One of our respected scholars was asked, “What is an Egyptian?”  His answer, as I was told, was this: An Egyptian is one who recognizes no fatherland other than Egypt.  A man who has two fatherlands in the sense that he resides in Egypt and chooses another fatherland to be on the safe side is far from being an Egyptian in the true sense of the word.

Among our forefathers were those who maintained that the land of Islam is the fatherland of all Muslims.  However, that is a colonialist formula used to advantage by every colonizing nation that seeks to expand its possessions and to extend its influence daily over neighboring countries.  It is a formula quite compatible with that power which conquers lands in the name of religion and wants its individual members to enjoy full national rights in any conquered region.  In this way that no one of the conquered nations will violate its covenant , chafe under the supreme power, or aspire to independence and self-rule.

Now, however, the regions of the East have become the object of Western colonialism, and any hope these Eastern nations might have had of colonizing has been thwarted.  Their ambitions have been limited to defense; attack is out of the question.  Their only wish is to preserve the peace and security of every nation within its territory, for fear that its nationality may be obliterated and its very existence terminated.  The greatest desire of every Eastern nation is independence.

In the present situation, the [traditional Islamic] formula has no raison d’être[1]  because it fits neither the present state of affairs in Islamic nations nor for their aspirations.  One option remains, to replace this formula by the only doctrine that is in accord with the aspirations of every Eastern nation which possesses a clearly defined sense of fatherland.  That doctrine is nationalism.

Taking this point of view, we are forced to acknowledge that Egyptians comprise both the original people of this Egyptian region and every Ottoman who resides in it and has chosen it as his fatherland in preference to other Ottoman lands.  This is not a new doctrine , it has been part of Egyptian law for a long time.

These Egyptians, first and foremost, have the right to benefit from Egypt and, similarly, they are subject to those national obligations prescribed  by law and imposed by custom. Their love for Egypt must be free from all, conflicting associations, and their self-sacrifice in its service must take precedence  over every other consideration.  Their words and deeds must demonstrate that they have no home other than Egypt and no tribe except the Egyptians.  These are the Egyptians, not those who think that Egypt is a field they can exploit while there is opportunity, taking its spoils while avoiding its liabilities .  Neither are those who picture the fatherland in commercial terms without any trace of national sentiment to be considered true Egyptians.  It is difficult for Egypt to take such people as its sons and place its present concerns and future aspirations on their shoulders.

Let no one think that we are calling for any division among the various elements which form the bloc  of the Egyptian population.  On the contrary, we are calling for an Egyptian community of interests just as we have done previously.  We appeal to those who are dissatisfied with an Egyptian nationality acquired by residence in Egypt, not to abandon their affiliation with this noble nationality.  They reside bodily in Egypt, yet their minds and hearts often long for another fatherland. ….  We appeal to them that, as long as they remain Egyptians, they suppress their propensity  for anything other than Egypt because patriotism, which is love of fatherland, does not permit such ties and because the progress of Egypt requires their superior intellects and strong arms.

They will say that there is nothing new in what we relate but that we are restating national priorities which we should have finished with long ago.  Yes, we agree, but these national priorities, sad to say, have not been acted on.  We have some well-known examples in mind, which indicate in a general way the faulty understanding of Egyptian patriotism and decadence of Egyptian aspirations.

There are many among us who should examine themselves, gaze deep into their consciences, and think over what they say in their sessions and what they actually do; then they would see that they cherish their affiliation to Syria, or Turkey, or some Arab country more than their tie to Egypt.  Who can label this propensity and its repercussions  allegiance to Egypt?  And without stretching toleration, who can call those who love other than Egyptians?

Our Egyptian-ness demands that our fatherland be our qibla[2] and that we not turn our face to any other.  We are happy that this truth is well known by most Egyptians and that is about to become general among all Egyptians without exception.