Race

A Discourse on Race:

Confronting the Cycle of Racism

by Sunil Santoni-de-Reddy

October 2005

I have always thought of race as a superficial social construct used to classify peoples of the world, a highly American governmental initiative that is pushed onto members of society as somehow necessary in defining who we are in relation to the rest of the world’s populations. However, when I speak with people from other countries, they inform me that race is not such a controversial or taboo subject, and that only in America does there seem to be so much emphasis on pinpointing a person’s identity by what race they are rather than by attributes associated directly to the individual’s performance of a specific culture. The questions need to be asked: how do we, as Americans, grow up with a consciousness of race that influences our daily interactions with community members? How does race become so ingrained in our respective mentalities and monopolize life in America? How can we end an ongoing cycle of racism and white privilege?

Beverly Daniel Tatum (1997) believes that the construct of race is passed on from one generation to the next, a process of socialization through environmental learning:

Most of the early information we receive about “others”—people racially, religiously, or socioeconomically different from ourselves—does not come as a result of

firsthand experience. The secondhand information we do receive has often been distorted, shaped by cultural stereotypes, and left incomplete (p. 4).

When I reflect on Tatum’s argument I understand how the cycle of racism or ignorance is perpetuated. As young children we are exposed to images of race through various media forms (note that white privilege rarely enables other races from being shown in a positive light), and we are exposed to our own family’s perceptions of people who may be racially different from us. Jokes made by family members, interactions in public spaces with “others,” or stereotypical images of different races on television, for example, all become internalized by young children and understandably will shape or influence the child’s outlook on race in adulthood. We are socialized through stereotypes at a young age that will serve as an impetus for adult prejudices against people of an opposing race.

Similarly, we learn at a young age that race is a taboo subject of conversation when our parents or other adults pass on their discomfort on talking about race to us. Tatum states: “Children who have been silenced often enough learn not to talk about race publically” (p. 36). This rings true for me because I have often overheard interrupted discussions between parent and child in a mall or other public space which begins with the child simply making an observation of racial difference in their new surroundings, subsequently followed by the parent quickly silencing their child and leaving the scene. The parent usually simultaneously checks to see if anyone around them heard their child’s comment. I believe this has everything to do with the “hush generation” that we have discussed in class many times as well as what Tatum has to say about the socialization of race on a younger, inexperienced generation. Adults who are unfamiliar with how to correctly answer their children are so because they were trained by society that race is something that should not be spoken of, although it plays into everyone’s daily activities and interactions. The implications of the adult not knowing how to respond are major because most probably the child will adopt a similar strategy as they enter adolescence and adulthood, creating a never-ending cycle of insufficient racial discourse. I believe a lack of race-related conversations reinforces stereotypes, prejudice, and ignorance; rather than learning about racial diversity, people are taught to suppress their curiosity and focus on the self, thereby creating an egocentric racial climate.

Further readings have contributed to how I understand the definition of a racial “other.” Takaki (1993) discusses the historical introduction of various races into America, including western Europeans such as the Irish and Italians, and their respective struggles to become integrated into an intolerant, monoculturally driven society. While initially race was largely based on a person’s national origins, Takaki illustrates the transformation of racial classification based on the advancements experienced by white Europeans:

Once they became members of the privileged stratum of the work force, they monopolized the better jobs. Their social and economic rise resulted, to a significant extent, from keeping down workers of other groups. Irish “ethnic solidarity” and influences in the unions enabled them to exclude the “others” such as the Chinese and blacks – the Calibans of color (p. 163).

Thus, as a result of these races assimilating to mainstream society and pursuing ideals of American economic gain, western European ethnic populations were accepted into dominant white society creating a stratification no longer based on nationality but now based on color—the whites on one side and the non-whites on the other. Takaki reinforces this idea, that racial discrimination will be a reality for anyone who “‘outwardly … possess[es] the marked characteristics of the race’” (p. 275). I see how this applies to present day: while Italians, Irish, and other physically white populations may continue to identify with aspects of their respective native cultures, these populations are tolerated by dominant American society whereas Blacks, Latinos, and other races who are physically not white, are habitually discriminated against because of their dissimilar skin tone. Therefore, no matter how acculturated or assimilated a person of color may be in America, he or she will still be classified as an “other” simply because of his or her physical traits and as a result may be negatively targeted.

Once white America has determined how to stratify society, it becomes a task to persuade others to similarly buy into the act of racial classification. The U.S. Census and other federal documents or scholastic testing forms have always frustrated me because of the limitations placed on the person filling out the form in selecting from one of a few possible racial identities. Nakashima (2001) asserts the American obsession with binary oppositions: “racial discourse in the United Sates still tends to demand that a multiracial person chose a single group with which to belong … to be more than one race is like having your television both ‘on’ and ‘off’ at the same time—a metaphysical impossibility” (p. 112-113). My understanding of race in America becomes a little clearer. If you chose to live in the United States then you must always be ready to answer the question: “what race are you?” We are essentially forced to classify ourselves as either white or non-white, and while various documents have come a long way in including various ethnicities or identifications based on global regions and territories, the fact remains that only two races are ever truly discussed, white and black; I suppose, then, I am generalizing the distinction between races in my paper through discussion of white and non-white groupings.

At the same time, the current standings of race are becoming confused and further manipulated by the white race. Nakashima mentions “ethnic posers” (p. 112) and I am left thinking about how, in today’s society, whites are crossing the racial divide they historically have established as a result of their belief that people of color are now taking away their advantages. People of color may finally be breaking into the various job markets in America but white society believes that systems of Affirmative Action, for example, are unjustified and that they should continue to have access to jobs over people who are still racially discriminated against. Members of the white race are changing their last names to appear “more ethnic” with hopes of being hired by corporations looking to diversify their workforce. Additionally, I think about high school students who indicate on their college applications that they are non-white, hoping that they will be accepted into the colleges of their choice for a similar reason as indicated in the previous example. My friends and I call these students “box-checkers,” and this reality is frustrating because, when considering Colgate University, for example, I hear of the percentage of students of color in attendance at the college and then run into people who admit that they had lied on their application in an attempt to stand out from their white peers. Thus, these examples contribute to my confusion about race in America—can we really know who is an “other” anymore? I suppose this all goes back to society identifying and labeling people simply by their outward appearance, no matter how unjust or invalid this process may be.

Another factor of race that I am considering is the perception that whites have about their position in the racial climate. Various authors have allowed me to reflect on the possibility that race is predominantly perceived as an issue pertaining exclusively to people of color and that whites somehow falsely believe they play no role in any racial context. Peggy McIntosh (1992) expresses this notion of racelessness: “Many, perhaps most, of our white students in the United States think that racism doesn’t affect them because they are not people of color; they do not see ‘whiteness’ as a racial identity” (p. 79). Ann Phoenix (1997) builds on McIntosh’s claim: “White young people were much more likely than young people from the other two [non-white] groups to suggest that they considered colour to be irrelevant and were proud of themselves as individuals” (p. 190). I understand, now, why many white peers of mine tend to shy away from conversations on race or why they don’t seem to think of race as ever-present in society.

Assuming whites do not believe they have a color, then it is evident why they often exclude themselves from discussions on race, especially if it is also true that at a young age they were trained by their guardians to ignore race, as previously discussed. Thus, white youths falsely believe they are “color-blind” or have an easier time believing that race is not an issue. I think of Brett Kelley’s October 3, 2005 blackboard posting which preaches to classmates to overlook the racial implications of David Horowitz’s appearance at the spring 2005 F.A.C.T. rally and instead focus on the primary objectives and vocalized messages of the event. Rather than engaging in a dialog centered on racial conflict, my white peer shifted focus away from race to discuss first amendment rights and restraints on Greek Life at Colgate University. His post illustrates another white privilege: “White people speak for the common good, and people of color speak for self-interest” (Fine, 1997, p. 61). He criticized my claims as being too emotional and based solely on seeking revenge for personal racial attacks while simultaneously addressing that his messages on freedom of assembly and free speech—primary goals of sa4c and F.A.C.T.—benefit the entire Colgate community.

A majority of other classmates also either passively agreed with my claims or submitted general ideas about race conflict, and often sit in class silently, illustrating to me that they are either uncomfortable or afraid to include themselves in the race discussions being had. Perhaps they are also just experiencing “anxieties about putting forward their views without appearing racist” (Phoenix, 1997, p. 195). The idea of white racial exclusion also explains why often whites in society will blame people of color for being overly sensitive or that people of color are quick to “yell discrimination” (p. 63), as Michelle Fine (1997) mentions. Some whites believe they are apart from race and this allows them to ignore the significance of its consequences on all members of a community, further allowing them to condemn people of color for always playing a “race card,” if you will.

Not only does the white belief of separateness from the discourse on race create an “us versus them” distinction in society, but it also perpetuates the notion that the defeat of racism “falls squarely on those who are marked: Colored” (Fine, 1997, p. 64). White separateness is also viewed in terms of white privilege: whites can usually arrange to be in the company of other whites (McIntosh, 1992, p. 73), whereas people of color are forced to integrate. By no means do I feel hostile about having to be surrounded by members who are not of my race, but what I am frustrated by is how people of color always are expected to fit into white society but when whites become uncomfortable around minorities or speaking about race they are able to withdraw and become passive without facing condemnation.

The problem of racism is reinforced by the image and expectation in U.S. society that to be white is to be better than any other race. Michael W. Apple (1997) acknowledges that “whiteness is something you don’t have to think about. It is just there. It is a naturalized state of being. It is ‘normal.’ Anything else is ‘other’” (p. 127). Additionally, “institutions work by producing ‘whiteness’ as merit/advantage within elites and, more elusively, within the working class/poor” (Fine, 1997, p.58). I feel that the message of society has always been that white is something we should all be striving for; we are made to feel as though we will be outcasts if we don’t conform or assimilate to white elitist ideals, and additionally we are socialized to believe that achievement is associated with whiteness. Clearly the white race holds most of the material power in America through governmental office and through monopoly over business and media, to name a few. When I think about how racism is enhanced I think of the notions that white is equated with social position which implies that whites control the distribution of power in America, power which lies at the foundation of racism.

Tatum (1997) defines cultural racism as “the cultural images and messages that affirm the assumed superiority of Whites and the assumed inferiority of people of color,” and compares it to “smog in the air. Sometimes it is so thick it is visible, other times it is less apparent, but always, day in and day out, we are breathing it in” (p. 6). No matter where one locates him/herself on the social continuum of race we are all impacted by racism and we all are responsible for confronting or abolishing acts of racism. However, going back to the reality that many classified whites don’t feel part of the racial conflict, these people often do not learn that they hold the power in eradicating institutionalized discriminatory practices or opinions. McIntosh (1992) comes to a realization that white power through privilege contributes to racism: “I had been taught about racism as something that puts others at a disadvantage, but had been taught not to see one of its corollary aspects, white privilege, which puts me at an advantage.” Additionally, McIntosh believes that “describing white privilege makes one newly accountable” (p. 71). Therefore, in order to combat racism whites must understand that advantage is just as significant as disadvantage in the existence of inequality between races, and that everyone is responsible for expressing agency to fight the “invisible systems conferring racial dominance” (p. 81). I don’t believe this necessarily means that one has to become an extreme activist against racism through protesting, for example; simple steps—such as critically thinking about individual internalized racism so that one’s negative mentality on race can be modified—would make a world of difference in combating racism on a personal level, especially if it is true that many oppressive actions are unconscious (p. 72).

These days many racist acts go unchallenged because they are not overt, in-your-face kinds of displays occurring. Racism has become extremely passive in today’s society. While most people may abhor blatant act of racism and have no problem condemning these acts, passive racism reveals people’s true colors because more discrete instances of racism may be dismissed as insignificant or may go unnoticed at all. I believe that not realizing passive racism is just as relevant as active racism enables some to say that people of color are too sensitive, or how my classmate was able to disregard secondary racial messages of institutions such as sa4c and Colgate F.A.C.T.. Moreover, as bell hooks (1992) asserts, it may also be true that “most white people do not have to ‘see’ black people” (p. 340), or any other people of color for that matter, and this enables them to rationalize and ignore that race is a prevalent issue that they too have a stake in; as a result they stand on the side or stand apart. This reminds me of Brett’s September 19, 2005 blackboard posting in which he stated:

I believe that most of the white kids in the class could really care less in the long-run. If someone wants to challenge this statement give me a call 10 years down the road and let me know how you find the time to actively challenge racism in the U.S. while working a high-paying job and raising 2.3 kids in a secluded, mostly white neighborhood. Confronting people at the water cooler might boost your self-esteem, but it's not going make waves in the large scheme of things.

Although he may be playing devil’s advocate, Brett states that whites probably will not have to confront other races regularly and therefore it is unrealistic to believe that anti-racist acts on behalf of the white race would be significant. This is the egocentric thinking that allows white racism to exist in society; Brett excuses the white race from having to confront racism.

The problem remains that defeating racism is easier said than done considering how ingrained or internalized racism becomes. We see that whites are not taught about their own advantages which contribute to institutionalized racism, but improper socialization of all people with respect to race is the underlying place of blame for continued racism. Takaki (1993) references Frederick Douglass’s internal conflict with fighting against slavery while still feeling loyalty to his adopted family: “‘ He was to me no longer a slaveholder either in fact or in spirit, and I regarded him as I did myself, a victim of the circumstances of birth, education, and custom’” (p. 126). We all become victims to racism because when we are children we learn all of the stereotypes and discriminatory actions that exist in our surroundings and we internalize these things because we have no other basis of truth.

Young people of color are also internalizing racism. Takaki includes, in his text, an example of racial injustice in schools when he illustrates one case where a Chicano was told by his teacher that aspirations for future successes were futile in his case because he’d most likely end up engaging in manual labor (p. 329). Fine (1997) indicates that students of color, when presented with an option, often choose to be placed in lower educational tracks than their white counterparts because they believed higher level classes were too hard for them and because most of their friends were similarly in lower tracks (p. 59). These two examples illustrate how racism becomes internalized by people of color—the students are taught that their race hinders them from excelling in school or that they are deserving of an inferior placement in society, and these students come to believe these things because often these are the only messages they are exposed to.

In closing, we must first understand the complexity of race in America before we can begin to unravel its consequences on society. Not only is combating racism a problem of targeting the white race to realize and eradicate their unconscious racist attitudes and white privilege, but it is also a significant task to enhance the self-concept of young people of color to realize their potential and agency. As noted earlier, perhaps the only way to overcome racism is to break the cycle of negative socialization, which entails educating the younger generations properly and discussing the realities of race with them, rather than training them to be silent or ashamed.

References

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Fine, L. Weis, L.C. Powell, & L.M. Wong (Eds.), Off White: Readings on race, power, and society (pp. 121-128). New York: Routledge.

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Off White: Readings on race, power, and society (pp. 57-65). New York: Routledge.

hooks, b. (1992) Representing Whiteness in the Black imagination. In L. Grossberg, C. Nelson,

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McIntosh, P. (1992). White privilege and male privilege: A personal account of coming to see

correspondence through work in women’s studies. In M.L. Anderson & P.H. Collins (Eds.), Race, class, and gender: An anthology (2^nd ed.) (pp.70-81). Belmont, CA: Wadsworth Publishing Co.

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Phoenix, A. (1997). “I’m White! So what?” The construction of Whiteness for young Londoners.

In M. Fine, L. Weis, L.C. Powell, & L.M. Wong (Eds.), Off White: Readings on race, power, and society (pp. 187-197). New York: Routledge.

Takaki, R. (1993). A different mirror: A history of multicultural America. New York: Little,

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