Research
Below, I also list some of my published work and ongoing research collaborations (a complete list of my work can be found in my CV).
“Fairweather Cosmopolitans: Immigration Attitudes in Latin America During the Migrant Crisis.” (with Brett R. Bessen and Brendan J. Connell) Latin American Politics and Society. 1- 21.
Abstract: Analyzing eighteen Latin American countries from the 2019-2020 wave of the Latinobarómetro survey, we find support for both the labor market competition hypothesis and non-material explanations of anti-immigrant sentiment. However, the uneven distribution of migrant flows generated by Latin America’s migration crisis has reshaped popular opinion and moderated the effects of conventional predictors of immigration attitudes. Within countries experiencing the biggest influx of migrants, our results suggest that labor market concerns have intensified while non-material factors, such as cosmopolitanism, have become less relevant. These dynamics have produced greater anti-immigrant sentiment within Latin America’s major migrant-receiving countries, especially toward Venezuelan migrants.
“Immigration Attitudes and Positive Messaging: Evidence From the United States” (with David H. Bearce) American Politics Research, Vol. 51, Issue 2, 127-138.
Abstract: This paper utilizes a messaging strategy designed to shift immigration preferences, arguing that if citizen attitudes in this issue-area build from several dimensions, then a positive message related to each dimension should move attitudes in a more favorable direction. It utilizes original survey data with directly comparable questions gauging options about whether immigration helps/hurts American culture/the economy/national security, providing evidence that all three dimensions currently explain the preferences of voting-age citizens. It then randomly presents a different survey sample with messages about how immigration strengthens national security, creates new jobs, or enhances culture, finding that all three messages reduce anti-immigration attitudes with significant effects even within groups that are more opposed to immigration (namely, white Americans, those with less education, and partisan Republicans).
“Globalization and Social Identities at the Individual Level: Populism from Shifting at the Top” (with David H. Bearce and Andrew McLeer) Global Studies Quarterly. Vol. 3, Issue 3, 1-12.
Abstract: This paper offers a new perspective on an old research question, arguing that the basic proposition of globalization being associated with less national and more cross-nationally collective identities is correct, although limited in its range at the individual-level. More specifically, we argue that only more elite individuals, or those near the top of domestic society in terms of their education, income, and social class, should take on less national and more collective identities based on their experience with and/or information about these various international processes. Our results provide evidence consistent with our three hypotheses. First, country-level globalization can be associated with more cross-nationally collective and less national identities for more elite individuals, as measured by their education, income, and social class. Second, globalization shows no association with the same identities for people at the bottom of the social ladder as measured along these same dimensions; it does not make them more trusting of people in other nations, nor does it appear to increase their national pride. Third, globalization can be associated with a greater identity difference based on one’s social status following the movement at the top of the social ladder.
“Does Electoral Accountability Lower the Cost of Green Energy Regulation? The Case of Renewables Portfolio Standards” (with Srinivas Parinandi and Matthew Hitt). Under peer review.
Abstract: In this paper, we analyze whether elected public utilities commissioners are more likely than appointed commissioners to shield voters from regulatory costs associated with required renewables portfolio standards (RPSs). RPSs are perhaps the preeminent strategy employed to foster renewable energy development in the United States. Prior research demonstrates that RPSs raise the cost of electricity in the short-term, and that voters approve of RPSs until they are informed of the financial ramifications of these regulations. Prior research, however, has not looked at how the direct election versus appointment of regulators might influence the regulatory price impacts that voters face. We find that appointees are much more likely to pass regulatory costs onto voters than are elected commissioners. The takeaway suggests that elected commissioners offer green energy regulations to voters at a lower cost than do appointed peers, but also suggests that lower cost may mean reduced program effectiveness.
"An Unprejudiced Backlash Against Foreign Labor Policy: Why The Working Class Supports Immigrant Rights Over Immigration Openness." Under peer review.
Abstract: Foreign labor policy has two primary dimensions: immigration openness and immigrant rights. Immigration openness refers how to easily foreigners living overseas can gain admission to a country. Immigrant rights refers to the privileges granted to foreigners after admission. The literature has historically largely failed to distinguish voter attitudes toward openness from voter attitudes toward rights. However, emergent literature reveals that while natives are greatly opposed to admitting new immigrants, they are more positively disposed toward expanding the rights of existing immigrants. I further this literature by showing that this general preference for rights over openness is concentrated among the self-identified working class. I argue that while self-identified working-class natives are concerned that openness will lead to new job competition, there is a working-class solidarity between native and immigrant labor on the subject immigrant rights. This solidarity is driven, in part, by the perception that if immigrants are granted rights, employers will be prevented from replacing native workers with less costly and exploitable immigrants. I use survey data to explore these class-based arguments.