Is Bridging the Gap Between Local Actions and Sub-national Climate Action Plans Possible in Conflict-Ridden Myanmar?
Lwin Maung Maung Swe (ELP 2014) | Phd Candidate, Victoria University of Wellington - New Zealand, Myanmar
October 21, 2025
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Myanmar, a Southeast Asian country highly vulnerable to climate change, has consistently ranked among the most affected nations over the past two decades. Yet, climate action remains largely absent from political discourse and is overlooked by both national and international actors. This neglect persists despite the urgent need to address the growing climate and humanitarian crises, which have been intensified by climate-induced disasters and widespread armed conflicts following the 2021 military coup.
The pre-coup development programs in the country treated humanitarian aid, development, and environmental actions as separate agendas, failing to recognize their deep interconnections. This fragmented approach hindered innovation and adaptability in crisis response. The 2021 military coup further disrupted environmental and climate programs as international funding was withdrawn. Civil society-led environmental efforts, once key to climate adaptation, have collapsed under mounting restrictions and conflicts, worsening the humanitarian crisis. Consequently, the ordinary ethnic population are now suffering from the combined impacts of climate change and conflicts.
The situation has been further aggravated by the absence of functional state actors capable of alleviating local suffering and upholding international climate commitments. This governance vacuum has spurred climate initiatives of sub-national ethnic revolutionary actors, often unfairly labelled as ‘rebel groups’ – referred to in Burmese Tha Bon, a term that carries a negative meaning in Burmese, implying individuals and groups who make their living through acts of theft, violence and destruction against communities, towns and even the nation itself. Those unjustly labelled “rebel groups” are de facto authorities, serving their respective constituencies by assisting in communities’ socioeconomic welfare and protecting them from the life threatening challenges made by the so-called state actor like the State Administration Council (SAC).
The Kawthoolei Climate Action Plan (K-CAP) presents an inspiring example and is developed by the Karen National Union (KNU) — one of Myanmar’s largest ethnic revoluntionary organizations. Covering both adaptation and mitigation actions, the K-CAP is literally serving as a sub-nationally determined contribution to global climate actions. However, its implementation remains limited in absence of proper international climate-financing, which continues to be largely state-centred. These state-focused global mechanisms have significantly constrained support for local and sub-national initiatives.
Addressing this injustice is crucial not only for the success of the KNU’s efforts to fight against community climate sufferings in their administration areas but also for other ethnic groups seeking to follow a similar path towards a resilient area through locally driven climate actions.At the same time, worsening climate impacts after the coup have also driven community-led adaptation in the areas severely hit by climate impacts, as local communities have had no choice but to respond in their own ways.
Building on these grassroots initiatives, a local environmental NGO launched the Climate Adaptation Funds for Emergencies (CAFÉ) initiative to empower communities to respond effectively to climate-related challenges. CAFÉ strengthens locally led climate resilience by enabling communities to design and implement their own development and resilience plans. These plans identify local priorities and actions for mitigation and adaptation, combining local knowledge with external technical and financial support. CAFÉ supports have successfully granted to dozens of ethnic communities to address localized climate impacts even in conflict-affected regions such as the Tanintharyi Region, parts of which are under KNU control. Its decentralized decision-making process allows communities to identify and prioritize their needs, fostering ownership and sustainability. However, the CAFÉ model is still requiring stronger legal, financial, and institutional support to sustain and scale locally led climate action in Myanmar.
While grassroots climate actions and sub-national plans have emerged, the linkage between them remains underdeveloped. CAFÉ offers a potential bridge — connecting local initiatives with sub-national plans and, ultimately, with international climate frameworks. The model has demonstrated significant benefits despite challenges such as political instability and resource constraints. CAFÉ also aligns with emerging grassroots political aspirations — embodying a form of ‘bottom-up federalism’ that resonates with the demands of ethnic revolutionary movements.
In conclusion, CAFÉ and K-CAP together present a promising model for addressing climate impacts through locally led actions in a future federal Myanmar. What remains uncertain, however, is whether these two essential components can themselves survive, grow and flourish within the predominantly state-centred global mechanisms. Yet, their convergence could tell a hopeful story for Myanmar’s future amid one of the most challenging periods in its history.
[Photo credit: Lwin Maung Maung Swe]
[Blog preview photo credit: blog author Lwin Maung Maung Swe]
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