduction analysis is possible in which so-called subordinate expletive negation is an instance of ‘high' negation in positively biased negative polar questions. The reduction analysis has a welcome consequence that the seemingly puzzling distribution of subordinate expletive negation will now fall out of the analysis.

第37回

2019年4月28日 (日) 13時30分 (13:30 ~ onwards, 28 April 2019) 

名古屋学院大学白鳥学舎 曙館 607 (607 Akebonokan, Shiratori Campas, Nagoya Gakuin University)

http://www.ngu.jp/outline/access.html (map) 地図

研究発表 (Lecture)：13:30~15:00

大谷修樹 (Otani, Shuki) 大阪大学大学院 (Osaka University)

日本語の空項と否定の作用域に関する研究

Abstract:

本発表では、日本語の音声を伴わない選言句が否定文に現れた時のその選言句と否定の作用域の関係について議論する。Sakamoto (2016)では、(1b)のように、音声を伴わない選言句が、否定より高い作用域しか取れない例を提示した。

(1) a. 太郎は [スペイン語かフランス語を] 話さない。

  b. 次郎も △     話さない。

( Or > Neg / *Neg > Or) (Sakamoto 2016:8)

しかし、Funakoshi (2013)は、音声を伴わない選言句が作用域をとるようなデータを提示した。

(2) メアリーは スペイン語かフランス語を 話すが、ジョンは Δ 話さない。

  (*Or > Neg / Neg > Or) (Funakoshi 2013: 13)

なぜ、(1)と(2)で選言句の取る作用域が変わるのか。Maeda (2017)は、Shibata (2015)、Takahashi (2017)、 Fox (2000)の分析を採用し、これらを組み合わせることにより上記のデータを統一的に説明しようと試みた。本発表では、Maeda (2017)の分析では説明できないデータを提示し、それらを説明できるような分析を提案する。

研究発表 (Lecture)：15:10~onwards

井原駿 (Shun Ihara) 大阪大学大学院（Osaka University)

Minimal or strong?: Toward a hybrid approach to imperatives in Japanese

Abstract:

The denotational meaning of imperatives with respect to the existence of a modal has been long-lasting puzzle in the literature. Broadly we can distinguish between two types of approaches: the minimal theory according to which there is no modal operator present in imperatives (Portner 2004, 2007; Barker 2012; von Fintel and Iatridou 2017) and the strong theory which assumes that there is a modal operator in the semantics (Schwager 2006; Grosz 2009; Kaufmann 2012; Condoravdi and Lauer 2012; Keshet and Medeiros 2018).

      In this talk, I claim that both approaches are plausible at least in the case of Japanese; some involve a modal, while others involve no such an element. Specifically, I argue that the imperative speech act operator can be decomposed into the modal operator and the presupposition operator, and propose to treat (i) canonical imperatives (e.g. “Sassato tabe-ro!” ‘Eat it quickly!’) as containing both operators and (ii) non-canonical imperatives (e.g. “Sassato tabe-ru yooni!” / “Sassato tabe-ru!” / “Sassato tabe-ru koto!” ‘Eat it quickly!’) as lacking either of the two.  

第36回

2019年1月26日 (土) 13時30分 (13:30 ~ onwards, 26 January 2019) 

名古屋学院大学丸の内サテライト キリックス丸の内ビル7階 

(7th Floor, 1chome 17-19, Marunouchi, Nakaku, Nagoyashi 460-0002)

https://www.ngu.jp/outline/campus/ (map) 地図

研究発表 (Lecture)：13:30~15:00

Paolo Bonardi (Tokyo Metropolitan University & Université de Genève)

Millian Russellianism, Neo-Meinongianism and Imaginary Names

Abstract:

Millianism is the doctrine that the semantic content of a name is just its referent; and Russellianism is the doctrine that the semantic content of a declarative sentence in a context of use is a Russellian proposition, i.e. a structured proposition whose basic constituents are individuals, attributes and functions. In my talk, I will first outline Kaplan’s, Salmon’s and Soames’ Millian Russellianism broadly construed, viz. as a theory that affects not only philosophy of language but also epistemology, metaphysics and logic. My goal is to present and defend a Millian-Russellian account of imaginary names – i.e. names of creatures from fiction (e.g. “Holmes”), error (e.g. “Vulcan”), dream, hallucination, etc. – according to which: every imaginary name has referent; such a referent is into our universe (i.e. into the spatiotemporal region where we live); it is in time but not in space and, strictly speaking, it is concrete; it exists (because the neo-Meinongian alternative that it is a nonexistent object encounters serious difficulties illustrated in the talk); and it is a mental type (e.g. Holmes is nothing but the mental type of having in mind Holmes). 

研究発表 (Lecture)：15:10~onwards

Naoya Fujikawa (Tokyo Metropolitan University)

Proper names in attitude contexts

Abstract: 

Based on a DRT semantics of attitude reports that appeals to the notion of meta-discourse referents (Fujikawa 2016) and a presuppositional account of proper names (Kamp 2015), I propose a semantics of proper names in attitude contexts. I claim that there are two different ways of resolving or accommodating the presupposition triggered by a proper name in an attitude context: In some cases a proper name in an attitude context takes a meta discourse referent which represents a mental file as its antecedent; and in other cases it takes a (standard) discourse referent which represents an object as its antecedent. I also discuss how this semantics relates to the distinction between the de re and de dicto readings of attitude reports and Kripke (1979)'s Paderewski case.

References

Fujikawa, N. (2016). Coordination and anaphora in attitude contexts, Proceedings of the Thirteenth International Workshop of Logic and Engineering of Natural Language Semantics (LENLS 13), pp. 27-40.

Kamp, H. (2015). Using proper names as intermediaries between labelled entity representations. Erkenntnis, 80(2), 263-312.

Kripke, S. A. (1979). A puzzle about belief. In A. Margalit (Ed.) Meaning and use, pp. 239-283. Dordrecht: Springer

第35回

9月23日に下記，研究会を予定しています．トークのアブストラクトは判明次第，返信という形でお知らせいたします．

ご興味・ご関心のある方はお気楽にお越しください．

ご質問があれば，川原までお問い合わせください．

名古屋外国語大学・川原功司

kkoji at nufs.ac.jp

2018年9月23日 (日) 13時30分

名古屋学院大学白鳥学舎 曙館 607

http://www.ngu.jp/outline/access.html (map) 地図

研究発表 (Lecture)：13:30~14:50

Magdalena Kaufmann  (University of Connecticut)

Topics in conditional conjunctions

Abstract:

TBA

研究発表 (Lecture)：15:00~onwards

Stefan Kaufmann (University of Connecticut)

Title TBA

Abstract: 

TBA

第34回

2018年8月26日 (日) 13時30分 

名古屋学院大学白鳥学舎 曙館 607

http://www.ngu.jp/outline/access.html (map) 地図

輪読会 ：13:30~14:50

マテリアル: Fox and Hackl (2006) The Universal Density of Measurement. Linguistics & Philosophy 29.

上記マテリアルを水谷謙太さん（大阪大学大学院）の進行・解説で進める予定です。

研究発表 ：15:00~onwards

Frank Sode (Goethe University Frankfurt)

Good as a predicate of worlds

Abstract: 

In this talk, I propose a new semantics for good-predications involving finite if- and that-clauses as illustrated by the examples in (1).

    (1) a. It is good that the cat is fat.

         b. It is good if the cat is fat.

         c. It would be good if the cat was / were fat.

The proposal combines a standard semantics for conditionals with a standard semantics for the Pos-morphem and a minimal semantics for modal good that takes modal good to be a predicate of possible worlds. I show how the predicted truth-conditions solve a puzzle that is related to the use of subjunctive in (1-c): Although the main predication is marked with subjunctive mood, the predicate good doesn’t get a shifted interpretation. In the last part of the talk, I defend the classical notion of comparative goodness in terms of a comparison between possible worlds against Lassiter (2017)’s challenge.

第33回

2018年8月26日 (日) 13時30分 

名古屋学院大学白鳥学舎 曙館 607

http://www.ngu.jp/outline/access.html (map) 地図

輪読会 ：13:30~14:50

マテリアル: Fox and Hackl (2006) The Universal Density of Measurement. Linguistics & Philosophy 29.

上記マテリアルを水谷謙太さん（大阪大学大学院）の進行・解説で進める予定です。

研究発表 ：15:00~onwards

Frank Sode (Goethe University Frankfurt)

Good as a predicate of worlds

Abstract: 

In this talk, I propose a new semantics for good-predications involving finite if- and that-clauses as illustrated by the examples in (1).

    (1) a. It is good that the cat is fat.

         b. It is good if the cat is fat.

         c. It would be good if the cat was / were fat.

The proposal combines a standard semantics for conditionals with a standard semantics for the Pos-morphem and a minimal semantics for modal good that takes modal good to be a predicate of possible worlds. I show how the predicted truth-conditions solve a puzzle that is related to the use of subjunctive in (1-c): Although the main predication is marked with subjunctive mood, the predicate good doesn’t get a shifted interpretation. In the last part of the talk, I defend the classical notion of comparative goodness in terms of a comparison between possible worlds against Lassiter (2017)’s challenge.

第32回

2018年7月28日 (土) 13時30分 

名古屋学院大学丸の内サテライト キリックス丸の内ビル7階 

https://www.ngu.jp/outline/campus/ (map) 地図

研究発表 (Lecture)：13:30~14:50

Junri Shimada (Meiji Gakuin University)

Logics and Pragmatics of Cumulative Sentences

Abstract: 

It is widely accepted that calculation of scalar implicatures is based on the entailment relation between alternative sentences. This implies that in order to make any concrete predictions about scalar implicatures, one must foremost know the underlying entailment relation. The relevant entailment relation is indeed obvious for sentences with only one scalar item such as Bill had two bananas. However, this is not so for sentences expressing cumulative quantification such as three boys had eight bananas, a point little discussed in the literature.

To reveal the entailment relations between cumulative sentences naturally leads to building logics for them. In this talk, I will present my developing of such logics, focusing especially on count-mass binary sentences such as three boys had eighty grams of pudding, for which a sound and complete system has been obtained. I will also discuss what scalar implicatures are predicted based on such results, which may or may not accord with our intuitions.

研究発表 (Lecture)：15:00~ onwards

Michael Yoshitaka Erlewine (mitcho), National University of Singapore

Wh-quantification in Alternative Semantics

Abstract:

Many languages form quantifiers by combining a wh-phrase with an additional morpheme. The additional morpheme involved is very often a scalar focus particle or disjunctor, as noted e.g. by Haspelmath (1997, ch. 7). I develop an approach to wh-quantification within a Roothian two-dimensional Alternative Semantics which productively explains the prevalence of scalar focus particles and disjunctors in wh-quantification, and which offers a framework for describing cross-linguistic differences in non-interrogative wh interpretation.

第31回

研究発表 (Lecture)：13:30~14:50

Bernhard Schwarz (McGill University), joint work with Mathieu Paillé (McGill University)

Knowing whether and ignorance implication

The truth conditions of know whether reports --  statements that feature the matrix predicate know embedding a polar question  --  have not been a matter of controversy  (Karttunen 1977, Lewis 1982, Groenendijk and Stokhof 1982). Yet negated know whether reports are judged to convey more information about the agent's beliefs than received wisdom leads one to expect. For example, Ann doesn't know whether Ben is Canadian is expected to merely convey that Ann does not know the true answer to the embedded question, but it is actually understood to more specifically convey that Ann is unopinionated about which answer to the embedded question is true. 

We will (i) propose diagnostics for such agent ignorance implications; (ii) articulate, but then reject, an account of agent ignorance implications as quantity implicatures under neo-Gricean assumptions; (iii) show that agent ignorance implications with negated know whether reports are part of a broader data pattern with so-called cognitive factive embedding predicates; (iv) explore the hypothesis that agent ignorance implications arise in virtue of cognitive factive triggering the  presupposition that the agent does not believe a false answer.

研究発表 (Lecture)：15:00~ onwards

Junko Shimoyama (McGill University), joint work with Daniel Goodhue (University of Maryland, from August 2018)

Preliminary notes on positively biased negative polar questions and expletive negation in Japanese

Abstract:

In this presentation, we will explore properties of negative polar questions with positive epistemic bias in Japanese (e.g., Sudo 2013, Hara, Kawahara & Feng 2014, Ito & Oshima 2016, Hirayama 2018, among others). We start with the working hypothesis that the negative morpheme in this construction is generated and interpreted in a structurally high position, above a speech act operator, as in recent proposals for polar questions with preposed negation in English (Krifka 2017, Goodhue 2018). We will see how far we can get with this hypothesis, and what puzzles arise. 

第30回

2018年5月20日 (日) 13時30分 (13:30 ~ onwards, 20 May 2018) 

名古屋学院大学白鳥学舎 曙館 607 (607 Akebonokan, Shiratori Campas, Nagoya Gakuin University)

http://www.ngu.jp/outline/access.html (map) 地図

会場が変更になりました！

研究発表 (Lecture)：13:30~onwards

Robert Levine (Ohio State University)

 'Biolinguistics': Some foundational problems

Abstract: 

The 'Biolinguistics' program seeks to establish specific neuroanatomical models corresponding to the representations and operations characterizing the species-specific language faculty in human beings. Yet after decades of research, no neural structures corresponding to specific linguistic structures, rules, constraints or principles have ever been identified. A key to biolinguistics' failure is, I suggest, its long-term adherence to two dubious assumptions: (i)

a kind of literalism in envisaging the relationship between neural anatomy and linguistic representations, reflecting a serious misconstrual of Marr's (1982) tripartite division of cognition, and (ii) a view of such representations as objects fundamentally different from other components of human cognitive capacity. (ii) rests on the premise that phrase markers are the optimal formal representation of natural language sentences, despite major empirical difficulties that syntactic accounts based on hierarchical phrase structure face in handling a wide variety of grammatical patterns, including non-canonical coordinations and ellipsis constructions. In contrast, proof-theoretic approaches such as type-logical grammar do not face these difficulties, and their foundational assumptions link language to the higher-order cognitive functions supporting deductive reasoning. This conclusion offers a very promising alternative to the

current, essentially result-free 'Biolinguistic' paradigm.

第29回

2018年3月31日 (日) 13時00分 (13:00 ~ onwards, 31 March 2018) 

名古屋学院大学白鳥学舎 曙館 607 (607 Akebonokan, Shiratori Campas, Nagoya Gakuin University)

http://www.ngu.jp/outline/access.html (map) 地図

 輪読会 (Reading/Discussion)：13:00~13:50

マテリアル: Fox and Hackl (2006) The Universal Density of Measurement. Linguistics & Philosophy 29.

上記マテリアルを水谷謙太さん（大阪大学大学院）の進行・解説で進める予定です。

研究発表 (Lecture)：13:55~14:40

Osamu Sawada (Mie University) and Jun Sawada (Aoyama Gakuin University)

On the inferential use of the Japanese NP-no koto-da(-kara): The dependent relationship with a modal statement

Abstract: 

This talk investigates the dependent property of the inferential use of NP-no koto-da(-kara) ‘lit. NP-GEN fact-PRED (-because)’ in Japanese. The inferential use of NP-no koto-da(-kara) is different from the non-inferential nominalized NP-no koto (e.g., Takubo 2007) in that it not only invokes a property of NP, but also indicates that it serves as a cause (evidence) for inferring a proposition (see also Masuoka 2013; Yumoto 2015).

        An interesting point of the inferential use of no koto-da is that the causal and inferential meaning arise even without the conjunctive particle kara. We argue that although both NP-no-koto-da with kara and NP-no-koto-da without kara conventionally implicate that “the contextually salient property of NP is a cause for inferring a proposition p”, the way the conventional implicature (CI) is derived is different. In the former case, the conjunctive particle kara ‘because’ triggers the inferential causal relationship as a CI, while in the latter case, no koto-da has been conventionalized as an independent evidence-indicating marker, which triggers the inferential causal relationship as a CI. The proposed analyses of no koto-da(-kara) will provide a natural explanation for why both must co-occur with the so-called result-inferential modals, such as daroo ‘will’ and kamoshirenai ‘may’ (but not with other kinds of modals).

        This paper shows that although CIs (the meaning of the inferential no koto-da(-kara)) are logically independent of the at-issue content (the at-issue meaning of a modal), it can have a dependent relationship with the at-issue content at the level of use-condition.

研究発表 (Lecture)：14:45~15:30

Koji Kawahara (Nagoya University of Foreign Studies)

Adjectival Extremeness and Grammatical Integration

Abstract:

Extreme adjectives such as fantastic or wonderful are assumed to be a class of implicit superlatives, whereby they resist comparisons (Bolinger, 1967; Cruise, 1986).

(1) a. ? Godzilla is more gigantic than Mothra.

     b. ? Monkeys are less marvelous than ferrets.

     c. ? Everything is more scrumptious than natto.

Comparisons by extreme adjectives, however, can be found in corpus (Morzycki, 2012).

(2) a. Yes, Tudor darling, understand why this land is more wonderful than anywhere else in the world and why it           is yours, just as much as it is mine.

     b. Other times he will take you to visit places more wonderful than you could ever dream of Would you like

         Swan to take you home now?

     c. Over the next days, the girls swam, took long walks, talked, and ate Cook's meals which seemed more

         wonderful than ever after the school's frugal fare.

     d. As their lips met, she knew in a ash that this kiss of love was even more wonderful than the words that had             just thrilled her.

     e. Fuck, what could be more wonderful than that!

Native speakers of English have intuition that extreme adjectives are not available in comparisons out of blue but nevertheless some of them can think of grammatical context, in which extreme adjectives build comparisons.

The purpose of this talk is to show that emphasized extreme adjectives hold dual meanings, whereby a CI meaning is added to a literal or at-issue meaning (Potts, 2005; McCready, 2010; Sawada, 2018). Extremeness in comparisons by extreme adjectives is calculated at CI-dimensions and thus a comparative constituent will not be redundant. A consequence of the present analysis is that expressiveness does not resist grammatical integration (Dingemanse and Akita, 2017) but it contributes to a CI-meaning.

研究発表 (Lecture)：15:40~16:25

David Oshima (Nagoya University) 

On the mirative use of the noda construction in Japanese

Abstract: 

It has been widely acknowledged that the noda construction in Japanese has a wide range of interpretations. This works aims to provide an adequate semantic description of one of the major uses of noda, which has been labeled as the “discovery”, “grasping”, or “apprehension” use by Japanese grammarians (as in, A, koko ni ita n da ‘Oh, there you are’), in light of the recent discussion of the notion of mirativity (“linguistic marking of an utterance as conveying information which is new or unexpected to the speaker” DeLancey 2001) in the typological literature. We argue that noda in its “discovery” use, can sensibly be regarded as a mirativity maker, and further discuss some subtle aspects of its meaning/felicity conditions that do not automatically follow from its being a mirativity marker.

研究発表 (Lecture)：16:30~17:15

Ikumi Imani (Nagoya Gakuin University)

Scope and Negation - reconsiderion on Kuno's hypothesis

Abstract:

This talk is to reconsider Kuno’s hypothesis that the scope of negation was very narrow in Japanese (Kuno 1980, 1983). This somewhat unintuitive hypothesis has been challenged by Takubo (1985), Koganemaru (1990), Masuoka (1991), Yatabe (2002) and Shibata (2015) among others. In this talk, we will first review Kuno’s

approach, and then show that if we take into account how alternatives of a focused phrase are semantically computed, his hypothesis turns out to be replaceable by a simpler and more unified one.

One of the sentences that plays a crucial role in Kuno’s analysis is (1). According to Kuno, (1B) is unnatural as a reply to (1A).

(1) A: Kimi-wa kono-tokei-wo pari-de kat-ta-no-ka?

     B: *Iya, pari-de(-wa) kaw-anak-atta. Kuno (1983: 126)

To explain why (1B) is infelicitous as the reply to (1A), he hypothesizes about the width the scope of negation has in Japanese, as shown in (2).

(2) Kuno’s hypothesis: 

    The scope of the negative morpheme nai does not extend over verbs/adjectives that immediately precede it or       “nouns/quasi-adjectives + a copula (da).” (Kuno 1983)

What (2) says is that the scope of negation does not extend over the verb kaw in (1B). However, there are exceptions to (2), and thus Kuno ends up with assuming the existence of two types of information structures in Japanese, a-fill-in-a-hole information structure and multiple-choice information structure. Kuno states:

(3) a. When a sentence has a fill-in-a-hole information structure, (i) it expresses a single event, and (ii) the scope of negation does not extend over a verb or adjectives that immediately precede it, or “nouns/quasi-adjectives + a copula (da).”

     b. When a sentence has a multiple-choice information structure, (i) it expresses repeatable events, and (ii) tscope of negation becomes wider so that the phrase under focus is in its scope.

The problem of (3) is twofold. One problem is that it is not clear on what ground we can assume that there are two kinds of information structures. The other is that the existence of exceptions such as sentences having multiple-choice information structure inevitably weakens his proposal that the scope of negation be very narrow in Japanese.

To solve these problems, we will propose another approach, more significantly based on the system of focus calculation.

第26回

2017年10月29日 (日) 13時30分 (13:30 ~ onwards, 29 October 2017) 

名古屋学院大学 さかえサテライト (Sakae Satellite, Nagoya Gakuin University)

中日ビル7階 (7th Floor, Chunichi Building)

http://www.ngu.jp/english/location-access/access/(map) 地図

〒460-0008 名古屋市中区栄4-1-1 中日ビル7階

栄駅下車，12番か13番出口すぐの中日ビル7階にお越しください．そこで，意味論研究会に参加する旨お伝えください．

 (Please come to the 7th Floor, Chunichi Building. Then, please let a gatekeeper know you will attend the meeting.)

        輪読会 (Reading/Discussion)：13:30~14:30

マテリアル: Fox and Hackl (2006) The Universal Density of Measurement. Linguistics & Philosophy 29.

上記マテリアルを水谷謙太さん（大阪大学大学院）の進行・解説で進める予定です。

研究発表 (Lecture)：14:40~15:20

簗有紀子 (Yukiko Yana) お茶の水女子大学（Ochanomizu University)

「談話表示理論と依存型意味論における上書き問題」

概要:

形式意味論の理論は、大きく分けて二つに分類することができる。モデル論的意味論と証明論的意味論である。モデル論的意味論では、文の意味をその文の真理条件とし、各モデルのもとでその真偽を評価する。談話表示理論 (Discourse Representation Theory; Kamp (1981), 以下 DRT)はモデル論的意味論に属する。一方、証明論的意味論では、文の意味をその文の証明条件とし、与えられた文脈からその文が証明可能かどうかを判断する。依存型意味論(Dependent Type Semantics; Bekki and Mineshima (2017), 以下 DTS)は証明論的意味論に属する。これらを含む自然言語の意味論においては「言語表現の意味はその構造と構成要素の意味によって決まる」という合成性(Compositionality) の原理が広く仮定されている。

本発表の目的は、合成性の観点からDRTとDTSを比較することである。Kamp (1981) および Kamp and Reyle (1993) で提案されたバージョンのDRTは合成性を満たさないことが知られている。そこで、合成性を持つようにDRTを拡張する様々な提案がなされた。本発表では、合成性を持つように拡張されたDRTとして、van Eijck and Kamp (1997) のRelational DRSによる拡張、Muskens (1996)のCompositional DRT、Kuschert (1995), Bos et al. (1994) の lambda-DRT の三つを取り上げ、それらのDRTでは、上書き問題等の問題が根本的には解消されないことを示す。また、合成性を持つ証明論的意味論であるDTSではこのような問題は起こらないことを示す。

研究発表 (Lecture)：15:20~16:00

戸次大介 (Daisuke Bekki) お茶の水女子大学 (Ochanomizu University)

「依存型意味論における前提現象の分析」            

概要:

• • 依存型意味論(Dependent Type Semantics: DTS)(Bekki 2014, Bekki and Mineshima 2017)は、依存型理論に基づいて

自然言語の証明論的意味論を与える理論であり、照応解決を型検査と証明探索の問題として捉える点に特徴がある。

一方、van der Sandt (1992)による「前提＝照応パラダイム」と併せて考えれば、DTSにおいては前提束縛もまた、

型検査と証明探索に帰着することになる（cf. Mineshima 2008)。本発表では、DTSによる前提束縛・前提投射の分

析を紹介するとともに、van der Sandtの理論においては難しいとされる橋渡し照応、叙実的前提等についても、

DTSが自然な分析を与えることを解説する。

参考文献：

van der Sandt, Rob. (1992). "Presupposition projection as anaphora resolution". Journal of Semantics 9, pp.333-  377.

Mineshima, Koji. (2008). "A presuppositional analysis of definite descriptions in proof theory". In New Frontiers in 

Artificial Intelligence, pp.214-227.

Bekki, Daisuke. (2014). "Representing Anaphora with Dependent Types". In proceedings of LACL2014, pp.14-29.

Bekki, Daisuke; Mineshima, Koji; (2017). "Context-Passing and Underspecification in Dependent Type Semantics", 

In Modern Perspectives in Type-Theoretical Semantics, S.Chatzikyriakidis and Z.Luo (Eds.), Springer. pp.11-41.

研究発表 (Lecture)：16:10~onwards   

伊藤友里菜 (Yurina Ito) お茶の水女子大学 (Ochanomizu University)

「前提と慣習的含みに対する投射現象の分析」

概要:

前提や慣習的含みは、論理的含意と同様に自然言語の意味論の主要な説明対象である。前提と慣習的含みは、否定・様相・疑問文等の文構造に埋め込まれた際にもその内容が含意されるという特徴を持つ。これは投射現象として知られる。近年、前提や慣習的含みを含めたすべての投射現象の性質について統一的に説明を与える試みとして注目されている研究にSimons et al.(2010)による分析がある。この分析では、命題の投射可能性をRoberts (1996)によって提唱されたQUDのモデルを用いて、命題とQUDとの関連性をもとに定義している。本発表では、Simons et al.(2010)で提案された投射仮説について批判的に検討を行い、問題点を指摘する。ここで取り上げる投射仮説への反例として、前提や慣習的含みが現在のQUDに答えを与えるような談話がある。本発表では、それらの談話がSimonsらの分析に対する反例であり、さらには談話において命題の真理条件を超えた含みを生じさせることを議論する。また最後に、自然言語の証明論意味論である依存型意味論における前提・慣習的含みの投射現象の取り扱いについても触れる。

第25回

2017年9月16日 (土) 13時30分 (13:30 ~ onwards, 10 June 2017) 

名古屋学院大学 さかえサテライト (Sakae Satellite, Nagoya Gakuin University)

中日ビル7階 (7th Floor, Chunichi Building)

http://www.ngu.jp/outline/sakae_satellite.html (map) 地図

〒460-0008 名古屋市中区栄4-1-1 中日ビル7階

栄駅下車，12番か13番出口すぐの中日ビル7階にお越しください．そこで，意味論研究会に参加する旨お伝えください．

 (Please come to the 7th Floor, Chunichi Building. Then, please let a gatekeeper know you will attend the meeting.)

研究発表 (Lecture)：13:30 ~15:00

大島義和 (David Y. Oshima) 名古屋大学 (Nagoya University)

The English rise-fall-rise contour and the Japanese contrastive particle wa are synonymous

Abstract:

It has been debated in the literature (i) how the English rise-fall-rise (RFR) contour is related to the contrastive topic (CT) contour, and (ii) whether the so-called contrastive particle wa in Japanese has a semantic contribution comparable to that of the English CT contour. This paper argues that wa (in its contrastive use) is synonymous to the RFR contour rather than to the CT contour. I submit that both wa and the RFR contour are a focus alternative quantifier which induces the implicature that the logical contrary of at least one member of the relevant set of alternative propositions is compatible with the speaker's beliefs. It will be further argued that the meaning contributed by the RFR contour and contrastive wa serve the function to block the exhaustivity implicature arising from plain focus-marking, and that the conceptual link between the two uses of wa -- contrastive and thematic -- lies in their functional role to "block pragmatic information that unmarked forms would induce''.

研究発表 (Lecture)：15:15 ~ onwards 

Chris Tancredi  (Keio University)

Believing Necessary Truths and Falsities

Abstract:

The most common semantic analyses of attitude statements are based on the possible worlds analysis of Hintikka (1962). According to these analyses, for a person to believe a proposition is for that proposition to be true in every world compatible with that person’s beliefs.  This approach is well known to falter on beliefs in necessary truths and falsities.  Since necessary truths are true in all worlds, a belief in a necessary truth will always come out true.  And since necessary falsities are true in no worlds, a true belief in a necessary falsity entails that there are no worlds compatible with the believer’s beliefs, which in turn makes an attribution of any belief to that person true.  Cresswell and von Stechow (1982) overcome these problems by analyzing belief as an attitude to a structured proposition.  In this talk I will argue that a structured proposition analysis can work, but that the specific analysis of Cresswell and von Stechow fails in two ways.  First, since they allow belief to be toward any structuring of a proposition they radically underdetermine the interpretation of any attitude attribution.  Second, since they do not incorporate any notion of entailment among attitudes they allow the truth value of a sentence like “John believes it’s raining” to vary randomly with the structure associated with the proposition “it’s raining”.  I propose a new structured proposition approach that overcomes both of these limitations by restricting possible structures based on the compositional semantics of the embedded clause.  Depending on the semantics of the attitude verb, I then show how this approach can predict entailment relations among attitude statements toward a single proposition under multiple structurings.

第24回

       2017年8月5日 (土) 10時00分 - 16時10分 (10:00 ~ 16:10, 5 August 2017) 

         大阪大学文学部英語学研究室 (Department of English Linguistics, Graduate School of Letters, Osaka University)

         大阪府豊中市待兼山町1番5号 (1-5 Machikaneyama, Toyonaka, Osaka)

        第100回 待兼山ことばの会（共催）

        研究発表 (Lecture)：10:00 ~11:00

平山裕人 (Yuto Hirayama) 大阪大学 (Osaka University)

Temporal precedence as a component of evidentials: a case study of a Japanese indirect evidential

概要:

本発表では、Izvorski(1997)やFaller (2002)に続く、証拠性表現の理論的分析における主流の方向性のもとでは説明できない現象を提示し、それらの先行研究に欠けていた視点を指摘する。その視点とは、証拠性表現の使用の際に参照される「証拠」とはどのような概念であるのか、どのような性質を持つのか、という視点である。本発表では、日本語の間接証拠表現「ようだ」の事例研究を通して、「ようだ」の作用域に埋め込まれている命題と、証拠として参照されている命題の間には、前者が後者よりも先に真になるという時間的制約が存在することを主張する。また本発表は、この提案が間接証拠だけでなく、直接証拠、伝聞証拠といった他の種類の証拠にも適用することができ、証拠性表現一般の特性を包括的に記述しているものであることも主張する。

研究発表 (Lecture)：11:10 ~ 12:10

川原功司 (Koji Kawahara) 名古屋外国語大学 (Nagoya University of Foreign Studies)

象徴的なオノマトペはスケールに依存し，類像的なオノマトペは依存しない

概要:

オノマトペは英語では“ideophones”, “mimetics” とも呼ばれ，擬音語・擬声語・擬態語を代表とする音象徴の機能を持つ語彙素である．オノマトペは感覚的なイメージを描写する語彙と考えられ，類像的な解釈を誘発する特徴を持つ．オノマトペは統語的に核となる要素を構成せず，文の端に現れ，形態的・統語的制約を受けず，埋め込み文の中に入らないのが典型である．一方で，日本語のようにオノマトペの多様な統語的振る舞いを許容する言語もあり，そのような言語では，オノマトペの表現力・類像性が文法的な統合度合いが強ければ強いほど弱まり，逆もしかりであるという事実が指摘されている(Dingemanse and Akita, 2016)．本発表では，段階制という概念に基づいて，オノマトペの表現力・類像性について検証する．特に，程度表現・比較表現と共起可能なオノマトペはスケールに基づいた象徴的な意味を表し，度量表現を含む計量関数として扱うことが可能であり，擬音語・擬声語といった典型的に類像的なオノマトペは段階的ではないことを示す．また，オノマトペが反復形の場合，複数のイベントを基にした段階制があり，形態的に反復が三度以上に渡る有標的な場合には，イベントとの間に類像性があるということを示す．

研究発表 (Lecture): 13:30 ~14:30

澤田治 (Osamu Sawada) 三重大学 (Mie University)

The context-dependency of the Japanese discourse marker sore-yori ‘than it’: The interaction between a CI and a general pragmatic principle

概要：

This talk investigates the context-dependency of the Japanese comparative expression sore-yori ‘lit. than it’. Sore-yori has both at-issue and not-at-issue uses, and the meaning of the not-at-issue sore-yori is highly context-dependent. It can be used for expressing goal-internal comparisons or goal-shifting comparisons (i.e., changing the topic of conversation (e.g. Kawabata 2002)) at the not-at-issue level. In this talk I argue that the not-at-issue sore-yori has a single conventional implicature (CI) which is “the at-issue utterance (which combines with sore-yori) is more preferable to the previous utterance,” and that the meaning of goal-shifting pragmatically arises if the at-issue utterance is not relevant to the “current” Question Under Discussion (e.g., Roberts 1996).

     I will also discuss the idea that the not-at-issue sore-yori can often induce a speaker’s negative attitude toward the addressee, which is also pragmatic, and argue that it should be analyzed as the instance of an indirect expressive (Sawada 2014). This study shows that there are discourse markers with meanings that are highly context/discourse sensitive, and that their actual meanings are derived from the interaction between their not-at-issue/CI meanings and discourse-pragmatic principles.

研究発表 (Lecture): 14: 40 ~ 16:10

楠本紀代美 (Kiyomi Kusumoto) 関西学院大学 (Kwansei Gakuin University)

Clause-embedding in Japanese: to vs. koto alternation

概要：

The complementizer to is often associated with non-factivity whereas the complementizer koto with factivity (Kuno 1973). Some predicates are compatible with both complementizers, however.

(1) a. Taroo-wa [densya-ga okure-ta to] setumeisi-ta

          T-top train-nom be_delayed-past TO explain-past

         ‘Taroo explained that the train was delayed”

     b. Taroo-wa [zibun-ga tikokusi-ta koto]-o setumeisi-ta

         T-top self-nom be_late-past KOTO-acc explain-past

         ‘Taroo explained (the fact ) that he was late”

As Pietroski (2000) notes for English, the two sentences differ in their interpretation of the CP complement. The to-complement refers to the explanation given while the koto- complement is interpreted as the thing to be explained. Among such predicates, I focus on those that take both types of complement at the same time, such as setumeisuru ‘explain’ and hihansuru ‘criticize’.

(2) Taroo-wa [densya-ga okure-ta to] [zibun-ga tikokusi-ta koto]-o setumeisi-ta

I argue that both complements are arguments of the verb (at least in a semantic sense).

To-complements are analyzed as propositions in the standard way while I claim that koto-complements serve as de re arguments of the verb. I extend the analysis to emotive factives such as kookaisuru ‘regret’.

  概要：

• 参加は自由ですので，どなたでもいつでも気軽におこしください．学生の皆さんの参加も歓迎します。

     連絡先（第100回待兼山ことばの会に関して）

       eigo07 at let.osaka-u.ac.jp

       06-6850-5115 （直通）

第23回

 2017年7月23日 (日) 13時30分 (13:30 ~ onwards, 10 June 2017) 

         名古屋学院大学 さかえサテライト (Sakae Satellite, Nagoya Gakuin University)

        中日ビル7階 (7th Floor, Chunichi Building)

        http://www.ngu.jp/outline/sakae_satellite.html (map) 地図

 〒460-0008 名古屋市中区栄4-1-1 中日ビル7階

        栄駅下車，12番か13番出口すぐの中日ビル7階にお越しください．そこで，意味論研究会に参加する旨お伝えください．

        (Please come to the 7th Floor, Chunichi Building. Then, please let a gatekeeper know you will attend the meeting.)

        研究発表 (Lecture)：13:30 ~15:00

井戸美里 (Misato Ido) 国立国語研究所 (NINJAL)、鈴木彩香 (Ayaka Suzuki) 国立国語研究所 (NINJAL)、窪田悠介 (Yusuke Kubota) 筑波大学 (University of Tsukuba)

NPCMJコーパスの言語研究への活用: 展望と課題

概要:

国立国語研究所で開発しているNPCMJコーパス(http://npcmj.ninjal.ac.jp/) は、昨年度10000文のデータを検索インターフェースとともに公開した。このコーパスは、言語研究への利用を念頭においたツリーバンク(統語構造の情報の付いたコーパス)としては日本初のものである。発表者らは、このコーパスが現段階で実際の言語研究にどの程度役に立つのか、また、課題があるとすればどのような点にあるのか、という点を具体的に調査するための作業を開始した。現在、学術誌『日本語文法』のバックナンバーからいくつかの論文を選び、それらの論文で扱われている現象の実例をコーパスから採取したり、論文の著者が提案している当該の現象に関する一般化を検索によって裏付けたりすることができるか、という点を調査している。この作業を通して、いくつかの有望な中間的成果が得られ、また、本コーパスを実際の言語利用に活用するためにクリアすべき課題も見えてきた。本発表では、その結果を報告する。

研究発表 (Lecture)：15:15 ~ onwards (a pdf file attached below)

Lucas Rieser  (Kyoto University)

A compositional, speech-act level analysis of (Japanese) discourse particles 

Abstract:

Discourse particles, which are particularly productive in Japanese, have received increasing attention in formal semantics and pragmatics over the past two decades or so, spawning a growing number of analyses within a number of different frameworks. This talk proposes a unified framework to account for the contributions of the Japanese discourse particles yo, ne, no, daroo, and jan to utterance meaning, analysing them as operators on the speech act level. This analysis captures the interaction of Japanese particles with the propositional contetn, speech act force, and sentence-final intonation, compositionally accounting for both conveyed utterance meaning of particle utterances and speech-act type restrictions of particles. The over all goal is to develop a framework that is capable of capturing the contributions of at least three different kinds of speech-act modifying discourse particles across languages: common-ground management, evidential, and epistemic particles. To demonstrate how such a goal can be reached, I also discuss the Japanese evidential particle soo, the German particles ja, doch, and wohl, and connections to previous analyses of evidentials as speech-act modifiers. 

第22回

2017年6月10日 (土) 13時30分 (13:30 ~ onwards, 10 June 2017) 

         名古屋学院大学 さかえサテライト (Sakae Satellite, Nagoya Gakuin University)

        中日ビル7階 (7th Floor, Chunichi Building)

        http://www.ngu.jp/outline/sakae_satellite.html (map) 地図

 〒460-0008 名古屋市中区栄4-1-1 中日ビル7階

        栄駅下車，12番か13番出口すぐの中日ビル7階にお越しください．そこで，意味論研究会に参加する旨お伝えください．

        (Please come to the 7th Floor, Chunichi Building. Then, please let a gatekeeper know you will attend the meeting.)

        研究発表 (Lecture)：13:30 ~15:00

E. McCready 青山学院大学 (Aoyama Gakuin University)

Dog Whistles and Rational Communication

Abstract:

The term “dog whistle” is used in political analysis for speech that codes various kinds of possibly objectionable attitudes: for example, the term “inner city” has commonly been used to mean “black neighborhood” by American right-wing politicians. This kind of speech has been argued to be conventionally implicating by Stanley (2015). This talk argues against a CI view and instead proposes that the use of dog whistles is rational in certain circumstances (given the right kind of audience), and provides a game-theoretic analysis.

研究発表 (Lecture)：15:15 ~ onwards

金沢誠 (Makoto Kanazawa) 国立情報学研究所 (National Institute of Informatics)

Syntactic Features for Regular Constraints in Abstract Categorial Grammar

Abstract:

ACG is a mathematical grammar formalism introduced by de Groote (2001) and Muskens (2001, 2003). One of its prominent features is the symmetry between “form” and “meaning”. Importantly, it is *not* a linguistic theory—it is compatible with many different styles of linguistic analysis.

In this talk, I illustrate the usefulness of one of the formal properties of ACG that has to do with syntactic features. Roughly speaking, any kind of reasonable constraint on word order can be captured by introduction of a syntactic feature with a finite number of values. In particular, this is useful to constrain the positions of “gaps” in a categorial-style analysis of a variety of constructions, including Right Node Raising and Gapping. Such syntactic features are automatically obtained from constraints on surface forms involving certain “empty categories”.

Reference

Makoto Kanazawa. 2015. Syntactic features for regular constraints and an approximation of directional slashes in abstract categorial grammars. In Yusuke Kubota and Robert Levine, editors, Proceedings for ESSLLI 2015 Workshop `Empirical Advances in Categorial Grammar’ (CG 2015).

http://www.u.tsukuba.ac.jp/~kubota.yusuke.fn/cg2015-proceedings.pdf

第21回

        2017年4月29日 (土) 13時30分 (13:30 ~ onwards, 29 April 2017) 

         名古屋学院大学 さかえサテライト (Sakae Satellite, Nagoya Gakuin University)

        中日ビル7階 (7th Floor, Chunichi Building)

        http://www.ngu.jp/outline/sakae_satellite.html (map) 地図

 〒460-0008 名古屋市中区栄4-1-1 中日ビル7階

        栄駅下車，12番か13番出口すぐの中日ビル7階にお越しください．そこで，意味論研究会に参加する旨お伝えください．

        (Please come to the 7th Floor, Chunichi Building. Then, please let a gatekeeper know you will attend the meeting.)

研究発表 (Lecture)：13:30 ~15:00

水谷謙太 (Kenta Mizutani) 大阪大学大学院 (Osaka University)

日本語の量化副詞について

概要:

本発表では、「いつも」や「たいてい」などの日本語の量化副詞に関し、これらの表現が量化する対象は何かという問題に取り組む。量化副詞に関しては2つの分析があり、事象（event）あるいは状況（situation）だけでなく、個体に対しても量化できるとする分析と、事象あるいは状況のみに対して量化できるとする分析がある。本発表では、(1) のようにコピュラ文「AはBだ」のBの位置に固有名詞を用いた文に対して、(2) のように個体に対する量化詞を加えた例と、(3) のように量化副詞を加えた例を取り上げる。そして、(2) と (3) には固有名詞の解釈に関して大きな違いがあることを指摘し、量化副詞が個体に対しても量化可能であるとする分析のもとでは、固有名の解釈に関するこの違いが適切に予測できないことを示す。一方で、量化副詞が事象あるいは状況に対してのみ量化可能であるとする分析では、これらの解釈の違いが適切に予測されることを示す。以上の議論を通して、本発表では日本語の量化副詞は事象あるいは状況に対してのみ量化を行うという分析のほうが経験的により優れていることを主張する。

(1)  背が高い人は太郎だ。

(2) ?たいていの背が高い人は太郎だ。

(3) 文脈：太郎はよくストリートバスケに参加する。以下の文は、太郎と一緒にストリートバスケに参加することが多い彼の友人による発言であるとする。

背が高い人はたいてい太郎だ。だから彼はよくセンターを頼まれる。

研究発表 (Lecture)：15:15 ~ onwards

和泉悠 (Yu Izumi) 南山大学 (Nanzan University)

固有名の述語説

概要:

言語哲学において、「名前と記述は根本的に異なる」という考えは特に1970年台以降通説となってきた。本発表では、名前・固有名は複数のものに当てはまる述語だとする「述語説 Predicativism」を提案し、固有名は文中で確定記述として機能するという考えを擁護する。発表の前半では、固有名の多様な用法に対して、述語説が十分な説明を与えることを示す。後半では、ロバ文的な固有名の用法に関する予備的実験調査を報告し、述語説の優位性を主張する。

第20回

        2017年3月18日 (土) 12時30分 (12:30 ~ onwards, 18 March 2017) 

         名古屋学院大学 さかえサテライト (Sakae Satellite, Nagoya Gakuin University)

        中日ビル7階 (7th Floor, Chunichi Building)

        http://www.ngu.jp/outline/sakae_satellite.html (map) 地図

 〒460-0008 名古屋市中区栄4-1-1 中日ビル7階

        栄駅下車，12番か13番出口すぐの中日ビル7階にお越しください．そこで，意味論研究会に参加する旨お伝えください．

        (Please come to the 7th Floor, Chunichi Building. Then, please let a gatekeeper know you will attend the meeting.)

        研究発表 (Lecture)：12:30 ~13:30

Caroline Heycock (University of Edinburgh)

Embedded root phenomena and “Main Point of Utterance”:  Testing Predictions for discourse

(Work done in collaboration with Hannah Rohde (Edinburgh) and Kajsa Djärv (Pennsylvania)

Abstract:

Since the work of Hooper & Thompson (1973), many researchers have pursued the idea that root phenomena are licensed in some way by “assertion”. In particular, in this talk I’ll be looking at the distribution of Verb Second (V2) in Swedish, a classic root phenomenon.  H&T categorise predicates into a number of classes, which they argue are based on whether their complement can be asserted (e.g. verbs of communication like “say” permit their complements to be asserted, while factives like “be happy” do not). In a major contribution towards sharpening the concept of “assertion”, Simons (2007) proposes distinguishing between embedded propositions that do or do not constitute the Main Point of Utterance (MPU): in question/response sequences, the proposition answering the question constitutes the MPU. Given this definition/diagnostic for assertion, she argues that factives can, given the appropriate discourse context, embed the MPU.  If this is the relevant notion for allowing root phenomena like Verb Second, an appropriate discourse context should enable embedded Verb Second even under a factive. In this talk I’ll present the result of two experiments testing (a) whether factives can in fact embed the MPU and (b) whether MPU licenses embedded Verb Second in Swedish. 

研究発表 (Lecture)：13:40 ~14:40

Koji Kawahara (Nagoya University of Foreign Studies)

The semantics of interjections and other-initiated repair

Abstract:

What is the shortest word in language? One candidate should be interjections such as ``huh? (English, Cha'palaa, Icelandic,  Lao inter alia)'' or ``eh? (Canadian English, Japanese, Korean, Italian, Spanish, YeliDnye inter alia)'' that is used to `repair' conversation if it fails (Dingemanse, Torreira and Enfield, 2013; Dingemanse and Enfield, 2015; Dingemanse et al., 2015). Other-initiated repair is a central domain of human communicative competence and has been a target of  discussion in conversation analysis initiated by Schegloff, Jefferson and Sacks (1977). The purpose of this talk is to provide a fresh analysis of   these interjections. I will argue that the semantics of these interjections is an identity function, whereby its repaired meaning is derived due to Grice's maxim of quantity.

研究発表 (Lecture)：14:45 ~15:45

Osamu Sawada (Mie University) and Jun Sawada (Aoyama Gakuin University)

Information structure of the Japanese modal demonstrative ano

Abstract:

Sawada and Sawada (2016) claimed that the Japanese demonstrative ano has a modal use, which takes a specific/proper noun P (a set of properties) and a predicate Q and conventionally implicates that P(Q) is highly unlikely to be true according to the speaker’s image of P. 

    What is interesting about the modal ano is that it is sensitive to information structures. Although the modal ano can naturally co-occur with the nominative case marker ga, it cannot co-occur with the topic marker wa (e.g., Ano Taro-{ga/*wa} kat-ta “That Taro-{NOM/TOP} won”). In this talk we will investigate the information structure of the Japanese modal demonstrative ano, and claim that the modal ano’s sensitivity to the wa/ga distinction comes from the (in)compatibility between the modal ano’s interpretive mechanism and the kinds of judgment ga and wa assume (i.e., thetic vs. categorical; Kuroda 1972, 2005). Unlike ga, wa is categorical and the sentence with wa consists of “two separate acts” (the recognition of the subject and the affirmation/denial by the predicate about the subject). This makes it difficult to calculate the modal meaning of ano in a single dimension. We will also observe that the modal ano can actually co-occur with the topic wa if the modal ano is in the object position. We maintain that this is because the modal ano’s meaning can be calculated without referring to the subject marked with wa.

    This paper shows that the sensitivity to the ga/wa distinction supports the idea that the modal ano is syntactically a determiner, but semantically has a modal meaning.

第19回

        2017年2月18日 (土) 14時00分 (14:00 ~ onwards, 18 February 2017) 

         名古屋学院大学 さかえサテライト (Sakae Satellite, Nagoya Gakuin University)

        中日ビル7階 (7th Floor, Chunichi Building)

        http://www.ngu.jp/outline/sakae_satellite.html (map) 地図

 〒460-0008 名古屋市中区栄4-1-1 中日ビル7階

        栄駅下車，12番か13番出口すぐの中日ビル7階にお越しください．そこで，意味論研究会に参加する旨お伝えください．

        (Please come to the 7th Floor, Chunichi Building. Then, please let a gatekeeper know you will attend the meeting.)

       研究発表 (Lecture)：14:00 ~

戸次大介 (Bekki Daisuke) お茶の水女子大学 (Ochanomizu University)

「依存型意味論による自然言語の証明論的意味論」

概要:

本講演では、自然言語の証明論的意味論の枠組みである依存型意味論(DTS)について解説する。

自然言語の意味論は、Montague以来、モデル理論的意味論が主流であるが、一方で、Ranta, Francez, Cooper, Luoらによる証明論的意味論の流れが存在する。証明論的意味論では、文の意味をその真理条件ではなく、その検証条件とする立場、すなわち推論規則の「導入則」が意味を定めるという立場に立つとともに、論理式の「証明」を式の形で表すことができる。特に、理論装置としてMartin L\"ofの依存型理論を用いた場合は「証明」を表す式を論理式の中で用いることが可能となり、これは形式意味論の分野において動的意味論が導入される動機となったＥタイプ照応、前提束縛といった現象に、まったく別の説明を与えることが知られている。

また、筆者らの近年の研究である依存型意味論は、Rantaらの証明論的意味論を合成的意味論として再構成したものであり、動的意味論に対して経験的、計算的に優位であることが明らかにされつつある。本講演では、依存型意味論の言語学的意義、哲学的位置付け、自然言語処理への応用について、以下の項目を初歩的な段階から解説する。

1. 現代的な型理論、特にカリー・ハワード同型による型理論と証明論の対応について

2. 依存型理論の基礎、特にΠ型とΣ型の直観的理解について

3. 依存型意味論と諸言語現象について、特にE-type照応・前提束縛と、含意関係の統一的分析について

4. 日本語CCG、および依存型意味論に基づいて実装された頑健な日本語パーザlightblueについて、統語導出と意味合成のデモンストレーション

参考文献：

Bekki, Daisuke, and Koji Mineshima, 2017. Context-passing and Underspecification in Dependent Type Semantics. In Modern Perspectives in Type Theoretical Semantics, eds. Stergios Chatzikyriakidis and Zhaohui Luo, Springer.

第18回

2017年1月21日 (土) 13時30分 (13:30 ~ onwards, 21 January 2017) 

         名古屋学院大学 さかえサテライト (Sakae Satellite, Nagoya Gakuin University)

        中日ビル7階 (7th Floor, Chunichi Building)

        http://www.ngu.jp/outline/sakae_satellite.html (map) 地図

 〒460-0008 名古屋市中区栄4-1-1 中日ビル7階

        栄駅下車，12番か13番出口すぐの中日ビル7階にお越しください．そこで，意味論研究会に参加する旨お伝えください．

        (Please come to the 7th Floor, Chunichi Building. Then, please let a gatekeeper know you will attend the meeting.)

       研究発表 (Lecture)：13:30 ~15:00

伊藤怜 (Ito Satoshi) 三重大学 (Mie University)

日本語の否定疑問文 ～否定を伴う動詞句の韻律について～

概要:

英語においても日本語においても、否定疑問文（negative polar questions）が持つ話者のepistemic biasの極性には、positiveとnegativeの２種類(epistemic biasを持たないneutralなものを含めると３種類）の可能性があるということが先行研究において議論されている（Ladd 1981, Buring & Gunlogson 2000, Ito & Oshima 2014, Ito 2015）。

本発表は、Ito & Oshima (2014)で議論された日本語の否定疑問文における2種類の韻律パターンについて、さらなる考察をする。具体的には、Ito & OshimaがP-typeと呼ぶ韻律パターンにおける否定辞のF0-peakの消失をPost-focus reductionとみなすか、deaccentingとみなすべきかについて議論する。否定辞を伴う動詞句内におけるF0 contourのデータと比較することにより、日本語の否定疑問文が話者のpositive epistemic biasを表すために、(i) deaccentingと(ii) focusによるpost-focus reductionの2種類の異なったオプションを使用している可能性を提案する。

       研究発表 (Lecture)：15:20 -onwards

金沢誠 (Kanazawa Makoto)  国立情報学研究所（National Institute of Informatics)

Syntactic Features for Regular Constraints in Abstract Categorial Grammars

Abstract: 

ACG is a mathematical grammar formalism introduced by de Groote (2001) and Muskens (2001, 2003). One of its prominent features is the symmetry between “form” and “meaning”. Importantly, it is *not* a linguistic theory—it is compatible with many different styles of linguistic analysis. The failure to understand this point has led some people to believe ACG is somehow inadequate or inferior to categorial grammars in the Lambek tradition.

In this talk, I give a brief introduction to ACG and illustrate the usefulness of one of its formal properties that has to do with syntactic features. Roughly speaking, any kind of reasonable constraint on word order can be captured by introduction of a syntactic feature with a finite number of values. In particular, this is useful to constrain the positions of “gaps” in a categorial-style analysis of a variety of constructions, including Right Node Raising and Gapping.

第17回

2016年11月26日 (土) 13時30分 (13:30 ~ onwards, 24 September 2016) 

         名古屋学院大学 さかえサテライト (Sakae Satellite, Nagoya Gakuin University)

        中日ビル7階 (7th Floor, Chunichi Building)

        http://www.ngu.jp/outline/sakae_satellite.html (map) 地図

 〒460-0008 名古屋市中区栄4-1-1 中日ビル7階

        栄駅下車，12番か13番出口すぐの中日ビル7階にお越しください．そこで，意味論研究会に参加する旨お伝えください．

        (Please come to the 7th Floor, Chunichi Building. Then, please let a gatekeeper know you will attend the meeting.)

       研究発表 (Lecture)：13:30 ~15:00

野村純也 (Nomura Junya) 三重大学 (Mie University)

Surprising Constituents, Clefts, and Event Semantics

Abstract: 

In this talk, I will pursue the possibility that CasePs in Japanese are a set of events.  Using this idea, I give a straightforward analysis of clefts, especially of those with multiple foci.  Assuming that CasePs are of type <s,t> while NPs are of type <e,t>, the difference between clefts and pseudo-clefts is explained.

       研究発表 (Lecture)：15:20 -onwards

田中英理 (Tanaka Eri)  大阪大学（Osaka University)

比較を強調する副詞の意味論

概要:

本発表は、まず、(1)にあるような英語のeven, still等を含む比較構文（以下、even比較文）について、(i)

even比較文が持つ前提の特異性と(ii)形容詞のスケール構造への依存という現象を指摘する。そして、(i),

(ii)に関して、even比較文の前提における程度項が自由変項であり、コンテクスト上でその値を決定されるという分析を提示する。

(1) John is even taller than Bill.

(i) (1)のようなeven比較文は、通常の比較文と異なり、原級文(John/Bill is

tall.)を前提とする。しかし、一方で比較文(Bill is taller than

Chris,…)に続けることもできる。このような前提における変化はなぜ生じるか。

(ii) (i)によれば、even比較文は原級でも比較級でも前提にとることができるが、形容詞のスケール構造に依存して、Upper-closed

scale形容詞は原級を前提にとることができないのはなぜか。

(2) a. [前提：#Rod A is straight. / Rod A is straighter than Rod B.] Rod

C is even straighter than Rod A.

  b. [前提：Rod A is bent. / Rod A is more bent than Rod B. ] Rod C is

even more bent than Rod A.

（日本言語学会第153回大会で発表する内容と同一です）

第16回

2016年9月24日 (土) 13時30分 (13:30 ~ onwards, 24 September 2016) 

         名古屋学院大学 さかえサテライト (Sakae Satellite, Nagoya Gakuin University)

        中日ビル7階 (7th Floor, Chunichi Building)

        http://www.ngu.jp/outline/sakae_satellite.html (map) 地図

 〒460-0008 名古屋市中区栄4-1-1 中日ビル7階

        栄駅下車，12番か13番出口すぐの中日ビル7階にお越しください．そこで，意味論研究会に参加する旨お伝えください．

        (Please come to the 7th Floor, Chunichi Building. Then, please let a gatekeeper know you will attend the meeting.)

       研究発表 (Lecture)：13:30 ~15:00

Osamu Sawada (Mie University)

The Japanese negative totemo ‘very’: Toward a new typology of negative polarity items

Abstract:

The Japanese intensifier totemo `very' can intensify the degree associated with a gradable predicate. However, totemo can also intensify a negative modal statement. In terms of polarity sensitivity, we can say that the negative totemo is a negative polarity item (NPI). However, the negative use of totemo has certain puzzling properties that typical NPIs do not have. First, unlike typical NPIs (e.g., minimizers, any), it cannot be within the semantic scope of negation. Second, it has to always co-occur with a negative gradable modal expression (ability/epistemic). Third, the meaning of the negative totemo is not at-issue.

In this talk, I will argue that the negative totemo is not a logical NPI, which is licensed by negation or downward-entailing/non-veridical operators (e.g., Klima 1964; Ladusaw 1979; Giannakidou 1998). Rather, it is a conventional implicature (CI)-inducing expression/expressive (e.g., Grice 1975; Potts 2005), which intensifies the unlikelihood/impossibility of a given proposition and refuses to update the common ground (the context set) with the at-issue proposition. Notably, the negative totemo is also different from the wide-scope universal type of NPIs (negative concord items), which are also placed above negation at LF (e.g., n-words in Romance languages), in that the former, but not the latter, is not interpreted/licensed in the at-issue dimension.

This talk proposes that there is a new class of NPIs—expressive NPIs or, more specifically, oppositive NPIs—which requires a negative element in order to satisfy its use-condition, and shows a source of variation of NPIs in terms of the semantics-pragmatics interface.

       研究発表 (Lecture)：15:20 -onwards

今仁生美 (Ikumi Imani)  名古屋学院大学（Nagoya Gakuin University)

日本語のwh表現の意味論的・語用論的分析－2種類の選言をめぐって

概要:

日本語のwh表現に関して頭を悩ませる問題の一つは、(1)と(2)の違いは何かという問題である（以下では「なにかが」のような助詞がつくwh-表現をwh-p、「なにか」のように助詞がつかずいわばfloatする形のwh-表現をf-whと略する）。

(1)  なにかが、落ちてきた。(wh-p)

(2)  なにか、落ちてきた。(f-wh)

多くの文脈で(1)と(2)はほぼ同じ意味をもち、際立った相違がない。しかしながら、たとえば、(3)と(4)を比較すると、その違いがわずかに出てくる。

(3)  喉が渇いた。?なにかが、飲みたい。(wh-p)

(4)  喉が渇いた。なにか、飲みたい。(f-wh)

本発表では、wh-pとf-whには2種類の選言のメカニズムが働いていることを示し、(3)と(4)のような場合になぜニュアンスの違いが出るのかを明らかにする。

2種類の選言のうちの一つは、集合の分割から生じる選言である。たとえば、「魚」という属性を表す集合は、サバやタイといったセルによって分割することができる（セルの集合を{A, B, C}としたとき、魚aは、AかBかCの属性をもつ）。本発表の主張は、f-whはこのセル上の量化を行うということである(Alonso-Ovalle & Shimoyama (2014), Sudo (2010)に関連する議論がある)。本論のこの考えに従うと、たとえば、(5)は、魚という集合の中のすべてのセル（の中のすべての個体）が釣れたことになり、語用論的にはほとんど意味をなさない。

(5)*魚は、なにも、釣れた。

なお、この種類の選言は集合Aのすべてのセルを量化の領域とするためfree choiceの解釈を生みやすく、このことが(3)と(4)の違いに反映することも論じる。

もう一つの種類の選言は、標準的な選言すなわち[A or B]のタイプの選言である。本発表の二つ目の主張は、wh-pはこのタイプの選言であるということである。本発表では、通常(6a)が(6b)よりも自然であることは[A or B]の性質から派生することを論じる。

(6) a. なにか、おっしゃいましたか？

      b. なにかを、おっしゃいましたか？

第15回

        2016年8月25日 (木) 14時00分 (14:00 ~ onwards, 25 August  2016) 

         名古屋学院大学 さかえサテライト (Sakae Satellite, Nagoya Gakuin University)

        中日ビル7階 (7th Floor, Chunichi Building)

        http://www.ngu.jp/outline/sakae_satellite.html (map) 地図

 〒460-0008 名古屋市中区栄4-1-1 中日ビル7階

        栄駅下車，12番か13番出口すぐの中日ビル7階にお越しください．そこで，意味論研究会に参加する旨お伝えください．

        (Please come to the 7th Floor, Chunichi Building. Then, please let a gatekeeper know you will attend the meeting.)

         研究発表 (Lecture)：14:00 ~

須藤靖直 (Yasutada Sudo) ロンドン大学ユニヴァーシティ・コレッジ (University College London)

The semantic role of classifiers

One popular explanation of the obligatory use of classifiers in languages like Japanese holds that nouns in these languages are all mass nouns and have 'uncountable denotations', which numerals cannot directly modify (Bunt 1985, Chierchia 1998, Krifka 2008, Scontras 2013, 2014, etc.). According to this idea, classifiers operate on noun denotations and make them somehow countable. However, recent research raises evidence against this view, arguing that there are nouns in classifier languages that have countable denotations (Bale & Barner 2009, Inagaki & Barner 2009, Barner, Inagaki & Li 2009). This hypothesis leaves open why classifiers are still obligatory with such nouns. One possibility is that classifiers are necessary for syntactic reasons, but evidence has been raised against this position (Sakai, Iwata, Riera, Wan Yokoyama, Shimoda, Kawashima, Yoshimoto and Koizumi 2006, Kanero, Imai, Okada & Hashino 2015). I propose a semantic explanation for the obligatory use of classifiers in languages like Japanese, according to which classifiers are necessary due to the semantics of numerals, rather than the semantics of nouns (cf. Krifka 1995, Bale & Coon 2014). I propose that numerals in Japanese can only be used to name number concepts, and classifiers turn them into modifiers/predicates, unlike in languages like English where numerals have multiple semantic functions (Rothstein 2010).

第14回

      2016年8月11日 (木) 13時30分 (13:30 ~ onwards, 11 August  2016) 

        名古屋学院大学 さかえサテライト (Sakae Satellite, Nagoya Gakuin University)

        中日ビル7階 (7th Floor, Chunichi Building)

        http://www.ngu.jp/outline/sakae_satellite.html (map) 地図

 〒460-0008 名古屋市中区栄4-1-1 中日ビル7階

        栄駅下車，12番か13番出口すぐの中日ビル7階にお越しください．そこで，意味論研究会に参加する旨お伝え  ください．

        (Please come to the 7th Floor, Chunichi Building. Then, please let a gatekeeper know you will attend the meeting.)

         研究発表 (Lecture)：13:30 -16:00 （ページ下部にハンドアウトがあります）

荻原俊幸 (Toshiyuki Ogihara) ワシントン大学 (University of Washington)

(1) "Before" means "not after", well, almost

The purpose of this talk is to motivate an extensional semantics for clause-taking before in English (but also applies to "mae" in Japanese). Assuming that "after" requires an existential quantifier over times (or events), I propose a semantics for "before" that is almost like negating an after clause. (The only concern is the possibility of simultaneity.) I argue that there is a subtle but clear empirical advantage of this approach as opposed to Anscombe's classical analysis invoking a universal quantifier.

(2) Accomplished states in Japanese and Korean (Toshiyuki Ogihara and Eun-Hae Park, U of WA)

This talk argues for a new aspectual category called "accomplished state" based on Japanese and Korean data involving their "progressive forms" (-te iru and -ko iss) yielding "result state interpretations".

第13回

      2016年7月10日日曜日13時30分 (13:30 ~ onwards, 10 July 2016) 

        名古屋学院大学日比野学舎 702 (702 Hibino Campas, Nagoya Gakuin University)

        http://www.ngu.jp/outline/access.html (map) 地図

        直接，教室までお越しください．また，守衛に問われたら，意味論研究会に参加する旨お伝えください．

        (Please find us in the classroom. If asked, please let a gatekeeper know you will attend the meeting.)

         研究発表 (Lecture)：13:30 -15:00

Kenta Mizutani (Osaka University)

Arguments for the Situation-based Analysis of Adverbs of Quantification and their Consequences 

Abstract:

In this talk I will argue on the basis of the contrast between (1a) and (1b) that the situation-based analysis of adverbs of quantification is empirically more adequate than other analyses. More precisely, I will argue that (1a) has an offending trivial truth condition due to the permanent property of the individual-level predicate tall and that (1b) avoids this trivial truth condition thanks to the presence of the situation pronoun introduced by the quantificational determiner every (Schwarz 2010). Then, I will apply the proposed analysis to the well-known contrast in (2) and discuss the consequences for the recent debate about gradable adjectives and their context sensitivity (Stanley (2005) and Rothschild and Segal (2009)).

(1) a. * When Mary goes out and gets on a bus, she is always taller than Susan. 

    b.    When Mary goes out and gets on a bus, she is always taller than every other woman.

(2)  a.  Mary is always happy.

      b. * Mary is always tall.

研究発表 (Lecture)：15:10 -onwards

窪田悠介(Yusuke Kubota) 筑波大学 (University of Tsukuba)

形式意味論と計算言語学の最近の動向

概要:

ここ数年、計算言語学と理論言語学を再び取り結ぼうとする研究がいくつか出始めている (お茶大「日本語意味論テストセット」http://researchmap.jp/community-inf/JSeM/、国語研「統語・意味解析コーパスの開発と言語研究」https://www.ninjal.ac.jp/research/project-3/institute/parsed-corpus/など）が、理論言語学の専門家の間でこれらの研究の先駆性・重要性が十分に認識されているようには思われない。今回の発表では、発表者が提唱する言語理論であるハイブリッド範疇文法のパーザーのデモを行ったあと、これらの研究動向を概観し、特に、形式意味論研究者が (1) 計算言語学の最近の進展から学ぶことはあるのか、 (2) それに貢献することはできるか、(3) 二つの分野の間でコミュニケーション・ギャップとでもいえるものがあるとしたらそれはどこにあるのか、というような問題を考えたい。

第12回

        2016年３月26日土曜日13時 (13:00 ~ onwards, 26 March 2016) 

        名古屋学院大学白鳥学舎 曙館 607 (607 Akebonokan, Shiratori Campas, Nagoya Gakuin University)

        http://www.ngu.jp/outline/access.html (map) 地図

• 直接，教室までお越しください．また，守衛に問われたら，意味論研究会に参加する旨お伝えください．

  • (Please find us in the classroom. If asked, please let a gatekeeper know you will attend the meeting.)

  • アブストラクトをまとめたpdfファイルがページ下部にありますので，ご参照ください．（table of contentsが

  • 少しずれています．すみません．．．）

  • (You can download the abstract booklet at the bottom of this webpage. The margin of Contents is somehow wrong. 

  • It would be greatly appreciated if you could let me know how to fix the title environment in LaTeX.)

•  研究発表 (Lecture)

            13:00-13:30

            Koji Kawahara (Nagoya University of Foreign Studies)

            Non-neutrality in degree of change

            13:30-14:00

            Kenta Mizutani (Osaka University)

            Arguments for the situation-based analysis of adverbs of quantification and its consequence  

            14:00-14:30

            Eri Tanaka (Osaka University)

            The "degree of standard" in measure phrase modification

            [15 min break: 14:30-14:45]

            14:45- 15:15

            David Oshima (Nagoya University) and Kimi Akita (Nagoya University)

            Gradability, scale structure, and classes of stative predicates in Japanese

            15:15-15:45

            Osamu Sawada (Mie University) and Jun Sawada (Aoyama Gakuin University)

            Modal demonstratives in Japanese: a CI use and a presuppositional use

            [15 min break: 15:45-16:00]

            16:00-16:40

            Yusuke Kubota (University of Tsukuba)

            Ellipsis and syntactic information (joint work with Bob Levine)

            16:40-17:20

            Eric McCready (Aoyama Gakuin University)

            Expressives in Questions

            [10 min break: 17:20-17:30]

            17:30-18:10

            Chris Kennedy (University of Chicago)

            Subjective attitudes and counterstance contingency

第11回

2015年12月5日土曜日16時 (16:00 ~ onwards, 5 December 2015) 

名古屋大学国際研究科第1講義室（6階） (1 Lecture Room, Graduate School of International Development, Nagoya University)

http://www.gsid.nagoya-u.ac.jp/global/general/map.html 地図

直接，教室までお越しください．また，守衛に問われたら，意味論研究会に参加する旨お伝えください．

(Please find us in the classroom. If asked, please let a gatekeeper know you will attend the meeting.)

•  研究発表 (Lecture)：16:00 -18:00

Eric McCready 青山学院大学 (Aoyama Gakuin University)

 Translation and Expressivity

Abstract:

This talk considers the expressivity of natural language, concluding that languages are not all equally expressive. Katz claims that natural languages are all equally expressive: anything that can be said in language L can also be said in L'. This conclusion depends on the availability of Boolean operations on semantic content, meaning that if there exists a domain of meaning for which Boolean operations are not available, differences in expressivity may result. I claim that expressive content represents one such domain and that languages differ in expressive power as a result. The general picture of translatability is then extended to a broader view of translation, which takes translation in the abstract to be properly characterised as bisimulation in modal models. Some conclusions are drawn about the nature of "good" translation and the possibility of translatability despite differences in expressive power.

第10回

2015年11月27日金曜日14時 (14:00 ~ onwards, 27 November 2015) 

名古屋学院大学日比野学舎 702 (702 Hibino Campas, Nagoya Gakuin University)

http://www.ngu.jp/outline/access.html (map) 地図

直接，教室までお越しください．また，守衛に問われたら，意味論研究会に参加する旨お伝えください．

(Please find us in the classroom. If asked, please let a gatekeeper know you will attend the meeting.)

•  研究発表 (Lecture)：14:00 -15:20

窪田愛(Ai Kubota) オハイオ州立大学 (Ohio State University)

評価がかかわる副詞について

要旨:

「幸運にも」「意外にも」などの評価副詞および「愚かにも」「親切にも」などの主語指向性副詞は、いずれもある者の視点（多くの場合は話者の視点）からの評価の意味が含まれ、否定文や疑問文、命令文などで使われない、もしくは使われていてもそれらのオペレーターの作用域に入らないといった特徴があることが知られている(Greenbaum 1969, Quirk et al. 1972, Bellert 1977, Sawada 1978, Nakau 1980, Bonami & Godard 2008)。このことからこれらの副詞の持つ意味はnon-at-issueであるとされ、Potts 2005に提案されるようなmultidimensionalな枠組みで分析されることもある(Mayol & Castroviejo 2013)。本発表では、「幸運にも」のような評価副詞は「もしpならば幸運だ」のようにconditional meaningを持つというBonami & Godard 2008の提案を取り入れつつ、unidemensionalな枠組みでの分析を試み、更にその分析を主語指向性副詞にも応用する。最後に、この類いの副詞の持つ意味がTonhauser et al. 2013の分類におけるClass Cという種類のprojective meaningであることを示し、これらの副詞のnon-at-issuenessについて改めて検討する。

研究発表 (Lecture)：15:30 -onwards

窪田悠介(Yusuke Kubota) 筑波大学・オハイオ州立大学 (University of Tsukuba/Ohio State University)

ハイブリッド範疇文法でのpseudogappingの分析

要旨: ハイブリッド範疇文法(Hybrid Type-Logical Categorial Grammar; Kubota 2015, Kubota & Levine 2015)でのpseudogappingの分析を提案する。pseudogappingは派生に基づく文法理論、派生に基づかない文法理論のどちらの先行研究においても分析が困難な現象として知られている。本発表では、ハイブリッド範疇文法の統語論と意味論のインターフェイスが、派生に基づく文法理論、派生に基づかない文法理論の双方の先行研究で提案されている分析の背後にあるアイデアを自然に統合する枠組みを提供することを示し、削除現象の分析にもこの理論設計の利点が活かされることをpseudogappingの分析を通して例証する。

第9回

2015年10月4日日曜日13時半 (13:30 ~ onwards, 4 October 2015) （日時変更になりました）

名古屋学院大学日比野学舎 702 (702 Hibino Campas, Nagoya Gakuin University)

http://www.ngu.jp/outline/access.html (map) 地図

直接，教室までお越しください．また，守衛に問われたら，意味論研究会に参加する旨お伝えください．

(Please find us in the classroom. If asked, please let a gatekeeper know you will attend the meeting.)

•  研究発表 (Lecture)：13:30 -onwards

澤田治 (Osamu Sawada) 三重大学 (Mie University)

Title: Pragmatic Aspects of Scalar Modifiers

要旨:

In this talk, I will investigate the pragmatic aspects of scalar modifiers and will consider the following: (i) the similarities and differences between the at-issue and the non-at-issue (conventional implicature or CI) scalar meanings, (ii) the compositionality of pragmatic scalar meaning, and (iii) the source of variation in the meaning of pragmatic scalar modifiers from cross-linguistic perspectives.

By analyzing the semantics and pragmatics of comparatives with indeterminate pronouns, positive polarity minimizers, intensifiers, and counter-expectational adverbs in Japanese and other languages such as English, this talk will demonstrate that scalarity is utilized not only to measure individuals or events at the semantic level, but also to express various subjective feelings or discourse pragmatic information (e.g., politeness, priority of utterance, the speaker’s negative attitude, unexpectedness) at the CI level.

I will also propose that there are two types of pragmatic scalar modifiers, a higher-level pragmatic scalar modifiers and a lower-level pragmatic scalar modifier. A higher-level modifier utilizes an implicit pragmatic scale, while a lower-level modifier recycles a scale of an at-issue gradable predicate. I will show that these modifier types have different compositional and discourse-pragmatic characteristics.

I will further postulate that these two scalar modifier types have distinct projective properties. Unlike higher-level pragmatic scalar modifiers, typical CIs (e.g. expressives, and appositives), and typical presuppositions, lower-level pragmatic scalar modifiers’ non-at-issue meaning can be projected from the complement of an attitude predicate only when there is a speaker-oriented modality in the main clause. I will argue that the distinct projective characteristic comes from the compositional (i.e. the recycling) property of lower-level pragmatic scalar modifiers.

This talk provides new perspectives for the studies on scalar semantics, projective content, and the semantics-pragmatics interface. A brief discussion regarding the conditions where at-issue scalar meaning can become not-at-issue will also be discussed.

(Note: This talk will consist of two parts: (i) a general overview of this project and (ii) the specific analyses/theoretical proposals)

第8回

2015年7月19日14時 (14:00 ~ onwards, 19 July 2015) 

名古屋学院大学日比野学舎（変更になりました） (Hibino Campas, Nagoya Gakuin University)

http://www.ngu.jp/outline/access.html (map) 地図

入り口1階でお待ちください．また，守衛に問われたら，意味論研究会に参加する旨お伝えください．

(Please find us on the ground floor. If asked, please let a gatekeeper know you will attend the meeting.)

輪読会 (Reading/Discussion)：14:00 - 15:20      

          マテリアル：Chierchia, G. (2013) Logic in Grammar, OUP

          上記マテリアルの第5章を今仁さんの進行・解説で進める予定です．

          事前に読んでいなくてもご参加いただけます．本をお持ちでない場合，川原 (kkoji at nufs.ac.jp)にご相談ください．

          なお，第6章は次回以降の課題にする予定です．

          (We will discuss chapter 5 of Chierchia (2013). Prof Imani will be a reviewer this time.)

•  研究発表 (Lecture)：15:30 -onwards

（この時間からでもご自由にご参加ください）

田中英理 (Eri Tanaka) 大阪医科大学 (Osaka Medical College)

The Semantics of Measure Phrases in the Verbal Domain

要旨: 

This paper focuses on the distribution of measure phrases headed by by (by-MPs) in the verbal domain, arguing that it is governed by the same principle as the one proposed by Sawada

and Grano (2011) for adjectives. It has been noted in the literature that MPs show a cross-categorial behavior. Winter (2005) proposes the modification condition to explain the cross categorial

property of MPs in adjectives and prepositions. The aim of the present paper shows a paradigm of a different type of MPs to argue for the unified analysis of MPs in different domains.

（長めのアブストラクトはこのページの最下部に「Tanaka (tokai-abs02).pdf」というファイルがありますので，そちらをご覧ください．You can download the longer abstract named "Tanaka (tokai-abs02).pdf" at the bottom of this page.)

第7回

2015年4月25日14時半 (14:30 ~ onwards, 25 April 2015) 

名古屋学院大学白鳥学舎 曙館 607 (607 Akebonokan, Shiratori Campas, Nagoya Gakuin University)

http://www.ngu.jp/outline/access.html (map) 地図

          輪読会 (Reading/Discussion)：14:30 - 15:50      

          マテリアル：Chierchia, G. (2013) Logic in Grammar, OUP

          上記マテリアルの第4章4節以降を水谷さんの進行・解説で進める予定です．

          事前に読んでいなくてもご参加いただけます．本をお持ちでない場合，川原 (kkoji at nufs.ac.jp)にご相談ください．

          なお，第5章，第6章は次回以降の課題にする予定です．

          (We will discuss chapter 4 of Chierchia (2013). Mr Mizutani will be a reviewer this time.)

•  研究発表 (Lecture)：16:10 -onwards

（この時間からでもご自由にご参加ください）

大島義和 (David Y. Oshima) 名古屋大学 (Nagoya University)

On the semantics of focus particle clusters: With special reference to dake-wa and made-wa

要旨: 

This talk addresses the semantics of focus particle clusters in Japanese, with special attention to the cases of dake-wa andmade-wa.

In the first part of the talk, I will discuss the semantic properties of wa in its contrastive use, and argue that it is to be regarded as a focus particle on a par with additive mo 'too', scalar additive sae/sura/made 'even', and exclusive dake 'only'.  Then, I will point out (i) that the addition of the contrastive particle wa to dake 'only' has the effect of swapping the the entailment (assertion) and presupposition associated with dake, and (ii) that made-wa has two meanings that are distinct from that ofmade 'even', one of which involves scope inversion between made and negation.  I will discuss how the meanings of dake-waand made-wa are computed, and further demonstrate that the proposed analysis can be extended to other types of focus particle clusters including those discussed by Guerzoni (2003) and Nakanishi (2007).

（長めのアブストラクトはこのページの最下部に「Oshima (tokai-abs01).pdf」というファイルがありますので，そちらをご覧ください．You can download the longer abstract named "Oshima (tokai-abs01).pdf" at the bottom of this page.)

第6回

2015年3月10日14時半 (14:30 ~ onwards, 10 March 2015) 

名古屋学院大学白鳥学舎 曙館 607 (607 Akebonokan, Shiratori Campas, Nagoya Gakuin University)

http://www.ngu.jp/outline/access.html (map) 地図

•  研究発表 (Lecture): 14:30-16:00

澤田治 (Osamu Sawada) 三重大学/Mie University

Projective properties of the Japanese counter-expectational scalar adverbs yoppodo and kaette: a new class of projective content

要旨:

In this talk, I will investigate the meanings of the Japanese counter-expectational scalar modifiers yoppodo and kaette and rethink the current classification and theories of projective content from a new perspective. Roughly speaking, yoppodo (the evidential type) denotes a high degree at the at-issue level and conventionally implies that the given degree is above the judge’s expectation, based on some evidence. (Note: the evidential type of yoppodo has the property of modal concord (e.g., Geurts and Huitink 2006; Zeijlstra 2008) or modal matching (Grosz 2010) in that it always has to co-occur with an evidential modal.) On the other hand, kaette signals that the at-issue situation is unusual by lexically conveying that generally, the opposite situation is true.

The puzzling characteristic of yoppodo and kaette is their complex property of projection. In the case of yoppodo, if it is embedded under an attitude predicate and there is an evidential modal in the embedded clause, then yoppodo is always subject-oriented. However, if yoppodo is embedded under an attitude predicate and there is an evidential modal (a concord element) in the main clause, then yoppodo is always speaker-oriented. Regarding kaette, although it lacks the property of modal matching/concord, if there is no epistemic modality in the main clause, it cannot project beyond the complement of an attitude predicate.

I will argue that these projective behaviors pose a serious problem for the parametric approach to the taxonomy of projective content, especially for the parametric classification based on “obligatory local effect” (Tonhauser et al. 2013).  I will then claim that yoppodo and kaette belong to a new class of projective content that is not sensitive to the “obligatory local effect” parameter and suggest that this class of projective content has the property of "indirect evaluation" (cf. Sawada 2014).

•  研究発表 (Lecture)：16:10 -onwards

窪田悠介 (Yusuke Kubota) 筑波大学人文社会国際研究機構/Ohio State University/JSPS

The proper treatment of coordination in ordinary English

要旨: 

前回の発表では、主に、Hybrid Type-Logical Categorial Grammar (Hybrid TLCG)によってどのように主流の理論の移動の概念を捉えることができるかを議論した。今回は、この議論を踏まえて、主流の理論では扱いが著しく困難となる現象、具体的には、等位接続とスコープ解釈との関連に関する詳細な分析を提示する。今回の発表では、まず、Hybrid TLCGでの (非構成素等位接続を含めた) 等位接続の分析を示し、これと音形表示におけるラムダ抽象による「移動」の分析を組み合わせることで、等位接続と様々なタイプのスコープ演算子(量化子、same/differentなどのいわゆる「対照述語」、等位接続や複数名詞の並行的解釈(`respective' reading)など) の解釈との関連を適切に分析することができることを示す。

第5回

         2015年2月21日14時半 (14:30 ~ onwards, 21 February 2015) 

• • 名古屋学院大学白鳥学舎 曙館 607 (607 Akebonokan, Shiratori Campas, Nagoya Gakuin University)

  • http://www.ngu.jp/outline/access.html (map) 地図

  • 輪読会 (Reading/Discussion)：14:30 - 15:50

  •       

  • マテリアル：Chierchia, G. (2013) Logic in Grammar, OUP

  •  上記マテリアルの第4章を水谷さんの進行・解説で進める予定です．

  •  事前に読んでいなくてもご参加いただけます．本をお持ちでない場合，川原 (kkoji at nufs.ac.jp)にご相談ください．

  • なお，第5章，第6章は次回以降の課題にする予定です．

  •  (We will discuss chapter 4 of Chierchia (2013). Mr Mizutani will be a reviewer this time.)

  •  研究発表 (Lecture)：16:00 - onwards

  • （この時間帯からでもご自由にご参加ください）

    • • 川原功司 (Koji Kawahara) 名古屋外国語大学/Nagoya University of Foreign Studies

• • •  

    •   Towards a Semantics of Hidden Degrees

    •   Abstract:

    •   日本語に「ジョンは熱がある」という表現があり，英語でも「John has a temperature.」という

    • 表現がある。これらを存在量化詞を用いて簡潔に意味を記述すると以下のようになると予測される。

    • ∃[temperature (x) ^ have (john, x)]

    • しかし，これは適切に文意を表しているとは言えない。というのも，ジョンが人間であれば，

    • 平熱であれ微熱であれ熱を持っているのは当然だからである。この例文は以下のように表されるべきである。

    • ∃x[temperature (x) ^ have (john, x) ^ HIGH (x) ⪰ d]

    • この例文は「ジョンという個体は，熱という性質のものを持っており，その水準は通常想定される

    • 度合いよりも高い」という意味である。つまり，日本語にせよ，英語にせよ，下線部に該当する「高

    • い(high)」という段階的形容詞が補われるべきであり，「ジョンは熱がある」という文は「ジョン

    • は高い熱がある」と同義であり，「John has a temperature.」は「John has a high temperature.」

    • と同義である。この表面に現れていない「高い」という段階性は単なる語用論上の含意ではなく，意味論上の伴立

    • である。実際，以下に示すように「高い」という意味合いを否定するような文章を続けることは非常に困難である。

    • ジョンは熱がある。# 平熱だけどね。

    • John has a temperature. #His temperature is normal, though.

    • 本研究の目的は，この種の非明示的な度量に関わる意味を，形式的に記述できるかどうか試みることである。

第4回

2014年12月21日 (20日から変更になりました) 14時半 (14:30 ~ onwards, 21 December 2014) 

名古屋学院大学白鳥学舎 曙館 607 (607 Akebonokan, Shiratori Campas, Nagoya Gakuin University)

http://www.ngu.jp/outline/access.html (map) 地図

正面玄関が空いていない場合，裏の守衛室隣から入ってください．また，守衛の窓口で意味論研究会に参加する旨お伝えください．

(To enter the venue, please go to the back of the building (Akebonokan). You can find a gatekeeper and the entrance just next to him. Please let him know you will attend the meeting.)

輪読会 (Reading/Discussion)：14:30 - 15:50

マテリアル：Chierchia, G. (2013) Logic in Grammar, OUP

上記マテリアルの第4章を川原さんの司会・進行で進める予定です．

 事前に読んでいなくてもご参加いただけます．本をお持ちでない場合，川原 (kkoji at nufs.ac.jp)にご相談ください．なお，第5章は次回以降の課題にする予定です．

 (We will discuss chapter 4 of Chierchia (2013). Dr Kawahara will be a reviewer this time.)

研究発表 (Lecture)：16:00 - onwards

（この時間帯からでもご自由にご参加ください）

• • • 水谷謙太 (Kenta Mizutani)

    • 大阪大学大学院/Osaka University

    • Adverbial Quantifiers, Individual-level Predicates, and their Interaction with Focus Sensitive Expressions

             Abstract: 

• • • Lewis (1975) 以来、量化副詞が量化する対象を巡って論争が続いており、代表的な分析としてUnselective Binding Approach (Kamp 1981, Heim 1982, Kratzer 1995) と Situation-based Approach (Berman 1987, Heim 1990, von Fintel 1994, 2004, Elborne 2005) の2つが挙げられる。本発表では、形容詞 only (=(1)) や最上級を表す形態素 (=(2)) の存在により個体レベル述語と量化副詞の共起が可能になるという新たな観察をもとに、これらの分析を比較し、次の２点を主張する：(i)  2つの分析を比較した場合、 (1) と (2) が示す容認性の違いを適切に捉えられるのはSituation-based Approach である、(ii) (1) では形容詞 only により想起される Alternative が、(2) では最上級を表す形態素により想起される Comparison Set が、量化副詞が量化する状況(Situation)に応じて変化することにより、Trivial Truth Conditionが回避される。それゆえ、個体レベル述語と量化副詞の共起が可能になる。

                (1)      a. *Mary is always a woman (in this room).

                           b.  Mary is always the only woman in this room.

                (2)      a. *John is always a tall person (in this room).

                           b.  John is always the tallest person in this room. 

第3回

2014年10月5日14時半 (14:30 ~ onwards, 5 October 2014) 

名古屋学院大学白鳥学舎 曙館 607 (607 Akebonokan, Shiratori Campas, Nagoya Gakuin University)

http://www.ngu.jp/outline/access.html (map) 地図

休日なので.裏の守衛室隣から入ってください．また，守衛の窓口で意味論研究会に参加する旨お伝えください．

(To enter the venue, please go to the back of the building (Akebonokan). You can find a gatekeeper and the entrance just next to him. Please let him know you will attend   the meeting.)

輪読会 (Reading/Discussion)：14:30 - 15:50

マテリアル：Chierchia, G. (2013) Logic in Grammar, OUP

 上記マテリアルの第3章を澤田さんの進行・解説で進める予定です．

 事前に読んでいなくてもご参加いただけます．本をお持ちでない場合，川原 (kkoji at nufs.ac.jp)にご相談ください．なお，第4章，第5章は次回以降の課題にする予定です．

 (We will discuss chapter 3 of Chierchia (2013). Dr Sawada will be a reviewer this time.)

 研究発表 (Lecture)：16:00 - onwards

（この時間帯からでもご自由にご参加ください）

• 窪田悠介 (Yusuke Kubota) 筑波大学/Ohio State University/JSPS

  LF移動を越えて -- Hybrid Type-Logical Categorial Grammarによる意味論と統語論のインターフェイス(Beyond LF movement: A new perspective on the syntax-semantics interface in Hybrid Type-Logical Categorial Grammar)

  Abstract:

  本発表では、発表者が提案している範疇文法の一種であるHybrid Type-Logical Categorial Grammar (Kubota & Levine to appear, Kubota 2015)の、形式意味論研究者向けの紹介を行う。Hybrid TLCGの特色は、Lambek文法以来範疇文法研究の主流であった統語範疇で語順を制御する文法体系と、90年代以降に出てきた新しい研究の流れである、語順を音形表示におけるラムダ抽象で扱うラムダ文法(Oehrle 1994, Muskens 2003)の体系を組み合わせた点にある。この理論設計により、派生の概念に基づく言語理論での(i)表層移動と(ii)LF移動にほぼ対応する操作を簡単に定式化できるのみならず、(iii)表層移動とLF移動のどちらでも捉えることのできないような操作も定式化できる。本発表では、Hybrid TLCGで(i)と(ii)をどのように扱うかを確認したあと、(iii)の可能性を議論し、その言語学的意義を検討する。

  参考文献:

  Yusuke Kubota and Robert Levine. to appear. Gapping as hypothetical reasoning. NLLT. http://www.u.tsukuba.ac.jp/~kubota.yusuke.fn/papers/kl-gapping.pdf

  Yusuke Kubota. 2015. Nonconstituent coordination in Japanese as constituent coordination: An analysis in Hybrid Type-Logical Categorial Grammar. LI. http://www.u.tsukuba.ac.jp/~kubota.yusuke.fn/papers/kubota-ncc.pdf

 第2回

2014年9月19日14時〜

名古屋学院大学白鳥学舎 曙館 607

http://www.ngu.jp/outline/access.html 地図

輪読会：14:00 - 15:30

マテリアル：Chierchia, G. (2013) Logic in Grammar, OUP

上記マテリアルを第2章蔵藤さんの進行・解説で進めました．

解説のpptファイルはページの最下部よりダウンロードしてください．

必要な方は（特に連絡なく）ご自由に自分の責任でダウンロードしてご活用ください．

適正な利用をお願いいたします．

研究発表：15:30 - 17:30

（この時間帯からでもご自由にご参加ください）

• 今仁生美（名古屋学院大学）『場所の前置詞 in, on, at, from/to の位相的分析』

• 蔵藤健雄（立命館大学）『選択関数を用いた空項の分析』

懇親会：17:45 -

（気軽にご参加ください．なお，予約がありますので事前連絡をいただけますと大変助かります）

第1回

2014年3月21日14時〜

名古屋学院大学白鳥学舎 曙館 517

http://www.ngu.jp/outline/access.html 地図

• 川原功司 Manner of Motion Events from a Typological Perspective abst

• 澤田治・澤田淳 Modal Affective Demonstratives in Japanese abst