Possession, Exorcism, and Levitation: Take Two Aspirins?

In the late 1980s or early 1990s Father James LeBar (1936-2008) gave a talk on exorcism at an advisory board meeting of the International Cultic Studies Association (then known as AFF - American Family Foundation). He had been a cult consultant for the New York Catholic Archdiocese for a number of years. As the demand for exorcisms increased (perhaps in part because of the popularity of exorcism films), he began to assist exorcists who were trying to drive out demons from supposedly possessed individuals.

Father LeBar described the key features of demonic possession, which I will list later. He also mentioned a phenomenon that is reportedly observed in extremely rare cases: levitation of the possessed person.

In astonishment, I leaned over and whispered in the ear of Herb Rosedale (1932-2003), then president of AFF, “What would you do if you saw somebody levitate?”

Herb turned to me, smiled, and said, “I’d take two aspirins.”

I laughed. I saw the profound meaning in Herb’s quip. There are some phenomena that we modern, educated people deem to be so impossible that if we observed them, we would conclude that we must have “lying eyes.” And, figuratively speaking, we would take two aspirins to try to repair our perceptual defect!

Possession, exorcism, and levitation–the topics of this essay–are “impossible” phenomena. Yet they have long histories in which seemingly sensible people believed and continue to believe in their reality. How can this be? This essay will try to shed light on this intriguing question.

Possession

Quoting Osterreich (1966, p. 17), Bourguignon defines possession: “The patient’s organism appears to be invaded by a new personality.”[1] Bourguignon says that possession may be involuntary or voluntary, deemed to be evil or good, and may result in a physical alteration of the person (e.g., deafness) or a change in consciousness (e.g., capture by a spirit personality). Bourguignon distinguishes between possession and possession trance:

We shall say that a belief in possession exists, when the people in question hold that a given person is changed in some way through the presence in or on him of a spirit entity or power, other than his own personality, soul, self, or the like. We shall say that possession trance exists in a given society when we find that there is such a belief in possession and that it is used to account for alterations or dis-continuities in consciousness, awareness, personality, or other aspects of psychological functioning.[2]

Perhaps because of movies dealing with exorcism, Westerners tend to conceive of possession as a demon forcibly taking over a person’s body. But Bourguignon notes that in some societies, individuals may voluntarily invite spirits to enter their body for reasons believed to be good. Even in modern Western societies, people sometimes invite spirits to take over or share their consciousness. Helena Blavatsky, Edgar Cayce, and J. Z. Knight (Ramtha) are examples from Spiritualism and its successor, the New Age Movement’s channeling phenomenon. Christianity also has a long history of inviting the Holy Spirit to infuse the soul, which the modern Pentecostal/Charismatic movement dramatically demonstrates. That is why Bourguignon asserts that the concept of possession refers to much more than demonic dominion over a person’s mind and body. Demonic possession, however, is the focus here.

Spectrum of Diabolical Influence

Those who believe in demonic influence tend to be in general agreement with the Roman Catholic spectrum of possession, or diabolical influences. Father Paolo Carlin describes four kinds:

Diabolical vexations appear as physical attacks on a person [such as] cuts, burns, scratches, punctures, writing on the skin, bites, beatings, blows that leave bruises, swellings, bloody sores, broken bones, incisions on the skin that spell words or form signs that persist for a certain time and then disappear, and illnesses with unknown causes and unknown cures. Obstacles also occur in the workplace and among affective relationships without logical explanation.

[Diabolical obsessions are] demonic assaults that, although they do not block the person’s intellectual powers and free will, succeed in inserting thoughts or obsessive images into the mind (the imagination and the memory) that the victim is not able to expel. In these cases, the person feels tormented by a fixed idea that he knows is foreign to him and seeks to find a way to reject it. But it is so deeply imprinted in his mind and spirit that it seems to be really his.

Possession is not a splitting of the personality. Rather, it involves a temporary displacement of the person, during which a brutal and violent demonic spirit takes control. Acting from within the body, the demon makes the helpless victim speak and act as he wishes.

The extraordinary action of the Devil that causes disturbances and nuisances in places, houses, and objects is called diabolical infestation in a locality. It also includes diabolical action on animals, which, in the last analysis, is directed at man. The manifestations of such action are unexplainable noises, apparitions of objects or changes of their location, music or odd noises, phosphorescence (emission of light without any perceptible heat), odors, lights, animals that react as if they have seen someone or that are in an excited state, shadows, silhouettes, faces, and so forth.[3]

Illueca proposes that “temptation” be added to this list as it represents “the ordinary activities or actions of the devil that influence a human being’s mind and soul.”[4]

Prevalence

Pollsters are most interested in the extreme end of the diabolical spectrum, i. e., demonic possession. A YouGov poll in the United States found that 51% of people believe in possession (in the sense of demonic capture), of whom 45% say possession happens rarely, 29% occasionally, 9% frequently, and 6% very frequently. In this same poll, 57% of respondents said they believed in the devil.[5] The Pew Forum on Religion and Public Life found that 11% of Americans, 7% of Christians in general, and 34% of Pentecostals claimed to have witnessed an exorcism.[6] Requests for exorcism specifically and for liberation from spirits’ influence have increased in recent decades, especially among Pentecostals.[7]

Bourguignon reports on anthropological research that found of 448 societies sampled from all parts of the world, 360 societies (74%) believed in some type of possession and 251 societies (51%) included instances of possession trance. In “North America 47% and in South America 36% of the societies had no possession belief at all, yet had ritualized forms of trance.”[8]

Catholic authorities say that demonic possession is very rare.[9] One research study provides data supporting this claim, though the data are limited to a single priest-exorcist whom 1075 persons consulted over a 10-year period. Giordan and Possamai[10] examined the detailed records of the priest, whom they described as “more ‘scientific’ than ‘fideistic.’”

From these 1075 cases, only 55 rituals of exorcism were performed, that is, in only 5.1% of the cases recorded. . . . Muchembled (2000) quotes Amorth, who claimed to have dealt with 50,000 cases, of which only 84 were, according to his assessment, authentic.[11]

According to an article in The National Desk, exorcist Father Vincent Lampert said, “Only 1 in 5000 people who claim incidents of possession are experiencing the genuine article.”[12] It is doubtful that the statistics attributed to Lampert and Amorth via Muchembled were collected as systematically as those presented by Giordan & Possamai. Moreover, we do not know if Amorth and Lampert conducted exorcisms that they later determined were not “authentic.” In any event, these statistics support the claim that exorcism is rare, even relative to a highly select population of people concerned about possible diabolical influences. If one broadens the population of interest to people seeking mental health services, the rarity of possession is remarkable, especially given the number of people who in surveys say they believe in possession or have witnessed one. Demonic Foes author, Richard Gallagher, says:

Many believers are surprised when I state that of the 25,000 or so formal patients I have assessed in depth over the course of my career during my normal professional workday, none were possessed. The cases I’ve concluded were possessed were always either sent to me by clergy or found me only after hearing of my expertise first and seeking me out on their own.[13]

Exorcism and Deliverance

Although rituals to liberate people from possessing spirits have existed in many cultures throughout history, in the modern West the term “exorcism” is typically associated with the Catholic Church, although Orthodox, Anglican, Lutheran, and other denominations also have established procedures for dealing with possession. There are many Bible passages related to demonic possession and the casting out of demons.[14]

Deliverance ministries, which are often associated with Pentecostal or Charismatic denominations and movements, are related to but distinct from exorcism. Deliverance is a more general term, referring to actions to counter demonic influence that may not reach the level of full possession. Exorcism in popular usage deals with people whose body and mind appear to have been taken over by a demonic spirit. Mainstream, as well as Pentecostal/Charismatic denominations can have deliverance ministries.

Illueca makes an important definitional distinction:

The ministry of deliverance is frequently categorized as a Christian ‘‘healing ministry.’’ However, healing and deliverance are two separate and complementary areas of pastoral care. Deliverance ministry is the pastoral practice that helps people identify and overcome spiritual afflictions centered on spirit trance and/or possession phenomena. Healing ministries center primarily on supporting people with physical or mental illness in themselves or a loved one.[15]

Catholic Exorcism

The Roman Catholic Church has had specific procedures for exorcism for many centuries. The most recent revision of the rite of exorcisms occurred in 1999.[16] The United States Conference of Catholic Bishops (USCCB) provides an information sheet based on the English translation of the Latin original of the most recent rite: Exorcisms and related supplications (ERS). The USCCB defines exorcism as “a specific form of prayer that the Church uses against the power of the devil.” ERS  distinguishes between simple exorcisms and major exorcisms. The former are “prayers used to break the influence of evil and sin in a person's life”; other denominations may refer to such actions as “deliverance.” Major exorcism is employed “when it is determined that the presence of the devil is in the body of the possessed and the devil is able to exercise dominion over that body.” Major exorcisms may be performed only by a designated priest with the approval of the local bishop, and only after medical examinations have ruled out natural causes.[17]

The International Association of Exorcists (IAE)[18] was founded by six priests in 1994. Pope Francis formally recognized IAE in 2014.[19] IAE provides training and support to its approximately 900 members, who meet for a bi-annual conference in Rome. The organization is composed mainly of Catholic priests, as well as some Anglican and Orthodox priests. According to Gallagher, Catholic bishops in the United States have appointed about 100 exorcists.[20]

Father Vincent Lambert, exorcist of the Archdiocese of Indianapolis and author of Exorcism: The Battle Against Satan and His Demons, outlined the primary signs of demonic possession,[21] which are listed here in bullet format:

● the ability to speak and understand languages otherwise unknown to the individual

● superhuman strength

● elevated perception

● knowledge about things the person shouldn’t otherwise know

● an aversion to anything of a sacred nature.

Of course, each of these behaviors may have natural explanations in a particular case. How can people at an exorcism know that a possessed person spoke an ancient language (a common claim), if nobody present speaks the ancient language? Moreover, one doesn’t have to know Latin, for example, to say some things in Latin that one might have picked up along the way. Drugs like PCP and severe agitation in psychiatric patients can sometimes make a person seem to have superhuman strength. Fear can cause heightened vigilance and enable a person to be aware of things that might ordinarily be overlooked. Mentalists, psychics, fortune-tellers, and mediums can use clues and generalities to create the illusion that they know a great deal about a person. A “possessed” person may have picked up some of these tricks. If a person is playing the role of a possessed person, whether consciously or unconsciously, an aversion to sacred things would be an expected part of that role. Of course, because these phenomena may sometimes have natural explanations does not mean that demonic influence is never possible.

The AI on Magisterium.com outlines the basic elements of the rite of exorcism:

1. Preparation – The exorcist observes strict discretion, does not disclose the formulas, and ensures a suitable place (church, oratory, or a private house with the crucifix and image of the Blessed Virgin present).

2. Sign of the Cross, holy water, and aspersion – The rite opens with the sign of the cross and sprinkling of blessed water, recalling baptismal purification.

3. Litanies and Psalms – A litanic prayer invoking the mercy of God and the intercession of the saints, followed by one or more Psalms praising the Lord’s victory over the devil.

4. Reading of the Gospel – Proclaims the presence of Christ, whose word heals the infirmities of humanity.

5. Imposition of hands and prayer of the exorcist – Invokes the Holy Spirit to expel the demon, often accompanied by the Oratio Dominica (Our Father).

6. Formulas – A deprecative formula (prayer asking God to drive out the spirit) followed, when appropriate, by an imperative formula directly commanding the demon to depart in the name of the Father, Son, and Holy Spirit.

7. Conclusion – A hymn of thanksgiving, a final prayer, and a blessing.

Deliverance Ministries

According to Hunt,

Throughout the 20th century, the controversial subject of exorcism has been something of an embarrassment to the established church in a rational and secular world. . . . In the mainstream churches “caution” is the catchword in the whole area of exorcism. The prevailing attitude, as made clear by many of the official pronouncements, is to defer to medical interpretations.[22]

Nevertheless, deliverance has gained a high profile, in large part because of the growth of Pentecostal and Charismatic renewal movements. A rite of exorcism is reserved for those suspected of full possession, whereas deliverance prayers can be directed at anybody who allegedly has been influenced by demons in any way. Evil spirits may harass a person because of “doorways” opened by habitual sin, ancestral curses (e.g., a family history of participation in occult organizations), emotional traumas, dabbling in the occult or eastern religions, debilitating fears, addictions, oppressive thoughts, and other afflictions. Numerous online videos deal with exorcism, deliverance, and healings.[23]

Bible Hub gives a definition:

Deliverance ministry refers to efforts, grounded in scriptural teaching and practice, to help individuals obtain freedom from spiritual bondage or demonic influence. This involves prayer, counsel, and reliance on divine authority to break negative spiritual forces attacking a person’s mind, body, or relationships.[24]

Deliverance interventions often resemble healings at Pentecostal services, i.e., hand-on-head, “In Jesus’s name,” body falls to the ground. But there are variations and disagreements among those who practice deliverance. Apostle Kathryn Krick’s YouTube channel, for example, has more than one million subscribers. Go here to see a video with more than 80,000 views in which Krick seeks to liberate a woman from demons who supposedly entered her because of witchcraft: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=oBL3VLOsLGM.  According to the video transcript, Krick says:

Every spirit of witchcraft, every spirit of rage, every spirit of anxiety, mental torment must go now in Jesus' name. I declare in the presence of this anointing, I declare every last demon must leave her on three in Jesus' name. Everyone that entered through this witchcraft given to her. Thank you Jesus. Thank you Jesus. Thank you Jesus.

What Krick says in this transcript excerpt and in the rest of the video seems to be very similar to what one may observe in the videos of other “healing” preachers. The Christian Post, however, published a critical article on Kathryn Krick.[25] The article says that Krick is a self-proclaimed apostle, is connected to a controversial figure, promotes a prosperity gospel, claims new revelations, has no formal theological background, and has a viral social media presence. I do not know the degree to which this article’s claims are true or false, and I do not know if Krick is better or worse than other deliverance preachers. I share the information merely to illustrate that the deliverance ministry world is diverse.

Many independent preachers, such as Krick, “do their own thing,” so to speak. And some may confuse healing and deliverance ministries, in that physical or psychological illnesses may be treated as diabolical and requiring “deliverance.”  Presumably to avoid extending deliverance beyond its proper object, clergy in more structured denominations must abide by guidelines for deliverance practitioners. The Church of England, for example, puts restrictions on its members, much like the Roman Catholic Church: “Deliverance ministry is carried out by ministers with specialist training. Deliverance ministry may only be carried out by those authorised by the bishop to do so.”[26] Moreover, medical/psychiatric consultation is regularly requested.

Some say that “independents” like Krick are out of step with even the mainstream of Pentecostalism:

For the most part, these doctrines reverse the earlier teachings of classical Pentecostals who maintained that it was the unsaved, not Christians, who needed deliverance. A significant number of Pentecostal writers have traditionally made a distinction between demonic possession and demonic “influence” but have categorically denied that Christians could have an evil spirit which was somehow “indwelling.”[27]

Some Christians question the fundamental rationale of deliverance ministries. “According to the Bible, a Christian is indwelt with the Holy Spirit upon conversion. So how is it that deliverance ministers claim that this same believer can be demon-possessed? . . . Instead of having a ‘spirit of lust’ cast out of them, what they need is to be saved and filled with the Holy Spirit.”[28] Such Bible-believing deliverance skeptics may also ask: Why would demons allow a person whom they control to go to a deliverance service to be cast out?  Why doesn't the Bible talk about Apostles casting demons out of fellow believers? Does the promotion of a narrative that believers are constantly under the threat of demonic possession or oppression diminish God’s sovereignty and make the Devil more powerful than the Bible implies?

Supporters of deliverance ministry may reply that “while the spirit of a believer becomes born again and is indwelt by the Holy Spirit upon conversion, other aspects of a person such as the soul or body can still be vulnerable to demonic influence.”[29] This argument resembles the Roman Catholic position:

In Catholic teaching, the soul—created directly by God and destined for eternal union with Him—cannot be possessed by a demon. Demons, as fallen angels, lack the power to seize or control the immortal soul, which remains inviolably united to God and capable of freely responding to grace even amid severe temptation or oppression. Instead, demonic activity typically manifests as temptation, obsession, or, in rare cases of possession, a takeover of the physical body, allowing influence over a person's actions while the soul retains its fundamental freedom to resist or cooperate with divine assistance.[30]

According to Hunt, other critics say that the charismatic movement’s focus on healing led to a

fascination for secular counselling, which was then applied to those in need of therapy within the churches. Some critics of the present deliverance ministry have argued that it is merely a form of “spiritualized psychotherapy”; in particular, an expression of “encounter” counselling/therapy overlaid with a “spirit gloss.”[31]

I think Hunt’s comment is insightful. When I watch videos of people being “slain in the spirit” and falling to the floor, such as we see in Kathryn Krick’s video, my immediate inclination is to laugh, for it seems like a manifestation of the power of suggestion, of simplistic counseling, not a spiritual event. But I then remind myself never to underestimate the healing power of suggestion, especially in a setting where group expectations are high. I recall a Gestalt therapy workshop in graduate school in which the therapist used the empty chair technique to explore feelings of people who volunteered to be interviewed. The first person sat in a chair in front of the group and talked to “mother” in the empty chair. The therapist probed gently. Within minutes the volunteer was bawling as many painful feelings emerged. I was intrigued. Then a second volunteer sat in the chair. Within minutes, more crying. At this point, I began to suspect that the demand characteristics of the situation were generating pain, not uncovering it. When the third volunteer also began to wail, I bit my tongue to stop myself from laughing. What I observed seemed engineered or artificial. Upon further reflection, however, I realized that the participants’ expression of benefit was genuine and that something I didn’t understand was going on.

As with so many who are slain in the spirit, the Gestalt workshop volunteers felt relief and gained insight into certain personal problems. They were not “transformed”; but they did feel better after the experience. Talking to “mother” in an empty chair or expectantly awaiting the power of the Holy Spirit to expel a “demon” from one’s mind or body may simply be alternative constructs designed to induce a cathartic experience, a releasing of suppressed emotions and a re-ordering of pieces of the self that are less in conflict after the catharsis.

Although “formal, rigorous, long-term follow-up studies that track participants' well-being over extended periods (months or years) following Pentecostal deliverance/exorcism interventions appears to be limited in the publicly available academic literature,”[32] phenomenological studies indicate that participants experience immediate benefit, e.g., relief, but not permanent resolution of their problems. Thus, we find many instances of repeated exorcisms or deliverance interventions on the same person. In the Giordan and Possamai study mentioned earlier, 40% of the 1075 cases were seen more than once. “Of the total number of clients, 648 (60%) came for only one visit, 215 (20%) came twice, and 97 (9%) came three times, and the remaining 11% came more than three times. . . one person had 26 consultations.”[33] Ng'ang'a tellingly states: “I once heard a deliverance minister equate it [deliverance intervention] to an oil change in a car which has to be done every so often.”[34]

One may look upon healing, deliverance, and exorcism interventions as part of a spiritual-psychological marketplace. Troubled people who believe in demonic influence seek out practitioners who may provide a cathartic experience that generates relief and perhaps partial resolution of a person’s problems. Of course, wherever there is a marketplace, there will be hucksters, fraudsters, and people whose financial practices seem to be inconsistent with the spiritual messages that they preach. In 2014, for example, Bob Larson “offered to perform exorcisms over Skype (for a donation of $295).[12]”[35]

Nevertheless, many practitioners are honest, even if they may hold false beliefs. Such practitioners provide a variety of spiritual rituals and often refer people for follow-up deliverance or counseling, as Hunt indicated. Giordan & Possamai give statistics that are relevant to this point. The priest-exorcist whose 1075 case records they reviewed referred 140 cases (13%) to a psychologist and 5 to a medical doctor. Others on whom an exorcism was not performed received religious interventions, including blessings (19.2%), confession (1.5%), religious homework (46.5%), prayer (17.5%), and rituals of liberation (13.2%).[36] Although I have not been able to identify relevant empirical literature, I suspect that Protestant deliverance ministries follow-up on “slayings in the spirit” with less dramatic spiritual and psychological interventions, much as do exorcists working within more hierarchical denominations.

Assessment and Treatment

How religious and psychological professionals assess and treat an alleged case of possession depends upon their presuppositions. Here is a proposed categorization scheme that may be useful:

1. Dogmatic Naturalists. Unwavering faith in naturalism, i.e., that all cases of alleged possession, wherever on the spectrum they may appear, can in theory be explained and treated by medical, psychological, or social concepts. Where a scientific explanation is not forthcoming, further assessment may be needed. Or, fakery may be suspected. Many, possibly most, mental health and medical professionals, as well as some clergy, will hold this position.

2. Pragmatic Naturalists. Strong faith in naturalism, but a pragmatic willingness to work within a person’s spiritual belief system in order to help him/her. Such professionals may consider referral to and/or consultation with religious professionals. They will try to avoid “a stark  dismissal of an individual’s beliefs [by] nurturing a constructive form of skepticism.”[37] Some mental health, medical, and religious professionals will hold this position.

3. Pragmatic Theists. Openness to or belief in a supernatural dimension of some alleged possession cases, but recognition of the need to address psychological, medical, and social factors in all or nearly all cases. I suspect that relatively few mental health and medical professionals, but many religious professionals, will hold this position.

4. Dogmatic Theists. Faith in supernatural explanations and treatment for most cases on the temptation-possession spectrum. This results in a need to prioritize spiritual interventions and limit, if not eschew, psychological, medical, or social interventions. Indeed, Mercer notes that some “deliverance practitioners claim to treat schizophrenia, ADHD, and Reactive Attachment Disorder, and believe that these problems are related to sins either of the person in treatment or of an ancestor.”[38] A significant minority of religious and few mental health or medical professionals will hold this position.

I use the adjective “dogmatic” in a non-pejorative sense, i.e., inclined to lay down principles as incontrovertibly true. Dogmatic naturalists and theists are not necessarily closed-minded, although they may be. They sincerely believe that their philosophy holds across all possession phenomena. Pragmatic naturalists and deists, on the other hand, acknowledge that their preferred theory may not account for all phenomena and, therefore, are open to explanations that may run counter to their inclinations.

Except for the alleged phenomenon of levitation (which I will discuss in the next section), people in all four categories probably generally agree on the phenomenology of possession, but they disagree on how to interpret what they observe and how to respond to people who seek help.

Deliverance ministries will often address distress on the milder end of the temptation-possession spectrum, distress that seems identical to what mental health professionals encounter. However, the ministers, especially if they are dogmatic theists, will use theological concepts to describe afflictions. For example, in the video cited earlier, Kathryn Krick talks about “a spirit of rage” and “a spirit of anxiety” that need to be expelled in the name of Jesus. In a mental health clinic, professionals are likely to say that patients are anxious or angry and should explore these feelings and possibly consider medication to get well.

As noted earlier, the mental health and the deliverance approaches may produce at least temporary relief for the person seeking help. But a dogmatic approach, whether naturalistic or theistic, may negatively affect some help-seekers. Pietkiewicz, Kłosińska, & Tomalski say that their “study shows that receiving a PTD [Possession Trance Disorder] diagnosis can reinforce patients' beliefs about supernatural causation of symptoms and discourage professional treatment.”[39] Cook agrees that this is a risk, but also suggests that there is an opposite risk as well:

Too great an emphasis on medical understandings of disease and illness, without cultural and theological awareness, risks alienating patients and failing to engage them in treatment. Too great an emphasis on theological accounts of the demonic risks failure of diagnosis of potentially treatable medical conditions.[40]

Given the rarity of full possession, pragmatic naturalists and theists may argue that mental health interventions should be prioritized along most points of the temptation-possession spectrum.  Deliverance interventions should supplement mental health treatment only if the patient’s religious belief system requires it. Dogmatic naturalists, on the other hand, are likely to deem any religious intervention as counterproductive, while dogmatic theists will tend to view any mental health treatment as unnecessary or harmful.

I have found no methodologically rigorous studies that compare the outcomes of mental health and deliverance/exorcism interventions with people reporting possession of any kind. Escolà-Gascón et al., however, reviewed 52 documented cases of involuntary, distressing possession from 1890 to 2023. Religious communities provided help in 44.2% of the cases.

According to Escolà-Gascón et al., people who are allegedly possessed and tormented by a supernatural presence will show the following:

Firstly, there is an identified loss of agency over one’s  actions, encompassing thoughts, sensations, and emotions, often paired with altered states of consciousness and anomalous physical activities. Secondly, there is a  discernible disruption of personal identity, evidenced by pronounced variations in vocal tone, either complete or partial amnesia regarding one’s past experiences or memories, and a profound disconnection with self-recognition.[41]

In addition, such persons, according to Escolà-Gascón et al., may be irritable, aggressive, amnesic, and may claim to communicate with spirits. These symptoms resemble psychiatric disorders that include auditory hallucinations, voice  distortions, vision disturbances, and seizure-like episodes. Although the outcomes of religious rituals, exorcism, and mental health treatment in their study varied, “interventions rooted in patient beliefs, like cognitive restructuring incorporating religious content (case 27) or self-directed prayer facilitated by a therapist (case 26), proved to be  particularly effective.”[42]

Escolà-Gascón et al. observed three common patterns in the life histories of allegedly possessed individuals:

1. They were reared in deeply religious environments.

2. They have a history of trauma in adolescence or childhood.

3. Personality characteristics of individuals with whom they have or had intense emotional connections resemble characteristics of the alleged possessing entities.

Escolà-Gascón et al.’s review of the 52 cases suggests that diagnoses were confused and unreliable. They find merit, however, in the proposal of Msgr. Jordi Font, a Jesuit priest and psychiatrist who conducted medical assessments for the Catholic Church in Barcelona over a three-year period. Escolà-Gascón et al. quote Msgr. Font as saying: “I have no personal experience with the devil, nor through the many cases I have seen of alleged ‘possessions.’”[43] They do not say how many cases Msgr. Font dealt with, which is unfortunate because, given the rarity of full possession, many alleged possession cases must be encountered before one would be likely to find an “authentic” possession, if such actually exist.

Font says that possession phenomena will tend to manifest in two internal structures: schizoid-paranoid and histrionic-narcissistic. His findings suggest that exorcism may benefit histrionic-narcissistic individuals, but not schizoid-paranoid. Escolà-Gascón et al. speculate that the former are able to externalize their conflicts, while the latter’s confusion between internal and external impedes externalization. The histrionic-narcissistic individual may also experience  secondary gain. Consider a psychiatric case of Pierre Janet, a pioneer in the study of dissociation and hysteria:

. . . He murmured blasphemies in a deep and solemn voice: “Cursed be God,” said he, “cursed the Trinity, cursed the Virgin. . . “then in a higher voice and with eyes full of tears: “It is not my fault if my mouth says these horrible things, it is not I. . . it is not I. . . . I press my lips together so that the words may not come through, may not break forth, but it is useless; the devil then says these words inside me. I feel plainly that he says them and forces my tongue to speak in spite of me.”

. . . The demon twisted his arms and legs and made him endure cruel sufferings which  wrung horrible cries from the wretched man. (Janet, cited by Osterreich, 1966:43).[44]

Unless one believes that a demon possessed this unfortunate patient, one may infer that he indirectly benefited (secondary gain) because he was able to protect his ego ideal of “a good Christian” by projecting, i.e., externalizing, suppressed religious resentments onto a demon. In other words, “I didn’t say it; the devil did.”

Of course, Font’s diagnostic dichotomy is only one of many perspectives. Pietkiewicz et al. discuss in detail diagnostic criteria of the International Classification of Diseases (ICD) and the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of the American Psychiatric Association (DSM). The ICD has a diagnostic category called “possession trance disorder.” DSM-5 (fifth edition) has two diagnostic categories that are frequently used in this context: dissociative identity disorder and other specified dissociative disorder.

As noted earlier, dogmatic theists are likely to rely on spiritual treatments for possession phenomena, while dogmatic naturalists will rely on standard mental health treatments tailored to the symptom picture of the distressed person. It seems reasonable to suppose that pragmatic naturalists and theists converge on a common view of treatment with minor differences. Pragmatic naturalists will stick to standard mental health treatments unless the person’s belief system requires consideration of an exorcism or deliverance. Pragmatic theists may be a bit more willing to consider spiritual explanations and interventions.

Writing in the American Psychological Association’s Psychology Today, Joe Pierre says that intellectual humility requires openness to the idea that demons exist but that, in his opinion, there is no evidence to support that notion. Pierre mentions two cases of possession delusions in which neither patient “had a history of psychosis, were particularly religious, or had previously given much thought to the phenomenon of possession.” He also says that “a recent case report of spirit possession in the medical literature described evidence of a structural abnormality in a part of a patient's brain called the basal ganglia and a real-time association with his possession experience and lack of blood flow to his temporal lobe.”[45]

In another Psychology Today article, Stephen Diamond discusses similarities between exorcism and psychotherapy, but notes their fundamental difference:

Of course, the main difference between psychotherapy and exorcism is that modern psychotherapy is typically a secular treatment for figurative, metaphorical "demons" – mental, emotional or psychological traumas, memories or "complexes," – whereas exorcism takes the existence of demons quite literally. Doing so can have certain advantages in treating patients who believe in the Devil, demons and exorcism, if for no other reason than the extremely impressive power of suggestion.[46]

He also notes that the features of possession as defined by the Catholic Church are also observed in many mental disorders, including various kinds of psychotic and dissociative disorders.

Pragmatic theists, in my proposed category scheme, accept that mental disorders may sometimes resemble possession in some ways and that an afflicted person may simultaneously have a mental and a demonic disorder. However, they maintain that experienced mental health professionals and exorcists can distinguish a mental disorder from a demonic possession. In part, this ability comes with experience, in much the same way that experience sharpens a mental health professional’s diagnostic acuity. Sometimes, however, tests may be used, such as sprinkling the person with ordinary tap water instead of holy water. Holy water reportedly elicits an aversive reaction from a demonically possessed person, whereas tap water does not. If a subject shows this reaction to tap water, there is a greater likelihood that the person is suffering from a mental disorder that, for whatever reason, mimics the possession experience.[47]

Religious professionals who work in the exorcism or deliverance fields tend to agree that full demonic possession is rare. Moreover, people who believe in possession are probably much more likely to seek help from clergy than from mental health professionals. The probability, then, that a mental health professional will encounter an authentic case of demonic possession, assuming that the phenomenon is real, will be very low. Consequently, the probability that these professionals will continue to doubt the reality of demonic phenomena is very high.

Whatever their opinions about the reality of demonic possession, pragmatic naturalists may benefit from the advice of Escolà-Gascón et al.:

1. Encourage reflective and therapeutic skepticism.

2. Develop inclusive therapeutic modalities.

3. Understand the psychic externalization of distress:  . . . individuals with histrionic-narcissistic tendencies utilize  possession and exorcism to project internal conflicts  onto an external reality.

4. Standardize rituals and exorcistic practices.

5. Position possession within the scientific paradigm.[48]

Pragmatic theists who believe in the reality of demonic possession may benefit from Illueca’s advice, which I excerpt and summarize below:

1. Be aware of the reality of spiritual distress potentially caused by evil spirits, and familiarize yourself with the spectrum of manifestations . . . consider the recent research showing that most cases of spiritual distress related to evil spirits respond to prayerful support and for the most part do not require a major spiritual intervention such as an exorcism.

2. Anticipate the likelihood of having in front of you a person whose spiritual distress falls within the spirit possession spectrum based on their symptoms, psychosocial background, and life history, especially when antecedents of childhood or recent trauma are elicited.

3. Critically assess the clinical evidence by careful listening to their story, discerning any particular behavior patterns and probing their level of comfort with sacred things.

4. Note if their complaints seem to suggest a psychological condition. If so, together with the care-seeker, explore their willingness to pursue professional psychological help while providing prayerful support tailored to the needs of the patient.

5. If the history, behavior, life pattern, or personal beliefs of the patient reveal a specific request or need for spiritual assistance, then make a referral for evaluation by a church with healing and deliverance ministry services.

6. Keep in mind that in spiritual disturbances, the victim’s beliefs supersede the pastoral worker’s own views of good and evil.

7. It is important to note too, that not all pastoral groups have a formal structure for deliverance ministry and that faithful perseverance in helping the affected person to find help will eventually pave the way for restoring them to spiritual wholeness.[49]

Case Examples

Emma

Pietkiewicz et al. provide a detailed case study of Emma, a 42-year-old divorced woman with two children. In childhood, she was close to a paternal grandfather who influenced her to become religious in primary school. He died when Emma was 15. Soon thereafter she exhibited aggressive and attention seeking behavior, including inappropriate sexual activity. During a youth event, she watched priests surround a girl who was having convulsions. During one of her interviews many years later, she said: “I crouched to the side and said: ‘Satan, if it's your doing, leave her and enter me. I remain at your disposal.’ At this point, I lost my temper.” Pietkiewicz et al. write: “Since then, in religious contexts Emma regularly experienced bouts of anger, convulsions, and derealization, which subsided when no priest was present.” This reinforced her belief that she was possessed. During a youth camp, she killed and sacrificed a cat. She abused alcohol and drugs. Her behavior became so inappropriate that the nuns who ran her high school sent her to an exorcist.

She ran away from home and then lived abroad for almost 10 years, supporting herself through prostitution. She was hospitalized three times, at ages 17, 23, and 25 – the latter two involving suicide attempts. She regularly used deliverance ministries and sought out exorcisms, but her problems and symptoms persisted. She was sexually provocative with priests and had a sexual relationship with one priest. During an interview she said, “I got really into this virtual reality and started looking for priests who were addicted to erotica. I set up a profile called ‘Lady for a Priest’ and they started contacting me. It was some kind of revenge on my part.” After multiple ineffective exorcisms, priests concluded that she needed psychiatric care and ceased supporting her. She moved to another town and found a pastoral counselor who was able to establish a productive relationship with her.

The authors concluded that Emma’s symptom picture warranted the ICD diagnosis of possession trance disorder. Whether genuine diabolical influence was present is debatable, for exorcisms and deliverance ministries did not seem to help her but normal pastoral counseling eventually did help. Of course, it is possible that diabolical influences, if such exist, mingled with a severe psychiatric disorder. This case illustrates the complexity that workers in the field sometimes confront.

Julia the Satanic Queen

Gallagher devotes a chapter to Julia, high priestess of a satanic cult. A very experienced exorcist priest with whom Gallagher had worked closely referred her to him for a psychiatric consultation. When she was a teenager, a priest molested her, an experience that Julia dismissively called a “dalliance,” although she did say that it disillusioned her about the church and made her open to affiliating with a local group of Satanists. Gallagher “felt Julia minimized her trauma and other stressors of her youth and family life . . . [and] in turning to this bizarre cult, she may have been looking for a substitute family.”[50]

Julia became bound to the satanic group when she fell in love with the leader of the cult, Daniel, who, she says, gave her “exciting sex.” She participated in orgies. Because she was an attractive woman “the men in the group all wanted to have sex with her.”[51] She told Gallagher:

“I was the cult’s main breeder,” she said. “I could get pregnant easily, which gave me a special status in the group. We had someone who could perform abortions, a physician’s assistant, I think., a repulsive guy. We used fetuses for ceremonies. Daniel encouraged it and said he and Satan would honor and reward me greatly for this ‘service’ and be eternally grateful for my role.”[52]

Because she was getting older and less fertile, she feared that Daniel no longer loved her.

“For the first time in my life I had felt really special,” she said. “Daniel had singled me out. It started out when I was a cute teenager. It was really intoxicating for a while. But now I’m not so sure. I’m getting older and wonder whether Daniel still cares for me. He said ‘okay’ when I told him I’m just trying to cause some mischief with the priests by seeking their advice and maybe get them in hot water if I can. He’d love that, trust me, and so would Satan. But I’m not sure if he still cares what happens to me. I don’t think I can breed now and wonder whether I’m, you know, ‘expendable.’”[53]

Gallagher diagnosed Julia as borderline. Such people “are often inconsistent in their intentions and attitudes.”[54] Julia was sometimes boastful and seemed to enjoy turning Christianity on its head:

“My philosophy is this, doc,” she told me. “Indulgence instead of abstinence. Vital existence instead of spiritual pipe dreams. Vengeance instead of turning the other cheek.”[55]

Sometimes, however, she seemed frightened:

“I’m scared. I’m suffering. I need to get rid of this.”[56]

“I know I’m possessed,” she said. “I space out and then don’t recall what happens. They tell me a voice comes out of me. I don’t know. I don’t remember anything. It’s a demon, I’m sure.”[57]

During one interview Julia revealed a main attractor to the group:

“You think we become Satanists because we’re stupid? It’s because we get a lot in return. We worship Satan because he looks after us and grants us big favors.”[58]

Among the “favors” are what appear to be psychic powers. Gallagher recounts his shock when his exorcist friend first brought her to him. The previous night, Gallagher and his wife were awakened and mystified by a vicious cat fight, something they had never seen their two cats do before. When the priest introduced Julia, she smirked and asked, “How’d you like those cats last night?” Gallagher was also astonished by what appeared to be an instance of remote viewing.

She calmly claimed that she could “see” Father A. “in a blue wind-breaker and khakis,” walking along the seashore near where he lived. She had never visited his home and knew nothing about where he lived. . .

I immediately called Father A. on his cell phone and asked where he was and what he was wearing. “I’m usually in the rectory at this hour but decided to take a walk tonight,” he told me. “I’m saying my breviary along the shore in my khaki pants and a windbreaker.”

“What color is your windbreaker,” I pursued.

“You must be talking to Julia. She’s something else, isn’t she?”[59]

Julia would sometimes speak in a fiendish voice. Once when Gallagher and his exorcist friend were taking Julia to an exorcism venue, they heard

a deep, raspy voice, “leave her alone, you fucking monkey priest.” Startled, I turned around and saw Julia glaring at us, her fists clenched. “She is ours. We will never let her go. You’ll be sorry, you stupid monkey priest.” . . . The voice was coming out of Julia’s mouth, but it wasn’t really Julia. Her face had taken on a distant, even vacant look. She went on like this for ten minutes.

Suddenly, the voice stopped, and Julia reemerged from whatever state I had just witnessed. She had no idea what had just happened.[60] 

Although the events are certainly compelling, what I have thus far related does not convince me that Julia was possessed. It is possible that Julia’s coming for exorcisms was in fact a ruse, as she said she told the cult. Maybe Julia and other cult members played a mind game on a couple of exorcists and their psychiatrist friend. Near the end of the chapter Gallagher says that while he was returning home in a plane, a man called his wife and told her that he and Father Jacques (the exorcist) had been in a car accident and were in critical condition. This was a lie. Gallagher also writes about being followed by two women who were “dressed in the eccentric manner peculiar to [Julia’s] group.”[61] The exorcisms performed on Julia did not work. Julia refused to continue with the exorcisms and ultimately broke contact. Perhaps Gallagher and the priests were followed, observed, and manipulated more than they realized. And perhaps cult members coordinated their behavior to perpetrate mind games that gave rise to seemingly paranormal events, such as Julia’s supposed remote viewing of Father A’s walk along the seashore. Such considerations cause me to pause before concluding that Julia was possessed. However, Gallagher describes another event in Julia’s story, which, if true, is more compelling than all the other events combined. First, however, a word about the author of Demonic Foes.

Richard Gallagher graduated Phi Beta Kappa in classics from Princeton, trained as a resident in psychiatry at Yale, and is a professor of psychiatry at New York Medical. His book describes his journey from skeptic to believer in possession. The book is not sensational in its presentation, though some of the events described, if true, are indeed sensational. Gallagher is a highly credentialed and seemingly credible man. But something he describes in the chapter on Julia seems to be impossible, a “take-two-aspirins” event.

“And then,” Father A. continued, “it happened.”

“What?” I asked.

“Julia levitated right out of her chair. For half an hour.”

All the witnesses later corroborated this story. Julia visibly rose about a foot off the chair and, in the clear impression of all attendees, would have ascended higher if it hadn’t been for several of those present, including all the men, laboring mightily to hold her down.[62]

I see four possible explanations for this “impossible” event:

1. Julia actually levitated.

2. All the people present at the exorcism lied to Gallagher.

3. Gallagher is lying to us.

4. Somehow, Julia, perhaps with help from members of the cult, used trickery to make it appear that she levitated.

I do not see how (4) could possibly be true, but that is what numerous intelligent and seemingly skeptical people have said about phony mediums and levitators. Wikipedia’s entry on levitation has a section devoted to frauds, including a photo of Colin Evans levitating while surrounded by a crowd of people. Though I do not reject explanation (4), I am inclined toward the other three explanations, two of which involve lying.

Certainly, lying is a possible explanation, especially for an “impossible” event. The next section will rely on a book[63] with the subtitle, “A History of the Impossible,” by Carlos Eire, the T. L. Riggs Professor of History and Religious Studies at Yale University. After I review certain key points Eire makes about levitation, I will comment on the possible explanations for Julia’s levitation.

Levitation

The full title of Eire’s book is They flew: A history of the impossible. The book explores bilocation to some extent, but focuses on levitation, which is my concern here. He asks, “How does one write a history of what could never have happened, a history of the impossible?”[64] His answer is that the historian does not have to explore the “act of levitation itself, the wild fact that is inaccessible to us. The fact we can deal with is the testimony. . . . Consequently, a history of the impossible is a history of testimonies about impossible events.”[65] Thousands of testimonies exist in which people swore that they saw someone levitate or fly. These testimonies are the evidence that Eire examines.

My purpose here is not to review the many fascinating ideas and details in Eire’s nearly 400-pages of impressive scholarship. My purpose is to explore the following questions: Is the testimonial evidence for levitation persuasive enough to reject a “take-two-aspirins” response? How does this evidence affect the credibility of demonic possession and exorcism?

Although testimonies about levitation occur throughout history and around the world, Eire notes that there was a surge of testimony in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, which corresponds with the rise of Protestantism. Reformation Protestantism (unlike some modern forms of Protestantism, such as deliverance and healing ministries) “rejected the proposition that God had continued to perform miracles beyond the first century.”[66] This is sometimes called the “cessation of miracles doctrine.” However,

Protestants and Catholics alike continued to believe that witches hovered and flew and should all be exterminated. . . . Catholics believed that levitation was restricted to human beings who chose to surrender their will either to God or the devil, Protestants believed it was restricted only to those who willed to become allies of the devil.[67]

To Protestants, then, Catholic claims of the miraculous were either lies or the work of demons. To Catholics, miracles, levitations, and saints proved that theirs was the true church and others were heretics.

The desire to observe supernatural or demonic activity to support, respectively, Catholic or Protestant claims of superiority created a climate of credulity, the nature of which varied according to the dominant religion in a region. Thus, in Catholic countries like Spain there are more reports of saintly miracles, levitations, and priests conducting successful exorcisms. In Protestant countries, on the other hand, the credulity revolved around allegedly demonic phenomena, such as witchcraft. “Experts estimate that 100,000 to 200,000 witch trials were conducted between the 1560s and 1680s and that these led to somewhere around 50,000 to 60,000 executions.”[68] Witchcraft trials and executions varied substantially among countries.

Spain and its notorious Inquisition, for instance, not only had relatively few witch trials but also a low execution rate of single-digit percentages. In contrast, some German, French, and Swiss areas killed around 90 percent of those tried for witchcraft. The disparities can be as surprising as they are revealing: Scotland, which had only one-quarter as many people as England, killed over three times more witches than its southern neighbor.[69]

The hunger for miraculous activity in Catholic countries incentivized attention-seeking fraudsters. “The number of potential spiritual frauds was so high that it led the Spanish Inquisition to investigate feigned sanctity as an especially dangerous category of religious deviancy. . . the phenomenon as a whole came to be known as ‘inventing the sacred.’”[70]

One Cleric described the fraudsters he observed with as much contempt as the elite sycophants they attracted. “Ordinarily they pretend to be spiritual and say that they are swept up in ecstasies and mortal raptures and claim to have the spirit of prophecy; and they love to become rich because of the virtue they completely lack, receiving great gifts and hefty donations from nobles and devotees. Oh, how many of these frauds I know who make the rounds from palace to palace and fool the lords and ladies into thinking that their mere presence sanctifies their homes and redeems their guilt.”[71]

The Inquisition in Spain was acutely aware of the presence of fraudsters and delusional people longing to be revered as saints. Thus, “in the surviving records, those found guilty of fraud or diabolical mischief do outnumber those who were not.”[72]

But even those who were admired and not accused of fraud could make claims that seem ridiculous to the modern mind. Sor Juan de la Cruz (1481-1534), who was declared Venerable four years before her death,

acquired a reputation as an extraordinary miracle-worker, especially as a healer and rescuer of souls from purgatory, and as a distributor of blessed and indulgenced rosary beads (cuentas benditas), rosaries, crosses, medals, and other objects that she claimed had been taken to heaven and returned to earth. These were prized in the same way as relics and believed to convey divine blessings.[73]

Given her cultural context, Sor Juan de la Cruz may have sincerely believed that she took objects to heaven. We must remember that hypnotic susceptibility varies widely among people.[74] I had a classmate in graduate school, for example, who underwent an operation in which auto-hypnosis was used instead of anesthesia, a rare phenomenon known as hypnosurgery.[75] Therefore, we should not be surprised by reports of ecstatic saints not responding to needles or nuns like Sor Juan reporting visits to heaven. People high in hypnotizability, who are immersed in a culture that hungers for the miraculous, may have unusual spiritual experiences through the power of autosuggestion. However, not all supposed “saints” are as honest as Sor Juana.

In a chapter entitled “Tricksters of the Impossible,” Eire describes in detail three nuns whom many deemed “living saints”:

The first, Magdalena de la Cruz, “the Nun of Cordoba” (1487-1560), eventually confessed to being in league with the devil and ascribed her unnatural charisma to him. The second, Maria de la Visitación, “the Nun of Lisbon,” who was born in 1551 and died sometime after 1603, eventually confessed to being a total fraud who cleverly tricked everyone into thinking her miracles were real. The third, Luisa de la Ascensión, “the Nun of Carrion” (1565-1636), was eventually declared innocent of fraud by the Inquisition twelve years after her death but nonetheless ended up forever disgraced and consigned to oblivion through her humiliation.[76]

The authenticity of Magdalena’s supposed supernatural gifts went unquestioned for nearly forty years. She subjected herself to severe mortifications. She refused to eat, “claiming that all the nourishment she needed came from the Eucharist. . . . and even when stabbed in her feet and limbs with long needles, she would never flinch.”[77] She developed stigmata, levitated and bi-located, claimed to have freed souls from purgatory, was visited by Jesus, Mary, and various saints, and distributed pieces of her hair, skin, and blood-stained clothes as blessed relics.

Ultimately, Magdalena’s flagrant hubris and cultic manipulations brought her down. Like many cult leaders, she segregated “good” nuns from “bad” nuns, with “good” nuns naturally supporting her. Moreover, she made nuns confess their sins to her, which gave her blackmail power. Late in her career Magdalena even claimed that the Holy Spirit had impregnated her, and on Christmas day she claimed to have given birth to Jesus himself, who conveniently disappeared before anyone could confirm his birth. Eventually, she was formally investigated and confessed that her miracles were trickery, made possible with the help of nun accomplices. She claimed that demons enabled her bilocations and levitations. She made a pact with demons when she was twelve years old. During an exorcism, “Magdalena’s demons revealed that it was her burning desire to be regarded as a saint that had made it easy for them to lure her into making a pact with them.”[78] The Inquisition was merciful and condemned her to perpetual seclusion. “For the next fourteen years, until her death in 1560, she reportedly lived a life of constant penance in total obscurity.”[79]

Maria de la Visitación, who gradually transformed “her body into a living, bleeding, pain-riddled image of the suffering Christ,”[80] was found innocent in each of three investigations. But in 1588 she blessed the Spanish Armada, which soon after was humiliated off the English coast. King Philip II said, “A nun who meddles in politics and stirs up the people cannot be a true saint.”[81] Her next investigation was more thorough than the previous three. She confessed to trickery. For example, “her levitations had been accomplished with the aid of thick-soled footgear known as chapines and wooden poles hidden from view under her habit; and her halo and luminescence had all been produced through the manipulation of lamps and mirrors.”[82]

If a majority of supposed saints whom the Inquisition investigated were found to be fraudulent, and if some frauds, like Maria de la Visitación, could be found innocent in three investigations, it seems reasonable to conclude that a portion of those found to be innocent were in fact delusional or fraudulent. One may ask, then: Are they all fakes?

Systematically answering that question affirmatively, even if only the “impossible” event of levitation is considered, would require debunking a lot of cases. “While no exhaustive, official tally exists in Church documents, historical hagiographies [writings on the lives of saints]  indicate approximately a hundred saints and holy persons (along with many others) experienced” levitation.[83]

Eire devotes several chapters to two noteworthy cases of levitation: Teresa of Avila (1515-1582) and Joseph of Cupertino (1603-1663).

Teresa of Avila

Eire says about Teresa:

A lukewarm nun for many years after returning to her convent–-according to her own disparaging estimation–-Teresa began to experience visions and raptures in her forties, and as these intensified quickly and dramatically, she naturally came under suspicion of being either demonically influenced or a brazen fraud.[84]

When Teresa’s visions began, her confessors were concerned that they might be demonic in origin and “ordered her to greet her visions of Christ with an obscene hand gesture known as ‘giving the fig,’ an equivalent of today’s ‘giving the finger.’”[85] But over time, many around her came to believe that her experiences were divine in origin, so her superiors told her to write about her life and ecstasies. This resulted in her Vida, or autobiography. Her Vida “convinced those who scrutinized the text that she was neither a fraud nor a demoniac.”[86] Nevertheless, the ever-cautious Inquisition kept her manuscript locked up until “1588, six years after her death. . . in large measure because post-mortem miracles were proving her holiness to be genuine.”[87]

The testimonial evidence for Teresa’s levitations was substantial.

Numerous nuns and priests witnessed Teresa’s levitations, including Domingo Banez. “He and many other people once saw Teresa levitate immediately after receiving communion. . . she clung to a grille in the church, ‘greatly distressed,’ and begged God” to stop these ecstasies. . . . “When I tried to resist these raptures,” she says, “it seemed to me that I was being lifted up by a force beneath my feet so powerful that I know nothing to which I can compare it, for it came with a much greater intensity than any other spiritual experience and I felt as if I were being torn to shreds, for it is a mighty struggle, and, when all is said and done, there is no point to it if this is the Lord’s will, for his power can never be overcome by another.”[88]

Teresa fervently prayed for an end to her levitations. Eventually the levitations ceased and her public raptures became much less frequent. Her Vida and her book The Interior Castle, though marred by digressions and disorderliness, are spiritual classics. Eire summarizes her writings on levitation with a series of bullets, which I will further abridge here:

●     A life of constant prayer and intense asceticism is absolutely necessary for the mystical quest.

●     Those who pursue intimacy with the divine are never in control.

●     Mystical experiences vary in intensity and are given by God.

●     Mystical ecstasies are often described as an upward movement because they involve a crossing over from earth to heaven.

●     The higher soul and the body are united to form a single “self.”

●     Teresa maps out her mystical experiences on a spectrum.

●     Levitations can only begin to happen in the sixth level of the mystical ascent.

●     When the body is involved in ecstasy, it may exhibit a cataleptic suspension of the senses, loss of heat, severe stiffening, and levitation.

●     Such ecstasies cannot be resisted.[89]

Joseph of Cupertino

Joseph of Cupertino (or “Copertino”) had a difficult childhood, including paternal neglect and years of illness. At a very young age, he fell into trance states. His schoolmates and neighbors dubbed him “‘Bocca Aperta,’ or ‘open mouth,’ a mocking reference to his trances and his reputation as a dimwit.”[90] He wanted to become a Franciscan, but was expelled from his first friary because he was “dreadfully ‘dull-minded, corporeally unsound, spiritually intolerant, and blind to the friary’s need for manual labor.’”[91] He was more successful in his second Franciscan community, where he rejoiced in menial tasks such as taking care of the friary’s mule. In June 1625, at the age of 22, he became a full-fledged novice in the Franciscan order and began studying for the priesthood. Despite his deficient educational skills, he managed to become ordained on March 28, 1628 through what his hagiographers (writers of the lives of saints) deemed to be a series of miraculous events. After celebrating “his first Mass and feeling utterly unworthy to consecrate the Eucharist, a dark night of the soul descended on him, unexpectedly, as happens to many mystics.”[92] Before and during his dark night, Joseph subjected himself to severe self-mortifications, including scourging, fasting that bordered on starvation, hair shirt and chain, and sleep deprivation, until his superior ordered him to moderate the self-punishment.

But it was precisely at the tail end of Joseph’s dark night that levitations began to accompany his ecstatic trances. . . . His trances also began to intensify at the same time, and to last longer, and some of his fellow friars noticed and began to keep a worried eye on him. . . Then, on the feast of his beloved role model Saint Francis, October 4, 1630, the mystical dam broke, so to speak, and the supernatural torrent that flowed out surprised everyone. While taking part in a procession through the town of Copertino in honor of Saint Francis, Joseph suddenly rose up off the ground and remained suspended in the air, ecstatic, hovering above an astonished crowd of clerics and townspeople.[93]

During Joseph’s beatification inquest, witnesses from Copertino alone reported more than 70 levitations, not counting his almost daily hovering ecstasies while conducting mass. Levitations were always preceded by a shout. They could be triggered by the Eucharist, sacred images, sacred music, and random encounters, such as a lamb that made Joseph think of Jesus. Not surprisingly, Joseph’s fame spread because of his levitations and reports of miraculous healings. Naturally, the Inquisition investigated Joseph to determine if his feats had divine or demonic origin and if vanity or humility characterized his person.

After sharing a long quote from a description of Joseph’s extreme catalepsy during ecstasy, Eire comments about the strength of Joseph’s obedience, a sure sign of his humility:

One of the oddest details embedded in the lengthy quote above is the issue of Joseph’s total deafness being overcome by his superior’s voice. This significant detail is reiterated often in Joseph’s inquest processi [sic] and in his hagiographies, and it was instrumental in the Inquisition’s approval of his ecstasies, for it served as proof of Joseph’s obedience and humility. Asked once how he could hear his superior’s commands while totally bereft of his sense of hearing in ecstasies, Joseph gave an explanation that further convinced the Inquisitors of the divine nature of his raptures: He never heard his superior, he said, but God always did, and at the very instant the superior spoke, the ecstasy would be stopped by none other than God himself. . . This quirky exception embedded in Joseph’s ecstasies does not fit the profile of a genuinely physiological cataleptic seizure.[94]

Joseph’s ecstasies and levitations seemed to place his body in a state in which it is in heaven and earth simultaneously. If he went into ecstasy during mass, time seemed to be suspended. However long the ecstasy lasted, he would pick up “where he left off without missing a beat, much like a film that is paused in which the interrupted dialogue and action resume cleanly and precisely as soon as the playback button is pressed.”[95] Often his body stiffened completely during ecstasy. His clothing seemed to be in a cocoon as he flew through the air, showing no signs of being affected by the motion. He could hover over candles, and neither his clothes nor his flesh would be burnt.

Joseph’s numerous levitations became a spectacle that distracted people from more substantial spiritual matters. His ecstasies disrupted events at the friary. Important prelates or nobles would be offended if they were not able to see him. The attention he drew may have stirred envy among some monks, priests, and prelates. And some Franciscans may have feared that he might eclipse their revered St. Francis. For these and other reasons, Joseph was moved around from friary to friary, even though he was perceived to be living proof of divine realities. At times, he was ordered to remain in his cell. Nevertheless, people found out where he was and gathered to observe his levitations and seek his help, which often triggered another move. Moreover, famous people sometimes wanted to meet him. A noteworthy event occurred in Rome.

An overwhelmed Joseph bent down to kiss the pope’s feet, as everyone was expected to do, but before he could do so, he went into a levitating ecstasy and rose high above Urban VIII’s head, hovering there until a command from Father General Beradicelli brought him back down to the ground. Duly astonished, Pope Urban VIII reportedly said to the Father General that if Joseph were to die during his pontificate, he would love to testify as an eyewitness on behalf of his canonization and confirm the sacred reality of Joseph’s levitations.[96]

When Joseph was in Assisi, the visiting Lutheran Duke Johann Friedrich (1625-1679) was so astonished by the “Flying Friar” that the Duke converted to Catholicism and continued to be devoted to Joseph for the rest of his life.

Despite the attention Joseph received when he was alive, and despite the number and quality of his levitations, a century elapsed before he was declared a saint. Prospero Lambertini was appointed “Devil’s Advocate.” His job was to find every possible reason to reject Joseph’s sainthood. Despite his initial skepticism,

Lambertini hit a wall when he reviewed the sheer volume and quality of the testimony. . .  In a famous reversal, Lambertini eventually conceded. He famously wrote that while he began the investigation as a skeptic, the eyewitness accounts were of such "unchangeable integrity" that they could not be dismissed. He concluded that if one were to throw out this much consistent, high-level testimony, the entire legal basis for history itself would crumble. . . . The most fascinating part of this story is that Prospero Lambertini, the man who spent years trying to debunk Joseph, was eventually elected Pope Benedict XIV. In 1753, as Pope, he was the one who officially beatified Joseph of Cupertino. He used Joseph’s case as the primary example in his massive five-volume textbook on how to distinguish true miracles from fraud—a text that remained the "gold standard" for the Church for over 200 years.[97]

Eire says that the testimonies about Joseph’s levitations cannot be easily dismissed because so many people, including illiterate peasants, priests, monks, nuns, high-ranking Church authorities, government officials, and members of the nobility, witnessed his levitations indoors and outdoors, in darkened rooms and the bright noonday sun. Debunkers, then, must explain levitations before hundreds of different people in different situations in Copertino, Naples, Rome, Assisi, Pietrarubbia, Fossombrone, and Osimo?[98] Moreover, “if one dismisses all eyewitness accounts in this case as fabrications or delusions, one is left with the hard task of explaining why such lies were apparently told and believed or why such delusions took hold as they did.”[99]

Conclusions

I began this essay with an anecdote in which Herb Rosedale, representing the “modern mind,” jokingly said that he would “take two aspirins” if he witnessed a levitation. One expects atheists and agnostics to be “modern” in their thinking. But many religious believers are also more modern in their philosophical attitudes than their creeds would suggest. That is why I earlier quoted Hunt saying, “Throughout the 20th century, the controversial subject of exorcism has been something of an embarrassment to the established church in a rational and secular world.” This embarrassment perhaps reflects (liberal?) Christians’ ceding the “natural world” to the materialists while walling off a watered down supernatural world that reluctantly acknowledges its “irrationality” and irrelevance to science’s natural world.

The people of the medieval and early modern Catholic worlds did not think like this. According to Eire, they unquestioningly accepted two assumptions: First, an intimate encounter with the divine was possible. Second, “humans inhabited two worlds simultaneously, the material and the spiritual. . . . This binary understanding of reality also applied to the location of the mystic, which meant that the outer man remained on earth during ecstasies, while the inner man was suddenly transported to heaven.”[100] A levitating saint would be a rare and spectacular event, but not “impossible,” as it is to the modern mind.

Reformation Protestantism rejected these Catholic assumptions while holding onto a belief in the devil’s power to deceive us with seemingly miraculous activity, such as flying witches and levitating Catholic saints. Reformation Protestantism in essence said there was a “rational,” natural world, a demonic world that could intrude on the natural, and a spiritual world that we cannot know intimately until we die, provided that we are “saved.” However, as the research on possession demonstrates, the demonic, if indeed it is real, directly and palpably intrudes on the natural world very rarely. Moreover, as the Spanish Inquisition made clear, fraudulent claims of supernatural intrusions were more common than those deemed authentic. Since Enlightenment rationalism and materialism rejected the demonic and the supernatural in principle, it is not surprising that over time establishment Protestantism, and Catholicism to a lesser degree, yielded to the Enlightenment wave, which rejected all claims of the supernatural, and came to be “embarrassed” by the notion of possession, and certainly by wild claims of levitation.

If this analysis is correct, it might help answer a question about Joseph of Cupertino that puzzles Eire:

But why did such a remarkable life sink into obscurity? This is one of the weightiest questions raised by the case of Joseph of Cupertino because even among the vast majority of Catholics he has been all but forgotten. He has vanished, his ghostly presence trapped in quirky footnotes or antique prayer cards. How could this happen? Why is he not among the best known of all saints? Why is he not considered one of the most amazing humans ever? Is it due to the “impossible “ factor? Something else? If so, what? Is he trivial, or ridiculous? If so, why? His nearly total obscurity should be jarring, shocking, disturbing. But it is not.[101]

A modern person observing Julia the Satanic Queen levitating during an exorcism might “take two aspirins,” get a good nights’ sleep, and chalk up the experience to hypnotic suggestion, bad food, or too much liquor. But a Joseph of Cupertino? He is really impossible! Moreover, his story lends credence to Catholicism, which the modern mind disparages. So many testimonies in so many places under so many different conditions. Better to ignore him and assume that the testimony of hundreds of people over three decades is nothing but dramatic instances of mass hysteria, group think, or psychopathological contagion. After all, Eire says:  “In seventeenth-century France, over twenty nunneries were hard-hit with a series of mass possessions.”[102] The Joseph phenomenon, then, must have been a geographically spreading mass hysteria that is not worth the trouble to investigate further.

There are four reasons why I cannot dismiss Joseph so easily.

1. The testimonial evidence in Eire’s book, only a portion of which I have cited, is compelling, especially given the Inquisition’s propensity to find fraud or delusion rather than miracles or genuine saintliness.

2. The Catholic Church’s procedures for evaluating miraculous events are much more rigorous than I once believed. For example, “Since 1858, over 7,000 claims of miraculous healings have been submitted at Lourdes, but only 70 have been officially recognized by the Church,”[103] a 99% rejection rate.

3. Catholic Church records indicate that at least 100 saints and holy people have levitated. This is not equivalent to 100, or even 1000, people claiming to have seen Bigfoot. Levitations would have had credible witnesses even to be considered by Church authorities. And in cases such as Joseph, Teresa of Avila, and others there are multiple witnesses in multiple locations across long periods of time. Moreover, I suspect that for every levitation case that the Church has recognized, there are probably hundreds or thousands of levitation claims that, like Bigfoot sightings, went unrecorded and are now  long forgotten.

4. Although some exorcists and consulting mental health professionals may be gullible or prone to “invent the sacred,” my impression is that most are honest and rational. Monsignor Stephen Rosetti, a leading U.S. exorcist, graduated from the Air Force Academy and served in the Air Force before enrolling in seminary. The late Reverend James LeBar was deeply troubled when he and I investigated the Legion of Christ in 2003, a cultic nodule within the Catholic Church which he loved. He didn’t like what we found, but he didn’t try to hide it. I don’t know if Father LeBar ever witnessed a levitation, but I’m confident that he would never have said he did if he didn’t. Although I do not know Richard Gallagher personally, his book, in my opinion, reveals a man who is thoughtful, honest, and not eager to “invent the sacred.” If he believes the people who witnessed the levitation of Julia the Satanic Queen, I’m inclined to trust him. Maybe the cult was playing mind games on him and the exorcists, a possibility I suggested earlier. On the other hand, maybe cult members kept an eye on a couple of priests and a psychiatrist because they were afraid of losing Julia to them.

Thus, seemingly sensible people can believe in phenomena such as demonic possession and levitation because there are sound reasons for rejecting the materialist assumptions of modernity[104] and because there is reasonable, even if not incontrovertible, evidence that these rare phenomena are not “impossible.”

Of course, reasons to doubt the “impossible” remain. In a given case where, let us say, we are told that ten witnesses said they observed X, do we know for sure that other witnesses did NOT observe X? Were there, for example, nuns who did NOT see Teresa’s body levitate as she clung to the communion rail, while other nuns excitedly said they DID see Teresa levitate? Do the hagiographers tell us only about the credible positive witnesses? Even if everybody present says they saw X, might a conformity effect have created a false unanimity? In Asch’s famous conformity experiment, 75% of the time subjects gave a wrong answer so as to conform to the incorrect answer given by a small group of confederates, and the subjects did this with no overt pressure to conform.[105] To what extent has the impulse to conform contaminated witness accounts?

Nevertheless, with regard to levitation, the number of people, the diverse locations, and the time over which reports came in suggest that a simple debunking explanation is not plausible; maybe multiple explanations are needed. If levitation is plausible, however, possession may be real as well. Whether real or not real, proof eludes us. Each person must decide in which direction to lean.

According to Eire, sociologist Max Weber said, “Protestantism had already ‘disenchanted’ the world.”[106]  Perhaps the growing interest in exorcism and deliverance ministries among Protestants and Catholics in the U.S. reflects a growing re-enchantment of the world, a reaffirmation that the natural world is not all there is. 

I deeply respect and admire Herb Rosedale. But if I saw a person levitating, I would want to find out more. I think it would be a mistake to simply “take two aspirins.”

Notes

[1] Bourguignon, E. (1976). Possession. San Francisco: Chandler & Sharp, p6. Quoting: Osterreich, T. K. (1966). Possession: Demoniacal and other, among primitive races, in antiquity, the Middle Ages, and modern times. D. Ibberson, tr. New Hyde Park, NY: University Books. First English language edition, 1930, original German publication, 1921.

[2] Bourguignon, pp. 7-8.

[3] All quotes are from: Carlin, P. (2021, August 16). Vexation, obsession, & possession: The extraordinary ways the Devil attacks. Catholic Exchange. https://catholicexchange.com/vexation-obsession-possession-the-extraordinary-ways-the-devil-attacks/#:~:text=In%20the%20exorcistic%20rite%20of,reactions%20before%20sacred%20objects%2C%20convulsions%2C.  

[4] Illueca, M. (2018). Interdisciplinary perspectives on spirit possession and deliverance ministries. Journal of Pastoral Care & Counseling, 72(4), 269–277. P. 271.

[5] https://today.yougov.com/society/articles/7266-half-americans-believe-possession-devil.

[6] https://www.pewresearch.org/short-reads/2007/11/12/witnesses-to-exorcisms/

[7] Williams, M. E. (2023, October 8). Why are exorcisms on the rise? Salon. https://www.salon.com/2023/10/08/why-are-exorcisms-on-the-rise/

[8] Bourguignon, p. 10.

[9] United States Conference of Catholic Bishops. (USCCB) (no date). Exorcism. https://www.usccb.org/prayer-and-worship/sacraments-and-sacramentals/sacramentals-blessings/exorcism#:~:text=While%20both%20forms%20of%20exorcism,exercise%20dominion%20over%20that%20body.

[10] Giordan, G., & Possamai, A. (2017). Mastering the devil: A sociological analysis of the practice of a Catholic exorcist. Current Sociology 66(2). DOI:10.1177/0011392116686817

[11] Giordan & Possamai. Section: Case Study. Cited in the quotation: Muchembled, R. (2000). Une histoire du diable, XIIe - XXe siècle. Paris: Editions du Seuil.

[12] Sinnenberg, J. (2023, February 28). As exorcism demand continues to rise, Vatican to hold training. The National Desk. https://thenationaldesk.com/news/americas-news-now/vatican-to-hold-training-next-month-as-demand-for-exorcism-continues-to-rise-catholic-church-prayer-ritual-priests-internation-association-of-exorcists-paranormal-supernatural-psychiatry-mental-health.

[13] Gallagher, R. (2020). Demonic foes: My twenty-five years as a psychiatrist investigating possessions, diabolic attacks, and the paranormal. New York, Harper Collins, p. 7.

[14] See https://www.openbible.info/topics/deliverance_ministry.  

[15] Illueca, p. 273.

[16]https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Exorcism_in_the_Catholic_Church#:~:text=The%20Catholic%20priest%20recites%20certain,the%20Saint%20Benedict%20Medal%20sacramental) 

[17] USCCB.

[18] https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/International_Association_of_Exorcists.

[19] Sinnenberg.   

[20] Gallagher, p. 9.

[21] Williams. https://www.salon.com/2023/10/08/why-are-exorcisms-on-the-rise/

[22] Hunt, S. (1995, October). Deliverance: The evolution of a doctrine. Themelios, 21(1). https://www.thegospelcoalition.org/themelios/article/deliverance-the-evolution-of-a-doctrine/#:~:text=The%20reasons%20as%20to%20why,confluence%20of%20distinct%20but%20overlapping.

[23] Here are a few of many videos online: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=x49xbE3_HCI (ABC 20/20);  https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=69ia_PlCshQ (Vlad Savchuk); https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=6cPn0G6DO1w (National Geographic);  https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=cp88IQGNT2Y (Kathryn Krick); https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=TgssLMo3HBs (talk by Orthodox priest); 

[24] What is deliverance ministry? https://biblehub.com/q/what_is_deliverance_ministry.htm#:~:text=Deliverance%20ministry%20refers%20to%20efforts,mind%2C%20body%2C%20or%20relationships.

[25] Webb, K. (2025, May 16). 6 things to know about Kathryn Krick, self-proclaimed 'apostle' and faith healer. https://www.christianpost.com/news/6-things-to-know-about-kathryn-krick-self-proclaimed-apostle.html.

[26] Church of England. (2023, September). Deliverance Ministry. https://www.churchofengland.org/resources/deliverance-ministry#:~:text=As%20a%20Christian%20ministry%2C%20Deliverance,power%20of%20the%20Holy%20Spirit. Section: Pastoral Guidance, 2. Ministers.

[27] Hunt. Section: Classical Pentecostalism and deliverance.

[28] Ng'ang'a, W. (2023, December 5). A close look at deliverance ministry: Is it Biblical? https://intruthshedelights.com/a-close-look-at-deliverance-ministry-is-it-biblical/#:~:text=Conclusion-,What%20is%20Deliverance%3F,the%20grip%20of%20negative%20forces.

[29] Ng'ang'a. Section: How Christians Get Demons According to Deliverance Ministers.

[30] Magisterium.com. 12 December 2025. Response to question: Can a demon possess a person's soul?

[31] Hunt. Section: The Renewal Movement.

[32] From Gemini AI response to query: “Are there studies that have followed up with participants in Pentecostal deliverance interventions, e.g., healing, exorcism?” 11 December 2025.

[33] Giordan & Possamai. Section: Case Study.

[34] Ng’ang’a. Section: Spiritual Dependency.

[35] https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bob_Larson. Citation: Gupta, Prachi (14 October 2014). ""The Daily Show's" Jessica Williams gets an exorcism via Skype". Salon. Retrieved 14 October 2014.

[36] Giordan & Possamai. Section: Case Study.

[37] Escolà-Gascón, A., Ovalle, M. A., & Matthews, L. J. (2023). Interdisciplinary review of demonic possession between 1890 and 2023: A compendium of scientific cases. Journal of Scientific Exploration, 37(4), 633-664. https://doi.org/10.31275/20233235. Section: Common Symptoms and Characteristics in Documented Possession Cases.

[38] Mercer, J. (2012, January). Deliverance, demonic possession, and mental illness: Some considerations for mental health professionals. Mental Health Religion & Culture 16(6):1-17.

DOI:10.1080/13674676.2012.706272

[39] Pietkiewicz, I.J,, Kłosińska, U,, & Tomalski, R. (2022, May 26). Trapped between theological and medical notions of possession: A case of Possession Trance Disorder with a 3-Year Follow-Up. Front Psychiatry. 13:891859. doi: 10.3389/fpsyt.2022.891859. PMID: 35722575; PMCID: PMC9199574.

[40] Cook, C. C. H. (2025). Demon Possession, Theology, and Mental Health. Journal of Disability & Religion, 29(2), 171–189. https://doi.org/10.1080/23312521.2024.2441435

[41] Escolà-Gascón et al. Section: Introduction

[42] Escolà-Gascón et al. Section: Assessment of Each Case and Predominant Interventions.

[43] Escolà-Gascón et al. Section: Psychological Approach.

[44] Bourguignon, p. 11.

[45] Pierre, J. (2023, December 5). A Differential diagnosis of demonic possession:

Psychological explanations for an enduring phenomenon that may be on the rise. Psychology Today. Section: Psychosis and Delusion.

[46] Diamond, S. A. (2012, January 17). Devil inside: Psychotherapy, exorcism and demonic possession

Does Satan truly exist? Psychology Today.

[47] Gallagher. page?

[48] Escolà-Gascón et al. Section: Ensuring the Safety of Exorcism Practices.

[49] Illueca, pp. 275-276.

[50] Gallagher, p. 55.

[51] Gallagher, p. 56.

[52] Gallagher, p. 57.

[53] Gallagher, p. 58.

[54] Gallagher, p. 59.

[55] Gallagher, p. 46.

[56] Gallagher, p. 54.

[57] Gallagher, p. 46.

[58] Gallagher, p. 52.

[59] Gallagher, pp. 60-61.

[60] Gallagher, pp. 51-52.

[61] Gallagher, p. 69.

[62] Gallagher, p. 64.

[63] Eire, C. (2023). They flew: A history of the impossible. New Haven and London: Yale University Press.

[64] Eire, p. 1.

[65] Eire, p. 4.

[66] Eire, p. 17.

[67] Eire, p. 18.

[68] Eire, p. 310.

[69] Eire, p. 311.

[70] Eire, p. 261.

[71] Eire, pp. 260-261.

[72] Eire, p. 256.

[73] Eire, p. 263.

[74] Hilgard, E. R. (1965). Hypnotic Susceptibility. New York: Harcourt, Brace & World.

[75]https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Hypnosurgery#:~:text=Hypnosurgery%20is%20surgery%20where%20the,by%20the%20surgeon%20James%20Braid.

[76] Eire, pp. 256-257.

[77] Eire, p. 267.

[78] Eire, p. 270.

[79] Eire, p. 271.

[80] Eire, p. 272

[81] Eire, p. 276.

[82] Eire, p. 277.

[83] Magisterium.com. AI query: How many saints have reportedly levitated? (12/29/25).

[84] Eire, p. 75.

[85] Eire, p. 77.

[86] Eire, p. 77.

[87] Eire, p. 78.

[88] Eire, p. 85.

[89] Eire, pp. 95-96.

[90] Eire, p. 102.

[91] Eire, p. 104.

[92] Eire, p. 107.

[93] Eire, p. 109.

[94] Eire, pp. 144-145.

[95] Eire, p. 160.

[96] Eire, p. 116.

[97] Magisterium.com. AI response to query: Would you like to know about the "Devil's Advocate" (Promoter of the Faith) who argued against his [Joseph of Cupertino] canonization a century later? 11/25/25.

[98] Eire, pp. 131-132.

[99] Eire, p. 138

[100] Eire, p. 142.

[101] Eire, p. 167.

[102] Eire, p. 326.

[103] Magisterium.com. AI query: Would you like to know about a "failed" miracle—a case where the Vatican used these rules to reject a claim because it was "too slow" or "medically possible"? 11/25/25.

[104] In a coming essay, I will review the scientific findings that point to God and not to “atoms and the void.”

[105]https://www.khanacademy.org/test-prep/mcat/behavior/social-psychology/v/asch-conformity-studies-asch-line-studies

[106] Eire, p. 22.