Issues

Colorado has become too expensive because state policy keeps layering on mandates, fees, and red tape that drive up the cost of doing business, building homes, and simply getting from Point A to Point B.  On the Eastern Central Plains, those costs hit harder because families commute farther, trucks move our ag products longer distances, and a “small” increase in fuel, insurance, or repairs multiplies across a rural household budget.

What the state must do is straightforward.  Stop passing laws that raise costs faster than paychecks.  Put every new regulation through a hard “cost test” and repeal rules that don’t produce measurable public benefit.  Just as important, we must stop increasing legal risk for employers through unclear standards, expanding penalties, and litigation incentives that force businesses to spend more on lawyers, insurance, and compliance instead of higher wages, better benefits, new equipment, or lower prices for customers.  When legal exposure and paperwork become a fixed cost of operating, the smallest businesses get hit first, and consumers pay the rest.

We also need to make it easier and faster to build housing by streamlining permitting, limiting unnecessary requirements, and reducing delays that turn into higher rents and mortgage payments.  And we must hold the line on transportation dollars so rural roads, bridges, and safety projects keep pace with need, because when roads fail, the bill shows up in vehicle repairs, shipping costs, and slower emergency response.

On the House floor, I will oppose bills that increase the cost of living through new mandates, penalties, or compliance burdens.  In Business Affairs & Labor and Transportation, Housing & Local Government, I will champion reforms that cut legal and regulatory overhead, strengthen rural infrastructure, and make Colorado affordable again.

Every Coloradan should be able to live peacefully and without fear of crime.  Sadly, this is no longer the case.  Our fair state continues to top the charts - and not in a positive way.  In Colorado:

• The number of crimes increased in 7 major categories: robbery, arson, motor vehicle theft, buying stolen property, vandalism, prostitution/pandering, and drug possession/sales.

• We rank 1st in motor vehicle theft in the nation. The motor vehicle theft rate has increased by another 13.6% in 2022. At this rate, car thieves will steal 48,000 vehicles in Colorado this year alone.

• We rank 2nd in crimes against property in the U.S and 4th in violent crime.

Our citizens are not safe. Yet, Colorado’s General Assembly continues to pass bills that reduce the penalties that criminals face and promote easy access to illicit drugs. 

Each year, law enforcement seizes exponentially more illicit fentanyl than the last. According to the Colorado State Patrol, the state is experiencing a 10-year drug trafficking record. Although there has been a decrease in cocaine and methamphetamine trafficking, the amounts of fentanyl and illegal marijuana seized have been significantly higher. The increase in fentanyl is alarming, given its potency. As a lethal dose of fentanyl is a mere two milligrams, hundreds of pounds seized each year is enough to kill the entire population of Colorado - many times over The total number of drug overdose deaths has gone up in each of the past three years and opioids, fentanyl in particular, claimed the most lives.

This increasing leniency on drug use and distribution and other crimes has led to surge in illegal activity, extending beyond metropolitan regions to affect rural areas.  Legislative measures emphasizing rehabilitation over incarceration have emboldened offenders and contributed to a sense of lawlessness. Metropolitan areas, once considered relatively safe, have witnessed an uptick in various crimes, including theft and violent offenses. Alarmingly, this trend is now extending its reach into rural communities, raising concerns about public safety across the state.  The results of the controlling party’s “soft on crime policies” clearly point to the need for stricter enforcement and penalties to deter criminal behavior.

The General Assembly must give Law Enforcement and Prosecutors back the tools they need to fight crime.  Judges need the freedom to set or withhold bail to keep criminals from reoffending before they even see trial for previous offenses and sentences for those found guilty must provide strong enough penalties to adequately punish and deter others.  

To have the civil society we deserve, we must no longer tolerate lawlessness in Colorado.

The condition of rural highways in Colorado is unacceptable.  This poses significant safety risks to motorists and hinders the movement of the agricultural goods that is critical the economy of House District 56. Many of these highways lack essential features such as properly maintained shoulders, passing lanes, and climbing lanes.  This increases the likelihood and severity of accidents.

As a co-chair of Colorado's Eastern Transportation Planning Region and former member of the State Transportation Advisory Committee I have had a front row seat to the failure of CDOT to meet its mission to ensure that Colorado has a safe and efficient highway system by building and maintaining interstates, U.S. and state highways. 

CDOT must be held accountable for their failures.  While they plead poverty, no efforts have been made to increase the efficiency of their operations.  Maintenance crews and regional offices do as much as they can while those in the new $70M Denver headquarters focus on Bike Lanes, Trains, EV Chargers, and Climate Change.  

An audit of CDOT's bidding processes is needed. Several issues have been raised regarding the Colorado Department of Transportation's (CDOT) construction bid processes.  The legislature must direct the following shortfalls be fixed. 

• Lack of Transparency:  The bidding process must be improved. Concerns have been raised about the clarity of bid requirements, evaluation criteria, and the selection process.  Without transparency at all stages, favoritism or bias is inevitable.

• Lengthy Procurement Timelines: CDOT's procurement timelines for construction projects are lengthy, which delays critical infrastructure projects.  These lengthy processes increase administrative costs for both CDOT and contractors.  These costs are ultimately borne by taxpayers.

• Complexity and Bureaucracy: The bid process for CDOT projects is complex and bureaucratic, particularly for smaller contractors or businesses. Excessive paperwork, requirements, and regulations discourage many contractors from participating in bids, limiting competition and inflating the ultimate cost of projects that do get done.

• Inflexibility in Contract Terms: Many contractors have expressed concerns about the inflexibility of CDOT's contract terms, including payment schedules, change orders, and project timelines. Rigidity in contract terms lead to disputes and delays during project execution.  Again, this increases the cost of projects.

• Communication and Feedback: Contractors cite challenges in obtaining timely and meaningful feedback from CDOT regarding bid submissions and project proposals. Improved communication and transparency in the feedback process could enhance trust and collaboration between CDOT and contractors.

Addressing these issues will require CDOT to streamline and simplify its bid processes, enhance transparency and communication, and foster greater collaboration with stakeholders. By implementing reforms to improve efficiency, fairness, and accountability, CDOT can enhance the effectiveness of its construction bid processes and deliver better outcomes for Colorado's citizens.

Without any real assurance that our roads will improve, CDOT has requested a nearly 12% increase in spending authority in the upcoming year - an over $200 million increase. Efficient investment of these taxpayer dollars to improve our rural highways is imperative.  Legislative oversight of this executive department must be increased.  Citizens deserve roads they can travel safely. 

Colorado’s parental-rights debate isn’t about party labels. It is an ideological fight between those in the controlling majority and a collective of special interest groups who believe government knows best, and those of us who believe parents have the first responsibility (and right) to raise their kids.  Unless a parent is judged unfit, the state should not be sidelining moms and dads in core decisions about education, health care, and a child’s well-being.

In recent years we have seen policies push in the wrong direction: comprehensive sex education mandates, vaccination requirements, student mental-health surveys and interventions, and policies that can keep parents in the dark when a child is struggling.  That trend accelerated in the last session with bills that critics across Colorado flagged as further eroding parental authority and transparency.

For example, HB25-1312 (the “Kelly Loving Act”) imposed new requirements and standards touching schools, including “names” policies and related practices that many parents believe will pressure schools to facilitate major identity decisions without clear, consistent parental involvement.  SB25-063 created statewide “library resource decision standards,” limiting when and how school materials can be removed and adding procedural hurdles that critics argue make it harder for parents to protect their children from age-inappropriate content.  And SB25-129 expanded “legally protected health-care activity” protections, which complicates parents’ ability to seek information and remedies across state lines in serious family disputes involving minors.

As a parent of a young lady, I’m appalled by any law or policy that treats parents as obstacles.  Parents should not have to fight bureaucracy to know what their child is being taught, surveyed about, counseled on, or exposed to at school.

As your State Representative, I will oppose any further erosion of parental rights and push for reforms that restore the proper balance: maximum transparency, meaningful opt-in consent, clear parent access to records and materials, and a bright-line presumption that parents are partners, not problems.

The controlling party works endlessly to eliminate the protections the Taxpayer Bill of Rights (TABOR) provides against unchecked growth of government.  TABOR was intended to limit government revenue growth to no more than population growth and inflation each year.  That is not only fiscally wise, it is a limit on government power.  When government grows without discipline, individual freedom is lost.

Over the last two decades we have seen endless attacks on TABOR’s limits on government growth.  “Work arounds” like calling new taxes “fees,” creating “enterprises” outside of TABOR caps, and repeatedly asking voters to approve new programs and new revenue have steadily hollowed out TABOR.  Critics estimate only about 20% of state revenue is still meaningfully constrained, compared to more than 80% when TABOR was first adopted.  That is not what the people intended when TABOR was added to Colorado’s Constitution.  We should strive to return to that ratio.

The 2025 session continued that pattern.  We saw attempts to tee up lawsuits challenging TABOR rather than making the case to voters directly.  We also saw continued expansion of “enterprise” structures and fee based funding models that critics argue move revenue outside TABOR’s limits, including in healthcare, energy, and transportation policy.  And during the 2025 special session, critics argued multiple measures amounted to tax increases without a vote of the people.

Meanwhile, the budget reality speaks for itself.  Colorado’s budget has ballooned from $37.2 billion to $47.1 billion in five years, roughly a 27% increase, and nothing has been cut.  New programs are added.  Existing programs become more expensive.  Quality of services worsens.  We spend more.  Are our roads better?  Is crime reduced?   Is education improving?  Is any service measurably superior over the past five years?  The answer is a resounding NO.

Colorado used to be better than this.  The legislature must hold agencies accountable for spending, demand measurable outcomes, and stop building new ways around TABOR.  If more money is truly needed, lawmakers should make the case to voters plainly and accept the result.

Finally, TABOR surplus, taxes collected above the constitutional limit, should be returned to taxpayers through credits or refunds, and tax rates should be lowered to prevent future over collection.  The Taxpayer Bills of Rights constitutional promise to the people of Colorado, not an obstacle to evade.

Our form of government is meant to serve the people, not rule them.  This simple maxim seems to have been forgotten.

As a County Commissioner, I led my colleagues in issuing Resolutions and Proclamations that:

• Declared Worship An Essential Public Function - Protecting Churches from State COVID Restrictions

• Established the County as a Second Amendment Sanctuary - Barring any use of Taxpayer Dollars to Enforce Red Flag Laws

• Proclaimed the County Government's Allegiance to the Constitutions of the the State & Nation

• Supported our Live Stock Producers - Asserted that Gathering for "Meat-In" Events are Protected Political Speech

• Resolved that Elbert County is not a Sanctuary County and urged Metro Governments to do the same

While the small examples of overreach are numerous, the states reaction to COVID-19 illustrates the harm that is done when a state government interferes with local control and individual freedoms.  Closing restaurants and churches, but leaving liquor stores and pot shops open.  Shutting schools but leaving Walmart to operate.  Ignoring local Boards of Health, and geographical differences.  Crazy decisions backed up with threats of government force.

In Kansas and Nebraska restaurants remained open, but counties bordering these states were forced to close businesses.  Customers simply drove to neighboring states to shop and dine.  No added protection was gained, but small businesses suffered.

In Elbert County, we lived as we generally always had.  Rural communities practice "social distancing" all the time.  "Fourteen people per square mile" was much more effective than "14 days" to stop the spread of illness.

Local governments are much more responsive to the needs of their people.  We declared worship and essential public function and let our churches serve their flocks.  We did this long before the Supreme Court told the state they had overstepped.  We worked with restaurants to keep them open when the state would have preferred they close.  As a result, only one small dining establishment failed in our county during COVID.  The same can't be said for other areas of the state.  Where some closed schools, we respected the decisions of local school boards to make the the decisions they were elected to do.  We provided information and helped where we could.  In person graduations shouldn't need state approval when the entire graduating class is 11 students and the ceremony is outdoors.  (By the way, state approval was never granted - local approval was - no one got sick and irreplacable memories were made)

Our citizens should not be coerced or threatened to accept a vaccination or treatment.   The list related to COVID could go on and on.  Suffice to say, government should leave individuals to make decisions.  Their choices will be what is best for themselves, their families, and the neighbors.  Government should focus on support not superiority.  Government draws its power for the consent, not coersion of the governed.

No legislation should be passed, or power granted to an executive agency, that limits a citizens rights to live as they desire so long as they are doing no harm to others.  Taking action for the "greater good" usually has harmful results and results in unequal treatment of individuals.

The controlling majority party is dead set on violating our constitutionally protected right to keep and bear arms.  Repeatedly so called “assault weapons” ban have been proposed, increases in age requirements, roadblocks to lawful purchase and possession, bans on standard capacity magazines, arbitrary restrictions on where firearms may be carried, and attacks on the manufacture and sale of entirely legal firearms and accessories are pursued session after session.

The 2025 session continued that pattern.  Law abiding gun owners were targeted with proposals and policies that critics argue turn a right into a regulated privilege.  We saw efforts to restrict commonly owned semiautomatic firearms through new permit and training requirements that function like a back door ban.  We saw ammunition restrictions, including raising the minimum age for most ammunition purchases and imposing new sales and storage mandates.  We saw new gun show rules that pile on costs, paperwork, and compliance burdens that discourage lawful commerce.  We saw new processes around firearm serial number checks that critics warn can become a de facto tracking system.  We also saw new legal pressure and chilling effects tied to election related activity and visible firearm possession.  And layered on top of all of it, Coloradans are now living under a new excise tax on firearms and ammunition, which many view as a direct “tax on a right.”

In the name of safety, the law abiding are stripped of the means of self-defense, while law breakers are given a free pass.

The Second Amendment of the U.S. Constitution clearly states that the right to keep and bear arms shall not be infringed.  This protected right ensures The People will never be subject to tyranny.  Additionally, Article II, Section 13 of the Colorado Constitution states that “the right of no person to keep and bear arms in defense of his home, person and property, or in aid of the civil power when thereto legally summoned, shall be called in question.”

Many legislators would do well to study these two statements in light of their Oath of Office.  No bill should be considered that violates the rights protected by these constitutions. And as we head into the 2026 session, there are already indications that further infringements are being drafted for introduction.  Any legislator who introduces unconstitutional attacks on a fundamental civil right should be held accountable.

From the arbitrary closure of small businesses during COVID to repeated efforts to cripple Colorado’s Oil and Gas industry through ideology driven mandates and shifting standards, Colorado is becoming increasingly unfriendly to commerce.

Winners and losers are being picked based on climate ideology and a basic misunderstanding of economics. Even amid a housing shortage and soaring home prices, laws that punish landlords simply for being landlords keep moving. While some decry “food deserts,” cost and complexity keep rising on those who produce, transport, and sell food. Even as the results of bad policy become obvious, the legislative majority presses forward. This must stop.

What makes this moment different is that these concerns are now backed by data. The Colorado Chamber’s 2025 business survey found regulations are a leading barrier to growth: 70% of respondents said mandates and costs are a top challenge, and 92% said regulatory reform is needed. Employers identified labor and employment mandates, environmental permitting, and growing compliance requirements as top burdens, and many said regulation affects their ability to hire and raise wages.

At the same time, Colorado’s legal environment is growing more expensive and unpredictable. The Common Sense Institute reports at least 43 bills since 2019 that create, expand, or modify civil causes of action, increasing litigation risk and cost. Colorado’s Civil Justice League has likewise warned about the steady expansion of private lawsuits and liability that raises costs for employers and consumers.

Oil and Gas, coal, cattle, and agriculture should be flourishing. Instead, job creators face rising regulatory burdens, unclear timelines, and shifting rules that make long range planning impossible. Each session cannot be another pile on of mandates, fees, paperwork, and expanded liability that drives investment to neighboring states.

State government should set conditions for success, not barriers to growth. It is time to repeal and amend damaging laws, restore regulatory certainty, and prioritize policies that let Colorado businesses, families, and communities thrive.

Limited medical care and behavioral health capacity in rural eastern Colorado is not an abstract policy problem.  It is a day-to-day reality for families who drive hours for routine care, wait weeks or months for a specialist, and too often use an emergency room as their primary point of access because there is nowhere else to go.  Low population density and long distances mean our rural hospitals and clinics carry high fixed costs just to keep the lights on and maintain 24/7 readiness, but they cannot spread those costs across high patient volume the way metro systems can.  When a single service line disappears, such as obstetrics, anesthesia coverage, or inpatient behavioral health, the ripple effects can undermine the entire local health system.

Medicaid plays an outsized role in rural Colorado because the payer mix in many communities depends on it.  When reimbursement rates are not adequate for the actual cost of delivering care in frontier conditions, or when billing rules and denials create delays and uncertainty, providers limit participation, reduce services, or leave altogether.  That is not a judgment on any one clinician or facility. It is a predictable outcome of bad incentives and a system that assumes rural capacity will simply persist on goodwill.  

At the same time, Colorado’s Department of Health Care Policy and Financing has too often struggled with operational breakdowns, administrative complexity, and oversight gaps that create real world harm.  When eligibility processing is inconsistent, claims systems stumble, or program administration becomes unpredictable, rural providers, who have the least back-office capacity, take the hit first.  Those failures translate directly into fewer appointments, fewer providers willing to take Medicaid, and more uncompensated care that threatens hospital stability.

We also cannot separate physical health from behavioral health.  Rural communities face major gaps in counseling, psychiatry, crisis stabilization, detox, and step-down care.  The result is predictable.  People in crisis end up waiting in emergency rooms, transported long distances, or interacting with law enforcement in situations that should be handled by a clinical system that is actually resourced and available.

There is an opportunity in the rural health funding included in H.R. 1, sometimes called the Big Beautiful Bill.  If Colorado manages those dollars responsibly and transparently, we can stabilize rural access points, strengthen workforce pipelines, expand telehealth and tele specialty support, and rebuild fragile service lines like maternal care and behavioral health.  But that only happens if the state treats rural access as a measurable outcome, not a press release.  It requires clear priorities, faster and more predictable Medicaid administration, accountability for where the money goes, and sustained investments that build lasting capacity rather than one-time patches.

Agriculture is a $40 billion dollar industry in Colorado.  It is one of the top three economic drivers alongside Oil & Gas/Mineral Extraction and Tourism.  As such it should be respected, nurtured, and celebrated.  Unfortunately, over the past several years it has come under attack by our Governor and his legislative majority.

The urban-rural divide in Colorado is real and the gulf between those that work the land and those in the Denver/Bolder metro area keeps widening.  In his six years in office, the current Governor has repeatedly slapped the face of all Coloradans that make their living directly or indirectly in the livestock industry.  His declaration of a “Meat Out” day in 2021 was just an opening shot.  Urging a healthy diet is one thing, urging a meatless one is not.

Silence on the PAUSE Act (A livestock industry destroying ballot initiative), selecting animal rights activists for key positions on the state’s Veterinary Board, supporting the re-introduction of wolves, and signing labor rights bills that allow union organizers to access farmers and ranchers land without notice – to legally trespass.  These are but a few of the most egregious measures that have need inflicted on our agricultural communities.

With many legislators living within 10-15 miles of the I-25 corridor and only two who have active farms or ranches, it is imperative that our way of life be understood by those who make our laws.  As a commissioner of a county where steer greatly outnumber people and with experience with the issues facing our rural communities, I will work to educate those who don’t understand how their one-size-fits-all legislation not only rarely helps, but usually harms those that feed them.

Water  - both in sufficient quantities and acceptable quality are crucial for rural areas.  This is particularly true in high desert regions like Colorado where agriculture plays a significant role in the economy. Adequate water resources are essential for irrigation, livestock watering, and other agricultural activities that sustain rural livelihoods. Additionally, clean water is vital for human consumption, sanitation, and maintaining ecosystem health in rural communities.

Preventing "buy and dry" water speculation is essential for safeguarding water availability in rural areas.  This practice has severely impacted rural economies by reducing water availability for agricultural production, leading to decreased crop yields, loss of agricultural jobs, and diminished rural prosperity.

Colorado must continue to support robust water management strategies that prioritize sustainable water use and distribution. Water rights protections for agricultural users, implementing water conservation initiatives, and promoting collaborative water-sharing agreements between urban and rural stakeholders should be.

Furthermore, investing in water infrastructure projects can help improve water availability and quality in rural areas. This includes upgrading irrigation systems, constructing water storage facilities, and implementing watershed management programs to enhance water conservation and enhance water quality.  These are appropriate areas for state action – but action in cooperation with property owners, those who hold water rights, and local governments.

Ensuring water availability and quality in rural areas is not only essential for supporting agricultural livelihoods but also for maintaining the overall well-being and resilience of rural communities.  Our state’s water challenges cannot be ignored. 

Uncontrolled illegal immigration is having a significant negative impact on our state.  Legislation that barred local law enforcement to cooperate with federal immigration authorities and several large metro area cities declaring “sanctuary” status have combined to draw an influx of illegal aliens to our state.  Draft the Resolution unanimously adopted on Feb 14, 2024 that formally established Elbert County as county that did not accept illegal aliens and would not provide sanctuary.

In 2017. Denver City Council passed an ordinance prohibiting city employees from collecting information on immigration or citizenship status, prohibiting the sharing of any other information about individuals for the purposes of immigration enforcement, and prohibiting the use of city resources for immigration enforcement.  The outcome of this policy – in January of this year, Denver counts the highest number of illegal aliens per capita of any large city in the nation, and the Mayor has declared that there now “a humanitarian crisis for the individuals that are arriving, and … a fiscal crisis for the cities that are serving [them].”   Recently, the Mayor announced cuts to citizen services to provide resources to those that crossed our nations unsecured southern border.

The problem is real.  The problem is big.  The potential for this influx to overwhelm the capacity of Denver and then negatively impact the citizens of House District 56 is clearly evident. Metro areas are clearly a draw to those arriving as they have services to provide and represent potential employment – legal or illicit.  If nothing changes, the densely populated areas of Adams, Arapahoe, and El Paso counties will face the same challenges as our capital city.  This will inevitably stress resources that now serve the rural parts of these counties.   Elbert, Lincoln, Kit Carson, and Cheyenne counties will no doubt suffer as well – especially if the state continues to treat the symptoms of illegal immigration vs. demand the federal government address the cause.

State statute must be amended to direct, not bar, the cooperation of state and local law enforcement agencies with federal immigration authorities.  Further, state funding for any local agencies that do not cooperate with federal agencies should be withheld.